Pavel Latushka spoke to DW about what the Belarusian democratic forces expect from the European Union, why the EU's strategy in 2020 was flawed, and what mistake the West made regarding Lukashenko Original article: dw.com At the "Berlin Belarus Future Forum" conference, held on October 14-15 in Berlin, DW's correspondent met with the head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), Pavel Latushka, to discuss how the European Union and Germany can help the democratic forces and Belarusian society. DW: We are speaking at the conference in Berlin. It is well known that Germany has long supported democratic Belarus. Can you tell us, what is your request this time? Pavel Latushka : The Bundestag's adoption of the resolution a year ago was something I viewed very positively at the time. I would go even further — I made many copies of this document and distributed them to numerous parliamentarians in various countries around the world as an example for potential replication. In my opinion, it is a significant document that could form the basis of a real action strategy by the German government. If this strategy were adopted by the entire European Union, it could have a serious impact. One important realization, as we reflect on the year since the resolution was passed, is that the future of democratic Belarus is incompatible with any appeasement of Alexander Lukashenko’s regime. Having been on the inside of the system, I understand that over these 30 years, we have seen attempts at false narratives by the regime and the repetition of the same cycle — he would make some pseudo-cosmetic concessions, but this led to even more negative consequences, as we see now. I am referring to the thousands of political prisoners, support for the aggression against Ukraine, mass repression within the country, the migration warfare, and so on. We are talking about the need for proactive actions, not reactive ones. In other words, not when the West lags behind in its response to what is happening in Belarus — unfortunately, that’s what happened in 2020. If there had been a proactive response from the West in 2020, Belarus would be a democratic country today. And even the horrific war that Russia is waging against Ukraine with Lukashenko's regime’s support might still have happened, but it would not have had such severe consequences. — What do you mean by proactive actions? What kind of response from the European Union was lacking in 2020? — I remember having many meetings with foreign ministers at the time, including with the Minister of State at the German Foreign Ministry, where I emphasized the need for shocking, rapid sanctions that would simply knock the regime off its feet. We appealed to the Europeans, but sanctions were only adopted months later, and it was a very weak package that, by the way, didn’t even include Lukashenko himself. When speaking to the foreign minister of Sweden at the time, I asked: "Why, why are you not including Lukashenko in the sanctions package?"  The response was: "We want to keep the door open for dialogue with Lukashenko" . And that was a mistake. With a man who committed crimes, gave orders to kill, shoot at Belarusians, torture them, and imprison thousands, someone still wanted to negotiate? Therefore, today, we cannot repeat that mistake. What is needed is a proactive strategy, starting with the support of the institutions that the democratic forces have created. We are talking about a proactive strategy to support independent media, Belarusian identity. You cannot close the border to Belarusians; you cannot turn Belarus into North Korea. It is crucial to understand that if today you lock Belarusians within Belarus, it will become North Korea. I understand the governments of many countries that are investing enormous resources to ensure their own security. If I were a prime minister, I would do the same — I would invest in the safety of my country and my people, because that is my duty. But when we talk about Belarusians, the majority of Belarusians are pro-democratic, they are against Lukashenko, and they are against the war — that’s what distinguishes us from Russia. Today, we need to invest in Belarusian society, because if this is not done, in just a few years, a soldier could appear on the EU’s border — who knows what citizenship they will hold, what uniform they will wear — God forbid it’s a Russian one — but ready to attack the European Union. And this is where a new direction for European strategy needs to be defined — not a pseudo-dialogue with Lukashenko, but support for Belarusian society. I understand the governments of many countries that are investing enormous resources to ensure their security. If I were the prime minister of a country, I would do the same — I would invest in the safety of my country and my people because that is my duty. But when we talk about Belarusians, the majority of them are pro-democracy, they are against Lukashenko, and they are against the war — that's what sets us apart from Russia. Today, we need to invest in Belarusian society because if this is not done, in just a few years, there could be a soldier standing at the EU's border — it’s unclear what citizenship they will hold or what uniform they will wear — God forbid it's a Russian one — but ready to attack the European Union. And here, a new direction for European strategy must be defined — not a pseudo-dialogue with Lukashenko, but support for Belarusian society. — It's absolutely clear how to support the Belarusian society in exile. But how can Belarusians inside the country be supported, considering, as you say, that borders are being closed now? — You know, it's quite symbolic that we are speaking in Berlin, a city where the Berlin Wall once stood. And today, unfortunately, we are witnessing the symbolic construction of such a wall between Belarus and the European Union. Therefore, the main thing is the issuance of visas, making the visa process as easy as possible. And here there is a conflict, as countries consider their national security when issuing visas, but it still needs to be done. It is also important not to close border crossings for people so that Belarusians can leave the country. It’s essential to open educational programs, especially in neighboring European countries. Supporting Belarusian identity is crucial — even if, for now, it may be in exile, but thanks to the internet, we have the opportunity to influence. Supporting independent media is vital because Russia is investing billions in trying to change our mentality, to make us Russian, to make us start supporting the war, while the European Union is providing only millions. But this is not about the money; it's about the strategy — we could lose the main war — the war for the minds of Belarusians. This is the internal influence — massive, active support for independent media and all the institutions fighting for change within the country. This must be a priority, but of course, we should not forget that a large number of Belarusians have already been forced to leave Belarus and are now abroad, where the regime continues to persecute them. I believe it’s important to preserve our national identity here as well, because then we will have a chance that at least 50% of Belarusians will return, and the other 50% will communicate with the future democratic Belarus. — It was recently reported that Lithuania has submitted a request to the International Criminal Court to investigate the crimes of Lukashenko’s regime against Belarusians. Are there any updates? — It is very important for us now to continue gathering all possible evidence, which we can then pass on to the Office of the ICC Prosecutor. We will continue to work on this, just as we did when preparing the relevant materials for the Lithuanian government. Therefore, I encourage anyone who is ready to testify about crimes against humanity committed against them or their loved ones to contact us. We will cooperate with human rights organizations and the International Accountability Platform, which operates in Denmark. The second area of work is very complex and painstaking — advocating among partner countries. We are engaged in such advocacy during our meetings with the German foreign minister, the German justice minister, and in the Bundestag. We are also discussing this with the Polish side and with all the Scandinavian countries. We had a closed briefing on the matter. This means that we will be conducting painstaking advocacy to ensure that these countries join Lithuania's appeal to the ICC to address the situation in Belarus regarding crimes against humanity.

