Site search

Pavel Latushka with Adam Krzywosąd, Deputy Director of the Department of Global Policy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Poland. Warsaw, Poland, 2025. Photo: NAM-Media "The regime in Belarus has absolutely no political will to change its repressive policies". noted Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the NAM, Pavel Latushka, during a meeting with Adam Krzywosąd, Deputy Director of the Department of Global Policy at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Poland. "The third Universal Periodic Review  presented on November 3 in Geneva within the UN Human Rights Council, which addressed the human rights situation in Belarus, and the lack of response from the Lukashenko regime to more than 220 international recommendations on policy changes in the field of human rights, as well as the withdrawal from a number of international human rights treaties, indicate the regime’s desire only to continue and intensify repression ", emphasized Pavel Latushka. During the meetings, Pavel Latushka paid particular attention to the issue of extraterritorial persecution of Belarusians residing in Poland . Issues of cooperation with Poland within the Group of Friends of Democratic Belarus at the OSCE  were discussed separately. The meeting included a detailed analysis and presentation of positions regarding the possible use of international legal accountability mechanisms  for human rights violations in Belarus and transnational crimes against Belarusians abroad . Pavel Latushka also provided information about the proactive persecution by the regime of Belarusian democratic activists abroad . A representative of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs noted that Poland would support Belarusian civil society  in matters of protecting and restoring human rights and would assist in collecting evidence of illegal actions  committed against Belarusians. "The fact that Poland is one of the leading allies of the democratic forces of Belarus in human rights matters is an important signal of support  in our work on the use of international mechanisms and instruments to achieve justice for victims of unprecedented repression committed by the Lukashenko regime, both in Belarus and abroad", emphasized Pavel Latushka.

Illustrative photo The US has decided to suspend sanctions against three state-private aircraft belonging to Lukashenko as well as to exclude one personal aircraft of the dictator and the Belavia airline from the sanctions lists. The lifting of sanctions on Lukashenko's state-private aircraft and Belavia is only an isolated example, and not a significant weakening of sanctions pressure. Belavia is one of many entities that have fallen under US restrictions. Its exclusion from the sanctions list does not reduce the great potential for pressure  at Washington’s disposal. Almost a hundred Belarusian legal entities and hundreds of individuals are under US sanctions.  The US sanctions packages include enterprises  from sectors that are key to the regime : Financial sector; Logistics and transport; Mechanical engineering; IT and high technologies; Metallurgy; Woodworking; Oil and gas complex; Civil aviation; Fertilizers; Chemical industry; Cement industry and construction; Tobacco and light industry; Military-industrial complex; State bodies and law enforcement agencies; Sport and public organizations. Among them are system-forming giants : Naftan, Belneftekhim concern, Grodno Azot, Belaruskali, BelAZ, Belvnesheconombank, Belinvestbank, Slavkali, Belshina, Bank Dabrabyt, Bank Trade Capital, BMZ, MZKT, Minsk Automobile Plant, Amkodor. These are not just companies; they are the basis of the country's export revenues and currency liquidity . Their presence under sanctions means that the US retains a powerful instrument of pressure , more significant than the restrictions on the dictator's state-private aircraft and the national air carrier. The "Sword of Damocles" of sanctions continues to hang over Lukashenko. The US still has at its disposal a whole range of powerful levers of pressure on Lukashenko. It is important for the Cabinet, and we uphold this position, that these tools are applied consistently and strategically , so that the “Sword of Damocles” of American sanctions remains over the regime until Lukashenko meets the key conditions for their removal — including those that the democratic forces have already conveyed to American partners. This refers to the unconditional release of all political prisoners , as demanded by US President Donald Trump, the complete cessation of political repression , the decriminalization of socio-political life in Belarus , and the cessation of extraterritorial persecution of Belarusians abroad . Until these demands are met, it is important for us that the pressure on the dictator is not only maintained but is also considered a guarantee  that the regime will move from imitation of changes to real steps . The 'Golden Sanctions Share' is in the EU's hands It should be emphasized: the measures of pressure most tangible for the regime  — the 'Golden Sanctions Share'  — are in the hands of the EU. As long as the regime does not change its internal repressive policy  — does not stop political violence and does not begin a real dialogue with society — Lukashenko should not count on the