The responsibility of Lukashenko and highlighting the situation in Belarus within the framework of the European Union were the main topics of the meeting between the Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Pavel Latushka , and the Chairman of the Committee on EU Affairs at the Bundestag, Anton Hofreiter . The Chairman of the Committee on Cooperation with the EU in the Bundestag proactively proposed a series of measures aimed at focusing attention on the situation in Belarus within the framework of meetings of the chairpersons of EU affairs committees of the parliaments of EU member states. Anton Hofreiter intends to initiate a discussion of the situation in Belarus at the next session. Separately, Pavel Latushka informed about the work of the Anti-Crisis Management and presented the position of the democratic forces on the issue of holding Lukashenko accountable, emphasizing the importance of Germany’s support for Lithuania’s appeal to the International Criminal Court. During the meeting, the parties discussed advocacy for the case against Lukashenko both from Germany and from other ICC member states. Pavel Latushka also requested not to recognize as "elections" the farce that Lukashenko plans to organize in Belarus in 2025. The Chairman of the Committee on Cooperation with the EU in the Bundestag, Anton Hofreiter, agreed with this assessment. Separately, Pavel Latushka informed about the activities of the Coordination Council and, as the leader of the faction in the Coordination Council holding the largest number of mandates, noted the importance of establishing contacts between the Bundestag and the representative body of Belarusian democratic forces. I sincerely thank Anton Hofreiter for the ongoing working cooperation and the established friendly dialogue on all matters important to the democratic forces of Belarus in Germany.

Theses of Pavel Latushka's speech Berlin Belarus Future Forum German and European Support for Democratic Belarus: What’s possible? What’s working? What’s missing? Berlin, 14.10.2024 I would like to thank The Konrad Adenauer Foundation, The Friedrich Ebert Foundation, Heinrich Böll Foundation and Friedrich Naumann Foundation for organizing the first Berlin Belarus Future Forum and for the constant support you give to the Belarusian civil society in its aspiration for freedom, democracy and a European future for Belarus. I am an optimist. And I am convinced that such a future — democratic and European — awaits Belarus. Why don't I question it? Because it's not just about believing in the best. It is about the goal. Strategy. And the result.  There are grounds for my optimism. One of them is the Bundestag Resolution “For a Democratic Belarus in the European Family” adopted on November 7, 2023. Once again, I would like to thank the members of the Bundestag present here for the creation and adoption of this systemic document. It is important to underline — this is a systemic document of strategic importance.  What do I mean? If this Resolution, along with the approaches and principles it outlines, are adopted as a basis for the strategy of Germany, as one of the leading states of the European Union — then the path of Belarus to democracy and the European future will become much shorter. As well as the path to security in the region.  But in order to talk about the strategy, it is important to clearly define its goal. In my opinion, this is what is missing today. I propose to define this goal: a democratic Belarus as an integral part of the European community and regional security system. Democratization of Belarus and security in Europe are closely connected. Democratic Belarus, Belarus without Lukashenko, cannot a priori be a threat either to Ukraine or to Europe. Unfortunately, our partners did not have enough political will to support the struggle of Belarusians in 2020 with quick, decisive measures, quick application of sanctions and other effective mechanisms of pressure on the Lukashenko regime.  As a result — war against Ukraine, hybrid war against the European Union. And this is a direct result of the Lukashenko regime's staying in power.  It is also important to define the basic point: Lukashenko's regime is a permanent threat to European security. This is a fact. But the key to security in Europe also lies in Belarus. In democratic Belarus.  A question to German politicians: are they ready for the public statement — democratization of Belarus equals the end of Lukashenko's regime? This should not be your “red line”. This “red line” is the result of the incorrect strategy that has been prevailing in the Western policy for a long time. A strategy with an eye on Russia, based on outdated concepts of “spheres of influence”. We see where it has led. In 2022, Russia, backed by the Lukashenko regime, launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. And for the first time, the world's eyes began to open to what happens when you let the aggressors establish their “spheres of influence” and their “borders” for a long time. But the eyes are still not fully opened. And not everyone wants to open them. Is Ukraine getting enough help? We all know it is not. And at the same time, it is also receiving restrictions, “red lines”. Does this bring Ukraine closer to victory and Europe closer to security? Of course not.  And does the preservation of Lukashenko's pro-Russian dictatorship in Belarus bring Ukraine closer to victory and Europe closer to security? The answer is also no. I will say more — Ukraine's victory alone will not be enough to restore security. As long as there is a dictatorship in Belarus and Belarus will not stop being considered and being in Russia's “sphere of influence,” Europe will be in danger. It is a mistake to delay the issue of Belarus' democratization until Ukraine's victory. And moreover — before democratic changes in Russia. The logic is the opposite. Democratic changes in Belarus and depriving Russia of the opportunity to use Belarus for its purposes will accelerate Ukraine's victory many times over. This is not a “red line” — it is a necessity.  Moreover, the potential of changes in Belarus, the potential of Belarusan society — is much higher than in Russia. The majority of Belarusians do not support the war and do not support Lukashenko. In Russia, the situation is the opposite — the majority of Russians are for the war and for Putin. In 2020, Belarusians showed that they were ready for democracy. And this readiness has not gone anywhere, despite all the terrible hardships and mass terror that our people have been going through since then. And this is the basis, the foundation, which does not exist in Russia, but exists in Belarus. The foundation on which the strategy of Germany and the European Union as a whole regarding Belarus should be based. Belarusians are willing and ready for democracy. But just like Ukraine, we need not reactive but proactive allies. With clear goal-setting. With a clear strategy. Strategy, not tactics. At the center of this strategy should be the stake on the Belarusian society and on the political institutions of Belarusian democratic forces. The situation for the beginning of the transit of power can occur at any moment. Lukashenko will die tomorrow. Who will Europe bet on? On his successor, the new dictator? Or on a Russian protégé, a new puppet of the Kremlin? No one predicted the events of 2020 in Belarus. We cannot repeat the mistake and again take an observing position instead of quick measures to support the struggle of Belarusians for democracy. That is why at the beginning of my speech I said that the Bundestag Resolution “For a Democratic Belarus in the European Family” is a systemic document that has the potential to become a strategy. Strategy, the goal of which is a democratic Belarus as an integral part of the European community and regional security system. What is missing to adopt such a strategy? To be honest, political will.  To move from words to deeds. From resolutions and declarations to strategy and systemic actions. And all of them are spelled out and compiled in this document. 1. This is non-recognition of Lukashenko and non-recognition of his fake “elections”, both past and future, planned for 2025. 2. This is a systemic, stable (including financial) support of organizations and initiatives of civil society, the activities of which are primarily directed inside Belarus. As well as support for independent media and bloggers. And this support should be multiplied, realizing that today Russia allocates billions for the promotion of the “russian world” in Belarus. And the EU — only a few millions. 3. This is support for the established and functioning system of political institutions of Belarusian democratic forces. A real democratic alternative to the pro-Russian Lukashenko regime.  This is the President-Elect Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. The United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus as an executive body. And the Coordination Council as a representative body. 4. This is the continuation and intensification of sanctions pressure on the Lukashenko regime.  This is the continuation of the policy of harmonizing sanctions against the Lukashenko regime and Russia for the aggression against Ukraine. 5. This is bringing Lukashenko and his accomplices to international criminal responsibility for their crimes. You know that on September 30 of this year the Lithuanian government submitted to the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC in The Hague materials on cross-border crimes against humanity committed by the Lukashenko regime against the Belarusian people. A historical precedent has been set. The road for the restoration of justice was opened. The Minsk-Gaaga train with a passenger named Lukashenko moved on September 30, 2024. And it will reach its destination. Lukashenko's arrest warrant will become one of the most important levers for splitting the elites at a critical moment. There won’t be many people willing to become Lukashenko's traveling companions on the Minsk-Hague train and share the status of international criminals with him. But this train can and must be accelerated. The sooner the responsibility for Lukashenko and his accomplices comes — the sooner the future, about which we are talking, will come for Belarus and Belarusians. Belarusians deserve justice. And to help provide it is what democratic countries can do. The support of such strong and influential states as Germany is extremely important in this way. Each State Party to the Rome Statute can exercise its right under Article 14 of the Statute, as Lithuania has already done. 6. It is important to build more systematic and periodic cooperation with the institutions of Belarusian democratic forces in the key directions outlined above. Not a monologue, but interaction. 7. Not to decide the fate of Belarus behind the back of the Belarusian society. I'm an optimist. But not an idealist. And I realize that the path to a democratic European Belarus will take time. But the route has been defined. And the strategy is basically in front of us. Yes, we can discuss, adjust and improve it. But let's do it on the move, on the way to the goal. Is anyone present in this room ready to believe Lukashenko?  Believe him again? Then they must be prepared for another circle. Thank you for your attention. Жыве Беларусь!

During the meeting between Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya , Pavel Latushka , and Bundestag Vice President Yvonne Magwas  on October 15 in Berlin, the head of NAM expressed the following position: "A bandit is in power in Belarus. A bandit who, throughout his time in power, has committed an enormous number of crimes. In recent years, these have included crimes against humanity directed at the Belarusian people, and war crimes such as the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children. The majority of Belarusians believe in justice and the need to hold those responsible accountable. I have asked German parliamentarians to advocate for the issue of Lukashenko’s accountability for the crimes committed against the Belarusian people. It is important for us to send a clear signal to the elites around Lukashenko: they will have to make a choice — either continue supporting an international criminal or work towards building a truly independent, democratic, European Belarus" . Pavel Latushka also emphasized in his conversation with the Vice President of the Bundestag that it is crucial to continue supporting Belarusian society, maintaining pressure on the regime, holding Lukashenko accountable, refusing to recognize what Lukashenko calls elections, preventing Belarus from becoming a new North Korea, issuing more visas, and preserving the possibility for Belarusians to leave for the European Union. "Lukashenko must not be allowed to escape responsibility again. Enough of these ripples in the water. It is necessary to take a principled stance and dismantle the regime as a system in Belarus. We need a proactive, not reactive, position from German parliamentarians" , — Pavel Latushka stated.

"For us, it is important to cooperate with Germany on bringing Lukashenko and his accomplices to justice for crimes against humanity. The role of Germany in using international justice mechanisms cannot be overestimated. Germany has always stood for the protection of human rights, and we count on the continuation of this clear position in relation to defending human rights in Belarus and ensuring accountability for their violation" , —  said Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of NAM, during a meeting between the leader of the United Transitional Cabinet, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya , and German Minister of Justice Marco Buschmann . Pavel Latushka presented NAM's efforts to hold Lukashenko and his accomplices accountable for three types of crimes against humanity committed against the Belarusian people: Deportation of Belarusians; Extraterritorial persecution of Belarusians; Other inhumane acts of similar gravity committed extraterritorially. Pavel Latushka provided information on the evidence gathered and the possible legal approach to achieving accountability within the framework of the International Criminal Court. The head of NAM emphasized that the majority of Belarusian society expects foreign partners to use tools within international institutions so that accountability for crimes committed by regime representatives is finally achieved. During the meeting, the Minister of Justice proposed continuing active cooperation on this issue with the Foundation for International Legal Cooperation, which works closely with the German Ministry of Justice. During the meeting, the Minister of Justice proposed continuing active cooperation on this issue with the Foundation for International Legal Cooperation, which works closely with the German Ministry of Justice. The Minister also stressed that Germany is prepared to focus on investigating crimes against humanity under universal jurisdiction, particularly if victims of the regime  are present on German territory. Marco Buschmann further stated that Germany would review the appeal submitted by the Lithuanian government to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court regarding cross-border crimes against humanity against Belarusians and would make an appropriate decision. During the meeting, it was noted that international accountability for crimes is one of the key priorities of the current German government’s policy. After the meeting with Minister of Justice Marco Buschmann, separate working consultations were held, during which mechanisms, further steps, and the prospects for investigating crimes and initiating criminal proceedings against Lukashenko were clearly presented. An agreement was reached to intensify contacts on a working level.