lifting of European sanctions  — we convey this to our European partners. While welcoming the actions of the US regarding the release of political prisoners, it is important that the EU adheres to a principled position  on the issue of lifting sanctions. In our opinion, at the moment, a strategy of two forces and directions  should be applied towards the regime: Use US sanctions  to ensure the release of all political prisoners and the cessation of repression; EU sanctions  to compel the regime to implement systemic changes  in its domestic and foreign policy. I welcome the decision of US President Donald Trump to nominate John Coale  for the position of US Special Envoy for Belarus . I hope that the US, using its global leadership and sanctions leverage , will be able to assist in the release of all political prisoners in Belarus without exception , and will support the Belarusian democratic forces in resolving the deep internal political crisis  in the country. Belarusian Legal Entities Remaining Under US Sanctions (SDN List) Finance and Banks JSC Belvnesheconombank JSC Bank Dabrabyt  CJSC Trade Bank Capital JSC Sberbank CJSC VTB Bank JSC Belinvestbank LLC Belinvest-Engineering CJSC BelBusinessLeasing Logistics, Transport, and Services LLC Ulate Logistic LLC Ruzekspeditsiya LLC Bremino Group RUE Beltamozhservice LLC Belkaztrans State Enterprise Tsentrkurort LLC Sohra Fertilizers JSC Grodno Azot JSC Belaruskali  JSC Belarusian Potash Company JLLC Slavkali Oil and Gas Sector CJA BELNEFTEGAZ  Concern Belneftekhim  JSC Naftan UE Belarusian Oil Trade House  UE Oil Bitumen Plant CJSC New Oil Company CJSC Energo-Oil LLC Interservice Chemical Industry JSC Belshina  JSC Polotsk-Steklovolokno JSC Lakokraska  JSC Belarusgumatekhnika Woodworking Concern BELLESBUMPROM Metallurgy JSC Belarusian Steel Works CJA Discoms Cement Industry and Construction RUE Holding Belarusian Cement Company  JLLC Dana Astra LLC Dubai Water Front LLC Belinte-Roba LLC Emirates Blue Sky  Mechanical Engineering and Equipment Manufacturing JSC BelAZ — Management Company of the BelAZ-Holding Holding JSC MZKT  JSC Minsk Automobile Plant JSC Amkodor JSC Agat — Control Systems  JSC Agat — Electromechanical Plant JSC Planar  JSC Tekhnika Svyazi JSC Legmash Plant JSC StankoGomel  LLC Mot UPNPP Tekhnolit  IT and High Technologies LLC Synesis  LLC KB Unmanned Helicopters JSC Scientific-Research Institute of Electronic Computing Machines LLC KB Unmanned Helicopters Additive Technologies Laboratory LLC KB Unmanned Helicopters InaTech Solutions  BSVT New Technologies  LLC 24X7 Panoptes

Lukashenko during the ceremony opening the bridge over the Pripyat River. Mozyr, November 6, 2025. Source: president.gov.by On November 6 in Mozyr, during the ceremony opening the renovated bridge over the Pripyat River, Lukashenko said a phrase that could have seemed harmless, if not for its full context: "I have always asked one thing from you — give me the economy. Give me bridges, roads, milk, meat, and so on. And military matters — those are my responsibilities, security — my responsibility, I will handle them". It sounds almost like an order. "Give me"  is not a request but a demand, addressed not to subordinate ministries, but to the entire nation. The people — the suppliers; the ruler — the consumer. In this rhetoric, one can hear an old occupational motif: the authorities demand, and the population must comply. Hearing such a demand from a dictator, "Give me" , immediately recalls stories and films from World War II, when German soldiers entering Belarusian villages said almost the same — only without political disguise. "Eggs, milk, meat, bread"  — they demanded from the peasants. There was no request, only an order. Back then, under the occupiers, this was called requisition; now, under Lukashenko — it is called "supporting the economy". Yes, the Belarusian economy under the "economist" Lukashenko, to put it mildly, is not gaining momentum, and is rather slowing down. The industrial sector, once the pride of Belarus and the engine of GDP, has today become the main brake on the economy: industrial output in current prices for the first nine months of this year fell by 0.8% compared to the same period last year. Agricultural production fell by 1% compared to the same period last year. The trade deficit in goods for January–September reached $4.5 billion. The month before, imports exceeded exports by $3.8 billion. Belarus is buying more and selling less. And Lukashenko is desperately short of money to maintain his seized power. That is why his rhetoric becomes increasingly arrogant and demanding — "Give me". And what, in return, does the dictator offer the people of Belarus for "bridges, roads, milk, and meat" ? Does he offer increased social benefits, lower taxes, or reduced utility bills? No — quite the opposite. Social guarantees are shrinking, while taxes and utility payments are rising. Lukashenko has reached such a level of cynicism toward the population that in the draft law on the 2026 state budget, he included fines collection 27% higher than this year. He plans to fine Belarusians for a total of 310.3 million rubles. Think about it! The dictator has already planned that next year every resident, from newborns to pensioners and people with disabilities — according to his statistics, Belarus has 9.1 million residents — will inevitably violate some rule and pay a fine averaging 34 rubles. Effectively, Lukashenko is budgeting planned punishment for citizens. At the same time, spending on security forces — Ministry of Internal Affairs, KGB, courts — is growing. In other words, the state spends less on people and more on controlling them. Today’s regime in Belarus operates on the same principle as the occupiers during the war. Only Belarus was never attacked, and no one plans to, yet Lukashenko persistently transmits and instills fear. Security rhetoric becomes central. It turns every complaint into a threat, every citizen into a suspect. Under the slogan "I am responsible for security", Lukashenko justifies growing spending on the security apparatus and pressure on society. Belarus has been turned into an internal occupation zone. The regime lives off the population, and the population is obliged to "give" — work, endure, remain silent. Everything else is a "security matter"  into which one should not interfere. Just like during the occupation years, fear replaces law, and obedience replaces freedom and dignity. Dictatorship is always built on the dependence of the population. It creates nothing — it consumes. Its "economy"  is based not on creation, but on coercion. It demands loyalty instead of initiative, obedience instead of trust. "Give me the economy",  says Lukashenko, and this is not an economic slogan, but an admission of the essence of the regime: the people exist to feed his power. Remember, in October 2020, a general strike was planned. At the checkpoint of the Grodno Azot plant, riot police and OMON were stationed. People were forced to work, with shouts behind them: "Go to work, you are our food base". This phrase, like the dictator’s statement about "give me the economy",  is not a slip of the tongue but a program. It communicates the idea that only Lukashenko can make decisions, and everyone else must provide. This creates psychological dependence in society, when people get used to thinking that initiative is dangerous, and independence is punishable. When Lukashenko demonstratively places himself above the people, dividing them: "You build, I command",  — he turns the country into his personal garrison. And just as occupiers once took the peasants’ last possessions under the pretext of war, today the dictatorship sucks out the country’s strength, money, and future, justifying it as “security.” The only difference is that occupiers left, while dictators do not. They remain until the people stop "giving"  and demand their right to life, work, and their country back. We often think that liberation begins with elections or democratic slogans. But it begins with refusing to give by command. With the realization that "the economy"  is not power, but people, their energy, labor, and initiative. As long as the population is perceived as a food base for the regime, no reforms are possible. Internal occupation ends when society stops being an object and becomes a subject — when Belarusians say: "Enough of giving. It’s time to claim what is ours".

Illustrative photo Lukashenko is sinking the economy to stay afloat. Once again, Lukashenko is driving Belarus’s economy to the brink of disaster. The regime habitually calls this growth and stability, but behind the polished numbers lies a systemic collapse . Industry, once the pride of the country, is drowning in losses, exports are falling, and the ruble is losing stability. All of this is the result of Lukashenko’s personal ambitions and greed , along with his inner circle, who have turned the country’s economy into a hostage of their regime. Over thirty years, Lukashenko has not built a sustainable economic model — he has built a system of personal control . In it, any enterprise, from BelAZ to a small dairy plant in a district center, operates not by market rules but by a call from above . Lukashenko has convinced himself — and tries to convince literally everyone else — that he can manage the entire country like a state farm: whom to punish, whom to forgive debts, whom to give credit under "state interests". The result is predictable. The industrial complex, once the pride of Belarus and the locomotive of GDP, has become the main brake on the economy . According to the Eurasian Development Bank, industrial production in 2025 fell by 1%, despite the state pouring billions into the sector. Lukashenko, out of habit, demands an increase in production. But this is like trying to make a rusty engine run at maximum speed: without a major overhaul, it will burn out faster . Enterprises are forced to take new loans to pay salaries, creating the illusion of growth, while actually operating at a loss  and increasing their debt burden. Official statistics, though seemingly encouraging — reporting GDP growth of 1.6% , investments up 15% , and retail turnover up 8%  — have no real substance. By highlighting isolated indicators detached from the broader economic system, the regime attempts to mislead the public . Investment growth is driven by state money and loans guaranteed by the same officials reporting their so-called successes.  