Pavel Pavlovich Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, representative of the Cabinet on power transition, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Team Latushka and the Movement for   'Freedom '" faction within the Coordination Council of the 3rd convocation Путин посадил Лукашенко на цепь Putin has put Lukashenko on a leash Lukashenko has been taken on a leash — not figuratively, but quite literally. The dictator has acquired a new accessory — an order. And not just any order, but the Order of Saint Andrew the Apostle the First-Called , awarded to him by Putin. Now Lukashenko is not just a dictator, but a dictator on a leash, since the order is worn on a chain. A real collar for a dictator — and this, it seems, is the main result of Lukashenko’s trip to the CIS Summit in Moscow. Today, we will talk about what the dictator exchanged for this order and how much this "barter" cost the Belarusian people. Let’s imagine: at this moment, Lukashenko is probably walking around in front of the mirror in one of his at least 18-19 residences, admiring his reflection. He’s enjoying it, trying on his new chain. It even brings to mind a joke that was told about the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Belarus, Vyacheslav Kebich. Do you remember him? I heard this joke back when I was still a university student. Kebich was on a visit to Moscow and was given a fur coat as a gift. He returned home to Minsk, stood in front of the mirror, trying on the coat, and asked his wife: "Listen, wife, why was this coat floor-length when I tried it on in Moscow, but now it only reaches my knees?" His wife replied: "Well, in the Kremlin you were on your knees, but at home, you're standing at full height". And now Lukashenko, apparently, is standing in front of the mirror, trying to figure out if he bent over too far while receiving the order. And we certainly remember how far he bent. Lukashenko, once he turns his back,  we no longer see a brilliant recipient of an order but a pathetic coward who betrays his people and country. That’s how much he liked the order. He not only bowed but kissed it! A foreign order... The so-called head of an independent state... allows himself to do that. Have you ever seen anything like it? Please, write in the comments what you think: Is it acceptable for a president of any country to kiss an order awarded to him abroad? Although, we don’t even consider Lukashenko a president. And yet, he’s not even ashamed. Maybe it’s us who are ashamed? It seems that it’s not the order that will go down in history, but the photos and videos of how the dictator received it. But let's go back to the order itself. The Order of St. Andrew the First-Called is the highest state award of Russia and the Russian Empire. Like any order of this level, it is governed by regulatory documents, in this case — the Statute. We have studied this Statute and found a few interesting details. Why are we talking about this? No, not because we’re interested in Russian politics — that’s their business, Russia’s internal affairs. But here’s an amazing coincidence: in Belarus, people are being persecuted for the Belarusian language, Belarusian-language publishers are being shut down, works of Belarusian literary classics are being removed from the curriculum, the country is losing its sovereignty and independence day by day... And now, we see the highest state award of a foreign country. An order... or should I say a warrant! The connection between the order and the situation in the country is found precisely in the Statute of this order. It’s all explained there quite clearly. The order even has a motto: "For Faith and Loyalty," and it is awarded for "exceptional merits contributing to the prosperity, greatness, and glory of Russia".  Greatness and glory of Russia... Yes, it seems that Lukashenko really does more for Russia than for Belarus. Bypassing sanctions, supplying weapons, providing territory for aggression against Ukraine... Lukashenko loves honors, awards, and orders so much that he doesn’t even think about how they affect his political image both inside and outside the country. Just imagine: the leader of a country, as he somehow mistakenly calls himself, arrives in the capital of a foreign state, where he receives an order for contributing to the "prosperity, greatness, and glory" of that state... Isn’t this something that falls under the definition of "high treason" in the Criminal Code? Isn’t this the kind of thing that leads to impeachment? No words. What else can you call this? While Lukashenko is receiving orders, we continue to expose his true nature and the threat this figure poses not only to Belarusians but to the entire region. If you are able, please support our team—the donation link can be found in the video description or by scanning the QR code on the video. Lukashenko betrayed not only the state long ago but also the Belarusian people, the Belarusian society. He is the enemy of Belarusians. The dictator just can’t understand this, even though Belarusians made it clear to him both in 2020 and today. Meanwhile, high treason is a popular article for politically motivated criminal cases. Hundreds have been convicted, hundreds of lives have been destroyed. And it’s not innocent people being judged for it? So it turns out: these hundreds of political prisoners are traitors to the state, but Lukashenko’s order for the prosperity, greatness, and glory of Russia is not? Who is the real traitor then? Isn’t it obvious? Receiving an award for contributing to the "prosperity" of a foreign state, while our country, to put it mildly, is going through hard times? This is not an award but direct treason. It's a label, a mark of a traitor. He traded his loyalty to his country for a hollow honor. Lukashenko:  "You know, I, like the first president of Russia — I don’t know about you, scholars — but I cannot go along with this". Journalists from "Nasha Niva" pointed out that the order placed around Lukashenko’s neck in Moscow was once given to none other than Governor-General Muravyov, who went down in history as "Muravyov the Hangman", "Muravyov the Executioner", and "Muravyov the Cannibal." He earned these nicknames for his brutal suppression of the 1863 uprising, during which he sent more than a hundred leaders of the uprising to the gallows and confiscated the property of thousands of Belarusians, exiling them to Siberia. And Lukashenko considers himself a historian! This was even studied in Soviet historiography! And now, Lukashenko stands alongside the executioner of the Belarusian people. And the dictator’s methods are the same. Moreover, even the decrees for awarding the orders were signed in different years, but on the same day — August 30th. August 30th for "Muravyov the Hangman" and August 30th for "Lukashenko the Criminal." Symbolic, isn’t it? It seems the dictator is being given a hint. Periodically, something gets hung around Lukashenko’s neck in African countries. But this order is special for him. Among the privileges granted by the order is a free metro pass. Can you imagine Lukashenko in the metro? Lukashenko: "I might even come to you and ask for a penny to buy a liter of gasoline". Or, for example, exemption from property and income taxes in Russia — Lukashenko does love not paying for his ill-gotten gains. So, for what did the dictator receive the order and such valuable perks? The question is rhetorical here. Surrendering sovereignty and independence in exchange for awards — that’s what the order means for Lukashenko. And its purpose is simply to stroke his ego because he loves that so much. Having emerged in politics from being the director of the "Gorodets" state farm in the Shklov district, without any real power, he later acquired it in abundance — and then began to usurp it. Feeding his ego and clinging to power with blue fingers, committing crimes against the country. But Lukashenko shouldn’t forget about another "award." The words "order" and "warrant" sound quite similar, don’t they? By the way, the Statute of the order provides that a portrait of the dictator will be painted. We’ll be eagerly waiting — maybe it will come in handy for a wanted notice someday. Yes, Lukashenko messed things up in Moscow. And again — literally, not figuratively. The dictator’s visit to Russia was accompanied by an entire PR campaign, part of which included photos of him chopping wood in one of Moscow’s parks near one of the residences where he stays, in preparation for his meeting with Putin. What a remarkable person! Climbing stairs is difficult for him, but chopping wood — no problem! It's curious, though, why Mrs. Eismont didn’t publish a video of it. Putting on a brave face in a losing game — we’ve seen that before. He even arrived at the Kremlin in tracksuit pants! It looks like he already has his own locker room there in the Kremlin. Such are the dictator’s adventures in the Kremlin. His court figures have even proposed awarding, as they put it, "this humble man" the title of "Hero of Belarus". What do you think, should he get it, does he deserve it? Please write in the comments, if it’s safe for you, what else should be hung around the dictator’s neck? Lukashenko can hang ten more orders on himself. He can, like Brezhnev, appear in public with dozens of awards, and issue himself over a hundred more — though, as history shows, some of these can easily be revoked later. The dictator can even turn his chest into a Christmas tree, decorated with colorful awards. But Lukashenko will not go down in history books as a decorated statesman. He will be remembered as the one who committed treason, as the person responsible for repression, political murders, and violence against his people. And no orders can cover up those deeds. As a postscript, let’s remind the dictator of a small instruction from the Statute of the Order of Saint Andrew the Apostle the First-Called: the insignia of the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called is worn on a chain. I think Lukashenko should not forget this rule. Let him remember his "collar of obedience" — after all, he accepted it himself, no one forced him. Especially when he delivers his speeches about independence and sovereignty and how he protects them — we’ve already seen how. Now, encircled by this order, Lukashenko is fully leashed to his master. Now, he can be paraded at important events, demonstrating to everyone how obedient and loyal he is. That’s his choice. Our choice is to continue the fight. To keep fighting for the independence and sovereignty of our country. I believe that we will win. Long live Belarus!

"Since 2020, Belarus has become a stage for mass atrocities and large-scale international crimes. The regime has committed widespread torture, inhumane and degrading treatment, rape, and other forms of sexual violence, enforced disappearances, arbitrary imprisonment, and killings. All these atrocities are taking place with complete impunity for the perpetrators, forcing hundreds of thousands of Belarusians to flee the country", said the Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), Pavel Latushka . A side event was held in Warsaw as part of the Warsaw Human Dimension Conference on the topic "Mobilizing the OSCE Moscow Mechanism to Examine the Forced Displacement of Belarusians and Their Extraterritorial Persecution" , organized by NAM. Opening the event, Pavel Latushka expressed his gratitude to the Lithuanian government for submitting information on the situation in Belarus to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate crimes against humanity committed by the Lukashenko’s authoritarian regime against Belarusians. "Fear and persecution have forced hundreds of thousands of Belarusians to leave their homeland, abandoning everything — life, home, loved ones. More than 300,000 people have fallen victim to the crime of deportation. This step by Lithuania is crucial for Belarusians on the path to restoring justice and breaking the vicious cycle of terror", noted Pavel Latushka. The presentation was organized by the National Anti-Crisis Management in cooperation with the Human Rights Center "Viasna" and the International Committee for the Investigation of Torture in Belarus. It was attended by diplomats from the UK, Germany, Italy, Lithuania, France, Sweden, and other OSCE member states, as well as representatives of diplomatic missions in Warsaw, the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Belarusian, Polish, and international human rights organizations. Several victims of the Lukashenko’s regime gave testimonies during the event. The event focused on presenting an analysis of the potential of the OSCE Moscow Mechanism to examine the forced displacement of Belarusians and their extraterritorial persecution. This issue has gained particular relevance in light of Lithuania's recent appeal to the International Criminal Court to investigate transnational crimes against humanity committed by the Lukashenko’s authoritarian regime against Belarusians. "We are grateful to our Belarusian colleagues from the National Anti-Crisis Management, the human rights organization 'Viasna', and other partners for their assistance in gathering, summarizing, and presenting data to the ICC Prosecutor's Office. We invite all interested EU countries that have ratified the Rome Statute to officially join Lithuania's appeal" , said Lithuania’s Chargé d'Affaires in Poland, Audronė Markevičienė , during the presentation. "I believe that continued joint efforts by OSCE member states to comprehensively study and assess the deportation and extraterritorial persecution of Belarusians will encourage countries to join Lithuania's appeal to the ICC and help ensure justice for every victim" , emphasized NAM Head Pavel Latushka. The National Anti-Crisis Management will continue its systematic work aimed at supporting ICC member states in backing Lithuania's appeal.

" It is extremely important that Poland and other democratic countries support Lithuania's efforts by exercising their right under Article 14 of the Rome Statute. Let justice prevail over impunity. This is what the majority of Belarusians want. This is what unites us — the desire for justice ", stated Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and delegate of the Coordination Council of Belarus, during a meeting with Marshal of the Polish Senate, Małgorzata Kidawa-Błońska . On October 8, Pavel Latushka and Speaker of the Coordination Council, Anzhelika Melnikova , met with Małgorzata Kidawa-Błońska. Also present at the meeting were Grzegorz Schetyna , Chairman of the Senate's Foreign Affairs Committee, and Robert Tyszkiewicz , Coordinator for Polonia and Poles Abroad in the Senate. During the meeting, Pavel Latushka and Anzhelika Melnikova provided the Polish side with detailed information about the activities of the Coordination Council and the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus. Pavel Latushka raised the issue of Poland's support for Lithuania's appeal to the International Criminal Court regarding cross-border crimes against humanity committed by Lukashenko's regime, including those on Polish territory. It was noted that such support could be significant during Poland’s presidency of the EU. Pavel Latushka also cited examples of ongoing repression   in Belarus , reporting that on October 8 alone, the Belarusian Investigative Committee opened criminal cases against 45 people, including members of the Coordination Council, who are accused of allegedly attempting to seize power. During the meeting, Marshal of the Senate, Małgorzata Kidawa-Błońska, emphasized the importance of the active work of the parliamentary group in Poland supporting an independent and democratic Belarus. Grzegorz Schetyna, Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, noted that Poland's presidency of the EU would be a good opportunity to demonstrate support for democratic forces and the democratic aspirations of Belarusians. "We are strong supporters of your activities. We will show that it is worth supporting the fight for your sovereignty. We will remind everyone that there is a country in Europe that is deeply undemocratic, where people are imprisoned for their beliefs," Schetyna stated. Robert Tyszkiewicz, Coordinator for Polonia and Poles Abroad, stressed the importance of showing that Poland’s support for democratic Belarus is not a one-off approach but a systematic one , encompassing political, cultural, economic, and other areas, while also highlighting the importance of presenting a European perspective for Belarus.  The prospects of democratic forces from Belarus participating in the EU's Eastern Partnership initiative were also discussed. Pavel Latushka and Anzhelika Melnikova proposed holding hearings and discussions in the Polish Senate dedicated to the situation in Belarus, in connection with the mass human rights violations, as well as fostering cooperation between the committees and working groups of the Coordination Council of Belarus and the Polish Senate. Representatives of the Polish Senate expressed interest in considering the possibility of holding a conference in the Polish Parliament on the Belarusian issue, ahead of Poland's EU presidency. "Poland is a leader among our partners supporting a democratic Belarus and a leading country in the EU in shaping EU policy towards Belarus. Poland has consistently shown solidarity with the Belarusian people in our aspiration for an independent, democratic, and European Belarus", Pavel Latushka emphasized.

Павел Павлович Латушко:  Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus (UTC), representative of the UTC on power transition. Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and Movement for Freedom" faction in the Coordination Council of the third convocation Is the dictator trying to correct his failed foreign policy? Or is he looking for a country where the International Criminal Court won't find him? Why is the dictator flirting with Azerbaijan? On October 3, during a meeting with Azerbaijani Prime Minister Ali Asadov, Lukashenko assured Azerbaijan of his support; a few months earlier, he had visited Azerbaijan. What is behind these actions of the dictator? Before discussing this, let's recall one of the dictator's recent foreign policy "feats". Specifically, his interview with propagandist Yevgeny Popov, which provoked discontent in several countries — Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Armenia, Uzbekistan, and Poland. The number of even potential allies for the dictator is dwindling. His toxic internal and external policies, insults directed even at representatives of the few remaining states willing to engage with him, his crimes, and the interest in him from the International Criminal Court render him untouchable in many countries. It is not surprising, as civilized nations seek reliable and predictable partners, and not all are willing to collaborate with a criminal. Moreover, cooperation with the dictator carries the risk of falling under secondary sanctions. The history of the dictator's relations with Armenia and Azerbaijan demonstrates Lukashenko's character and ideology: he is ready to betray any ally for money to maintain his power. For a long time, the dictator supplied weapons to Azerbaijan, effectively providing resources for attacks on the territory of his ally within the CSTO.