Private investment has disappeared, foreign investment is under sanctions. This is not development, but a simulation of movement , where the economy runs in place just to show that the engine has not stalled. Exports are falling, imports are rising. In just January–September, the trade deficit reached $4.5 billion , one and a half times higher than last year. Belarus buys more and sells less — and what it does sell is mostly to Russia, which is now looking for ways to offload its surpluses. While enterprises drown in debt, the dictator has long moved his assets abroad . Through structures connected to his inner circle, money flows to the UAE, Russia, and other hidden corners. Lukashenko keeps the entire country’s economy in a state of constant dependency  — on loans, on Russia, on fear. A dependent economy means dependent people . Any attempt at reform or privatization threatens him personally: it would destroy the system of manual control  on which the illegitimate regime rests. That is why Lukashenko will not allow real changes. He prefers to issue new loans to enterprises  so they can pay salaries and show growth — even if only on paper. And these loans are, in essence, paid from thin air  — through the printing press of the National Bank. In two years, the volume of government securities on the National Bank’s balance sheet has increased tenfold. Essentially, the government covers the budget deficit and finances state enterprises with money created not by the economy, but out of thin air — by a bureaucrat’s signature.  This is deferred inflation , which will sooner or later hit citizens’ pockets. Today, the Belarusian economy is a soap bubble , inflated by fear and debt. Wage growth is not supported by productivity, and budget expenditures are covered through debt and money printing. Meanwhile, both external and internal debt burdens grow. Only the debt to Russia for the construction of the nuclear power plant amounts to $10 billion . On paper, people earn more, but they can buy less. The ruble is losing real value, prices are rising, and enterprises operate at a loss. The International Monetary Fund  and the World Bank  have already downgraded Belarus’s forecasts: in 2025, GDP growth will not exceed 1.9% , and in 2026 it will barely reach 1.3% . This is not development — it is the creeping decay of the economy. Lukashenko himself admits that "the main problem is market access ", yet he stubbornly does not see that the market is not just geography — it is trust . And trust cannot be restored by decrees. It cannot be restored while the country is run through fear, not rules . While the economy is subordinated to the ambitions of one man, it has no future. Belarus does not need a supervisory leader . It needs someone who will allow people to work and earn according to the rules, not by command.  But Lukashenko cannot allow this — for then the foundation of his power would collapse. That is why, even if the figures in the reports are still rising, the system itself is already rotting from within.  And when the next bubble bursts, along with it will vanish the myth of Lukashenko-style stability.

Illustrative photo Beneath Lukashenko’s rhetoric about peace at the Minsk Conference on Eurasian Security lies the systematic militarization of the country, managed fear, and an attempt to consolidate power amid internal weakness. Lukashenko spoke there about his commitment to peace, claiming that Belarus has always supported dialogue. Yet alongside his speech, we observe a different reality: Armed forces brought to highest combat readiness  by the dictator’s order on October 11 this year; Mass inspections of alert systems  across the country (almost weekly in different regions), as well as emergency exercises at enterprises with military significance  (at Horizon in Minsk and at the Casting and Standards Plant in Gomel), and large-scale exercises near Borisov in October, where scenarios included industrial fire suppression, railway accident response, and clearing debris from residential buildings; Call-ups and mass fingerprinting of military conscripts ; Periodic exercises of territorial defense units  (for example, in September in Oktyabrsky District of Minsk and Molodechno District of Minsk Region); Internet block testing  (temporary blocking of VKontakte) and intelligence reports about mythical "liberation armies". A third of all state programs for the next five years are related to national security  (8 out of 28). Of these, four are so-called "special programs", the content of which is secret. They are supervised by the KGB, Ministry of Defense, the Academy of Sciences, and the State Military-Industrial Committee. When a state talks about peace but prepares for war, we have the right to ask: for whom and why is this fear needed? Connecting recent events, a clear picture emerges: Belarus is systematically undergoing a practical test of its mobilization system : Military exercises practice large-scale conflict scenarios ; Reservists and territorial defense units undergo training mobilizations ; Communication, transport, and civil defense systems are activated ; The Ministry of Emergency Situations synchronizes its exercises with the military. These are not merely exercises. This is a dress rehearsal for a crisis  — a crisis that the authorities themselves could provoke, under the guise of protection rhetoric. Lukashenko is building a new ideological construct: " Eurasian security "  vs. " Western chaos ". This scheme is convenient: it creates the illusion of choice — as if Belarus must side either with the “global majority” or the "decaying West". Yet pragmatically, Belarus today is not a subject of this system, but a dependent object of the Kremlin’s military and political adventures.  