Today, on the agenda, we have a propaganda article written by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Belarus, Mr. Ryzhenkov, who, like his colleagues in the authoritarian system, continues to spread myths and half-truths about Belarusian-Lithuanian relations. His article is nothing more than an attempt to divert attention from the real problems Belarus is facing under Lukashenko's rule, and the problems Lukashenko is trying to create for his neighbors. Let’s break down why Ryzhenkov’s words are nothing but empty rhetoric, manipulation, and disinformation. "We have nothing to divide" Ryzhenkov claims that "we have nothing to divide". And here arises a question: why then does the Lukashenko’s regime continue to interfere in Lithuania's internal affairs by deliberately directing migrants from the Middle East towards its borders? Why does it support policies aimed at weakening Europe and democratic processes in the region? Lithuania, like the entire civilized world, has witnessed how this regime violates human rights, falsifies elections, and suppresses freedom of speech. And let’s be honest: friendship between our peoples has never been a problem. The problem is that the Belarusian government is trying to manipulate this friendship for its political gain. Who really started the hybrid war? Another astonishing claim by Ryzhenkov is the accusation that Lithuania launched a hybrid war against the Belarusian people. This statement is a prime example of projection. Projection is when someone attributes their own thoughts, actions, or feelings to others, which they do not want to acknowledge in themselves. The real hybrid war is being waged by Lukashenko himself—against his own people. Was it not his security forces that suppressed protests, beat, and imprisoned tens of thousands of peaceful citizens? Is it not his regime that continues to carry out repressions against dissenters? It was not Lithuania but Lukashenko who declared war on Belarusians striving for freedom and democracy. Economic losses Ryzhenkov attempts to scare Lithuanians with economic losses from sanctions and the severance of ties with Belarus. He speaks of billions of dollars in losses for Lithuania, of rising unemployment, and empty ports. But you know what Ryzhenkov "forgot" to mention? The economic collapse in Belarus itself. Yes, Lithuania, as part of the European Union, has incurred certain losses from ending cooperation with the Belarusian regime. But this is a conscious choice of a country that values freedom, human rights, and democracy more than dirty money from trading with a dictatorship. And what about Belarus? Without access to European markets, the country's economy is rapidly becoming entirely dependent on Russia and China. The lack of diversification, sanctions, and isolation are leading us nowhere. But the power-hungry Lukashenko would rather be president of scorched earth than give up his post. "Cheap Belarusian electricity"? How convenient for Ryzhenkov to remain silent about safety! He offers Lithuania cheap Belarusian electricity but ignores the safety concerns surrounding the Ostrovets Nuclear Power Plant. Lithuania, like other neighbors, rightly fears this plant, built in violation of international safety standards. This project has become a symbol of Lukashenko's regime's irresponsibility. And if electricity prices are higher in Lithuania, it’s because the country is not willing to accept dangerous products from questionable projects of the Lukashenko’s regime. Lithuanians value their safety, and health comes above short-term profits. Lithuania buys cheap and environmentally friendly electricity from Norway. But as for selling energy from the Belarusian NPP—there’s nowhere to sell it. No one wants to depend on the energy of a semi-mad dictator. As surprising as it may be to the opportunist Ryzhenkov, some politicians can see beyond their own noses. On human contacts Ryzhenkov refers to the idea that Lithuanians allegedly "do not understand" why their leadership has restricted contacts with Belarus. But Lithuanians, like us Belarusians, fully understand: the issue is not with the people, but with the regime that rules Belarus. The closure of borders and restrictions on contacts are forced measures aimed at the dictatorship that threatens all of Europe, including its closest neighbors. This is a dictatorship that has established a state-level stream of contraband and forged documents, and has deprived its own economy of access to Western goods and markets to support Russia's military machine. Should Lithuanians tolerate a regime that destabilizes the entire region and supports mass migration crises? False offers of dialogue Ryzhenkov calls for dialogue. But what kind of dialogue can there be with a regime that refuses to recognize the will of its own people and engage in dialogue with them? Lukashenko and his officials have repeatedly shown that their "dialogue" is a monologue with themselves. When Belarusians tried to express their will in 2020, the regime responded with batons, tear gas, and prisons. What can be discussed with a regime that hears only itself, continues to violate human rights, keeps political prisoners behind bars, and is not ready for real change? We, the Belarusians, see this circus. We see how the authorities are desperately trying to maintain any external ties because they know their days are numbered. And we say it plainly: no reasonable politician, whether in Lithuania or any other country, will negotiate with a regime that deprives its citizens of rights and freedoms. Ryzhenkov and his ilk can talk all they want about "friendship" and "dialogue," but as long as Lukashenko’s regime is in power, there will be no real progress. There will be no improvement in relations or in the quality of life. The future New Belarus  will be a free, democratic country. And the day of change will inevitably come. Only then will we be able to build truly friendly, mutually beneficial, and equal relationships with our neighbors, including Lithuania.

Issues of cooperation with the democratic forces of Belarus, support for the democratic aspirations of Belarusian society, and the legalization of Belarusians in Poland were discussed during the visit to Poland by the President-elect and head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya , as well as during meetings involving the Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Pavel Latushka , with representatives of the Polish government and parliament: Minister of Internal Affairs and Administration Tomasz Siemoniak , Minister of Justice Adam Bodnar , and Marshal of the Senate Małgorzata Kidawa-Błońska . During the meetings, which took place on Thursday and Friday, Pavel Latushka informed representatives of the Polish authorities about the appeal made by the Lithuanian government to the ICC regarding the investigation of the situation in Belarus in connection with the cross-border crimes against humanity and called on the Polish side to support this action by the Lithuanian government.  During the meeting with the Minister of Internal Affairs and Administration of Poland, Tomasz Siemoniak, issues related to the legalization of Belarusians who were forced to leave Belarus, including as a result of deportation, and are now in Poland were discussed: The possibility of issuing a Polish travel document to individuals who currently lack grounds for obtaining one (children born on Polish territory; holders of valid documents with no free pages for visas; holders of travel documents for refugees (Geneva passports), and other categories); The extension of the simplified procedure for issuing Polish travel documents; Discrepancies in the validity periods of Geneva passports and Polish residence permits, which forces Belarusian citizens to apply for renewals of these documents at different times; The possibility of waiving the requirement for a criminal record certificate from Belarus for individuals convicted on politically motivated charges. During the meeting with the Minister of Internal Affairs and Administration of Poland, Tomasz Siemoniak, Pavel Latushka also provided information on instances of persecution of Belarusians residing in Poland by representatives of the Lukashenko regime's special services. Minister Tomasz Siemoniak expressed his readiness to initiate the creation of an interdepartmental working group to discuss and resolve issues related to the legalization of Belarusians in Poland, as well as issues related to the social integration of Belarusians in Poland. Tomasz Siemoniak emphasized that the Polish government will continue to support the democratic aspirations of Belarusian society. During the meeting with the Minister of Justice of Poland, Adam Bodnar , the prospects for holding accountable those responsible for the large-scale crimes against Belarusians who found refuge in Poland were discussed in detail, both through international mechanisms and using universal jurisdiction. The number of Belarusians who have moved to Poland is around 250,000 people — and this figure continues to grow. Pavel Latushka expressed his gratitude to the Polish government and relevant ministries for the assistance provided to Belarusians who were forced to leave Belarus.During the meeting with Marshal of the Senate of Poland, Małgorzata Kidawa-Błońska , issues of cooperation with the Coordination Council were discussed, as well as the possibility of resuming the work of the group for cooperation with the democratic forces of Belarus in the Polish Senate and Sejm, and the holding of hearings dedicated to Belarusian issues. Separate topics included the invitation of representatives of the democratic forces of Belarus to Senate events, including during Poland's presidency of the EU, which begins on January 1, 2025. At the request of the Marshal of the Senate of Poland, Pavel Latushka provided information about the search for a theater venue for the "Free Kupalauski" and other Belarusian theater groups operating in Warsaw. Pavel Latushka also conveyed a request to assist in preventing the extradition of Belarusian activist Andrei Gnet from Serbia, including by using possible contacts with parliamentarians from other countries.

Speech by Pavel Latushka at the press conference dedicated to the submission by the Government of Lithuania to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in The Hague of materials concerning transborder crimes against humanity committed against Belarusians October 3, 2024, Warsaw Opening Remarks Ms. President-elect Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya,Mr. Chairman of the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights Maciej Nowicki,Distinguished members of the diplomatic corps,Honored media representatives,Ladies and gentlemen, I welcome you all to the "Free Belarus Museum" and thank you for attending today’s press conference dedicated to the submission to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) of materials documenting transborder crimes against humanity committed by the Lukashenko’s regime against the Belarusian people. For the first time in history, the focus of the ICC will be on the context of large-scale international crimes in Belarus — namely, the crimes against humanity committed by the Lukashenko’s regime. I emphasize this point: we are speaking about Lukashenko's crimes and those of his accomplices against the Belarusian people. At the same time, I would like to remind you that today, nearly 1,300 people remain imprisoned by the Lukashenko’s regime. Although 115 people have been released since July under so-called "pardons", at least 142 individuals have been recognized as political prisoners during the same period. In connection with the "Coordination Council’s case" regarding the elections to the representative body of Belarusian democratic forces, the Lukashenko’s regime has launched 257 criminal cases in absentia. This includes yet another criminal case against me. Moreover, 105 criminal cases have been initiated against Belarusians abroad for celebrating Freedom Day on March 25th. And this is just part of the story. The list of examples could go on endlessly. Why am I telling you this? Because the conveyor belt of repression, along with the crimes against humanity committed by the Lukashenko’s regime, and the persecution of Belarusians abroad, has not stopped—it is gaining momentum. Crimes against humanity are among the four most serious crimes under international law. Article 5 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court states: " The jurisdiction of the Court shall be limited to the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole. In accordance with this Statute, the Court has jurisdiction with respect to the following crimes: The crime of genocide Crimes against humanity War crimes The crime of aggression ". Today, we are focusing on the crimes against humanity committed against Belarusians. Thanks to the Lithuanian government's submission, the ICC currently has evidence of three types of crimes against humanity  committed by the Lukashenko’s regime: Deportation Persecution of Belarusians abroad Other inhumane acts of comparable severity Even though Belarus is not a state party to the ICC, the Court can exercise jurisdiction when part of the criminal conduct occurs on the territory of a state party. In this case, the victims crossed the borders of Lithuania, Poland, and other state parties. These crimes, therefore, have a transborder nature. This transborder character allowed Lithuania, as a state party to the ICC, to submit its referral to the ICC Prosecutor's Office. I wanted to make this brief introduction so that we all have a clear understanding of what we are going to discuss further today. Now, I would like to give the floor to Ms. President-elect, Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus — Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. Pavel Latushka’s Speech The "Minsk–The Hague" train, with a passenger named Lukashenko on board, has started moving. It took time. Perhaps more time than we had hoped. But there is no turning back for Lukashenko. The National Anti-Crisis Management (NAU), with the support of the Justice Hub — Centre for Law and Democracy, initiated this process in April 2023. In September 2023, we officially met for the first time with Lithuania’s Deputy Minister of Justice, Ms. Gabija Grigaitė, to discuss the possibility of submitting a referral to the ICC Prosecutor to investigate crimes against humanity committed by Lukashenko's authoritarian regime. Now, the Lithuanian government has submitted the referral. And on September 30, 2024, a brief statement appeared on the ICC's website from Prosecutor Karim Khan, saying, " He can confirm that his office will conduct a preliminary examination to study the request ". A short phrase, but one of immense significance. What lies behind it? First and foremost , it concerns the lives, suffering, and losses of hundreds of thousands of victims. These individuals, having gone through the brutal machinery of repression in Belarus, endured torture, rape, imprisonment, and the deprivation of basic rights. Having no other choice, they fled their homeland in search of refuge in Lithuania, Poland, and other countries. They left behind parents, children, and friends, unable to see them again. They abandoned their property and started life from scratch. Now, after all that, these repressed people have become victims of a new wave of persecution. The regime continues to pursue Belarusians abroad with terrifying efficiency: court cases, arrests of relatives and friends, hate speech, threats of violence, intimidation, confiscation, and destruction of property in Belarus — these are only part of what Lukashenko and his accomplices are doing today in European countries. Secondly , for four years, Belarusians lived in a state of complete hopelessness. Our people, who went through hell in their peaceful defense of democratic values, felt abandoned and forgotten. But now, hundreds of thousands of victims have found hope for justice — the hope that one day, those responsible will be held accountable. Thirdly , an incredible amount of work has been done. By the Lithuanian Ministry of Justice, lawyers, and experts whose names I cannot reveal. In essence, a new precedent has been set. For the first time in the history of the ICC, a state party to the Rome Statute has referred a situation to the Prosecutor’s Office concerning a state that is not a party to the Statute. My team and I express our gratitude to Lithuania, the Ministry of Justice, and personally to Deputy Minister Gabija Grigaitė and Director of International Legal Representation, Richard Dzikevicius, for their outstanding work. I would also like to thank our lawyers and my team, the NAU, European Parliament member Dainius Žalimas and his organization "Justice Hub," as well as international experts who initiated this process in April 2023. I thank Ms. President-elect Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya for her support. Special thanks go to the organizations within the International Accountability Platform for Belarus (IAPB), particularly the Human Rights Center "Viasna" and the International Committee for the Investigation of Torture in Belarus. The work done required exceptional professionalism, creativity, and courage.  Its outcome will be written into history In the History of Belarus —  because this is the first and, so far, the most important step toward achieving justice for the Belarusian people and for the hundreds of thousands of victims of crimes against humanity committed by dictator Lukashenko and his accomplices. This day will also go down in Lukashenko’s personal criminal history , as he will enter the annals as an international criminal. Entering his fourth decade in power, Lukashenko has built an entire state apparatus, as he calls it, for "cleansing" society. The entire population disloyal to his regime is subjected to a conveyor belt of atrocities. The society is divided into loyal and disloyal groups. Lukashenko continuously labels Belarusians subjected to repression as "runaways," "politicals," and "troublemakers." Consider this: in a country of 9 million people, the dictator has already committed hundreds of thousands of crimes against humanity. At this point, the ICC has evidence of three types of crimes against humanity committed by Lukashenko’s regime: Deportation Extraterritorial persecution of Belarusians Other inhumane acts of comparable severity committed extraterritorially The Lukashenko’s regime forced the civilian population to flee Belarus by creating an atmosphere of fear and terror. These exiled people had no choice but to leave. Alexander Lukashenko, together with top government officials, including military personnel, state security officers, law enforcement, judicial authorities, and other structures, has launched a campaign against the civilian population of Belarus, involving unlawful acts such as: Severe restrictions on basic rights; Arbitrary detentions, prosecutions, and convictions; Severe unlawful violence; Murders; Sexual violence; Inflicting physical and psychological harm; Torture, inhumane, and degrading treatment; Intimidation and harassment; Forced labor; Enforced disappearances; and many more. This campaign is directed against the civilian population of Belarus and the regime’s political opponents. The regime’s actions amount to a widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population, as part of a state policy aimed at eliminating all opposition and dissent. The top officials implementing and shaping this policy include Alexander Lukashenko himself, Nikolai Karpenkov, Ivan Tertel, Natalia Kochanova, Yuri Karaev, Ivan Kubrakov, Andrei Shved, Dmitry Gora, Sergey Khomenko, Ivan and Natalia Eismont, Grigory Azarenok, Andrey Mukovozchik, and others. As part of this policy of attack, the Lukashenko’s regime forcibly relocated hundreds of thousands of Belarusians to neighboring Lithuania, Poland, and other states without the consent of these Belarusians. Exiled Belarusians are subjected to extraterritorial persecution by the regime through campaigns of hate speech, threats of violence, arrests of relatives, and confiscation of property. They are labeled as traitors, and Lukashenko has called them “slaves to the West.” The regime incites hatred and uses propaganda to strip them of their rights. Deportation is the key objective of the regime's assault on the civilian population—to get rid of all critics and opponents by any means necessary, in order to strengthen Lukashenko's authoritarian power. According to the 2023 report of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe and the 2024 report of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, around 300,000 Belarusians have been forced to leave Belarus. This is approximately 3.5% of the entire population of the country. These are shocking, horrifying numbers. Every 30th Belarusian has been subjected to exile or deportation! And this happened as a result of inhumane, brutal, and degrading treatment; politically motivated sentences and imprisonments; torture; rape; murder; deprivation of basic rights. Most of the victims of deportation are now in Poland and Lithuania . I emphasize this and repeat — we are not talking about dozens, but hundreds of thousands of people. Did Lukashenko leave these people alone after forcing them to flee Belarus? No. His crimes against humanity continued. The persecution of Belarusians abroad encompasses a range of actions by Lukashenko's regime, which includes: Threats to life and health; Persecution of relatives still in Belarus; Confiscation of property; In absentia sentencing and politically motivated convictions in violation of fair trial standards; Denial of access to basic state services (including depriving Belarusians of the ability to renew passports and obtain other necessary documents); Discriminatory attacks against a specific group of people (whom the regime itself has labeled "runaways"); Use of hate speech. This machine of mass crimes will not stop on its own unless Lukashenko is moved from the driver’s seat to a seat on the “Minsk–The Hague” train. And I believe we won’t just succeed. It’s already happening. The time has come for Lukashenko to answer for his crimes. The time has come for the power of law to prevail over the law of force.  Lukashenko’s train to The Hague started moving on September 30, 2024.And it will reach its destination. There is no longer, and cannot be, a way back for Lukashenko. The process of justice that has been initiated is irreversible. We call on all democratic countries, especially Poland, where the majority of the victims of Lukashenko's regime’s crimes—evidence of which has been submitted to the ICC—currently reside, to join and support the justice process initiated by Lithuania. Take similar actions to give maximum speed to the "Minsk–The Hague" train. I thank the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs for its official position, voiced by spokesperson Paweł Wroński, fully supporting Lithuania's submission to the International Criminal Court on behalf of the Polish MFA. This is a very important signal. I am confident that we don’t have exaggerated expectations of our partners, but rather a request to use your resources to bring Lukashenko and his accomplices to justice. Lukashenko has always dreamed of going down in history. He has succeeded. And he will never escape it now. He will be remembered in history books not as the first president, but as the last Belarusian dictator and an international criminal. And I want not only him to hear this, but also his circle, his closest state officials and propagandists. Ask yourselves, do you want to be Lukashenko’s fellow travelers? Do you want to join him on the train to The Hague? Or perhaps the time has come to make a decision — and get off this train. Not to board it at all. You know what needs to be done for that. You know where to send the information. I am sure that among you, there are many who want this. Most of you have not committed any crimes. Some of you were forced to commit them. But you have a chance to help yourselves, your country, Belarusians, and justice. Don’t miss it. Reach out. Lukashenko thought he could "turn the page" on his crimes. No. His “ballad of the dictator” has come to an end. The next stop is The Hague.In 2020, people took to the streets with signs saying "Lukashenko to The Hague!", "Tribunal!". Did he think these were just slogans from the past? No, this is his future. The power of law must triumph over the law of force. We must restore the faith of Belarusians in justice. Democracy will surely win if accountability is ensured. The history of a new Belarus will begin with the restoration of justice. It is crucial that Poland and other democratic countries support Lithuania's efforts. Use your right under Article 14 of the Rome Statute. Let justice prevail over impunity. This is what the entire Belarusian people want. This is what unites us all. The desire for justice. I am convinced that the new Belarus will also become a state party to the ICC. This means that impunity for international crimes will become impossible in our country. No international criminal will be able to escape responsibility in the new Belarus. Long live Belarus!