Deploying nuclear weapons under the guise of a "defensive measure" is not a security gesture, but one of subordination. When Lukashenko says: "We don’t need Europe, neither Paris nor Warsaw",  he is effectively admitting that Belarus is isolated. And it is not the West that isolated us — the regime itself has enclosed the country in a circuit of fear. Let us briefly examine four points from Lukashenko’s conference speech: First — prohibition of sanctions on food and medicine.  It sounds humane, but it is an attempt to legitimize sanctions circumvention under a humanitarian pretext.  To date, the West does not impose and has never imposed sanctions on food and medicine — this is false. Even when sanctions affect human interests, as with dual-use goods, these were imposed by the EU and the US because the Lukashenko regime and Russia actively use these goods for military purposes. Second — protection of critical infrastructure  (oil and gas pipelines, nuclear power plants). But who for years risked Belarus’s energy security? Who blackmailed the West with a gas pipeline? Who creates emergencies at Ukrainian nuclear plants?  These are the same people now lecturing us about infrastructure inviolability. Third — migration.  The rhetoric is predictable: "The West destroyed the Middle East — now it must deal with it".  But it was Lukashenko himself in 2021 who used migration flows as a tool to pressure Europe.  Today, the illegitimate authority tries to present itself as a victim. This is not policy — it is a simulation of responsibility. Fourth — artificial intelligence.  For the first time, the topic of the future is raised. But in the hands of an illegitimate government that blocks the internet, closes social networks, and bans independent media, talk of AI threats is fear of uncontrolled new technologies. Lukashenko speaks of the " principle of indivisible security ", yet in reality, Belarus itself has abandoned this principle, becoming a launchpad for foreign wars.  When nuclear weapons are deployed on our territory, and Lukashenko assures that they are "not targeted at anyone",  it inspires neither the trust of neighbors nor that of citizens. The dictator Lukashenko builds a model where fear is the main resource of governance:  fear of the West, fear of war, fear of internal enemies. This fear is fueled by daily alerts — sirens, inspections, notifications of "threats". Yet behind each such drill is a distraction from real problems:  rising prices, falling incomes, emigration of specialists, loss of investments. Our position differs from Lukashenko’s not in slogans against war, but in realism. We do not need the illusion of temporary non-involvement in war under Russian tutelage. We need real neutrality , based on trust with neighbors and transparent actions. Belarus could be a platform for genuine dialogue, not for propagandist forums. If the current logic persists, Belarus risks becoming not a guarantor of peace, but a hostage of someone else’s war.  And the longer Lukashenko keeps society in a state of mobilization, the harder it will be to return to normal life. We need not a " digital neighborhood belt ",  but a belt of trust and responsibility.  Not a "charter of multipolarity", but real rules — where security is measured not by tanks, but by the degree of citizens’ freedom. Today, Lukashenko says that " Europe does not want peace ". But if we look honestly, it is the dictator himself who does not want dialogue.  Because peace requires openness, transparency, and internal stability. And stability is impossible without citizen trust, regular changes of power, and justice.

Illustrative photo  On October 20, Lukashenko signed the decree "On the Fixing of Raw Material Zones" According to the document, regional executive committees (oblastispolkoms) must now determine which agricultural enterprises will supply meat and dairy processing plants. In simple terms — each processor will be assigned specific suppliers. The official explanation sounds noble: "to ensure the efficient operation of enterprises and increase capacity utilization". But in reality, this is not about efficiency. It’s about control.  About a hand-operated economy, where everything depends not on the market but on orders. Similar schemes existed in the USSR, when collective farms were assigned to factories and milk collection points. Farmers had no choice whom to sell their milk or meat to — everything was decided from above. Today, Lukashenko is effectively bringing back the same system , under the guise of modern management. Instead of competition and market incentives, there is administrative assignment. Instead of growth, there is preservation of backwardness. Instead of genuine support for agricultural producers, there is another attempt to tighten the screws and subjugate the entire sector to the vertical of power. This decree is an administrative, non-market measure that may temporarily increase capacity utilization but will not be effective in the long term  for competitiveness or development. It will not even ensure the basic survival of agricultural enterprises. Agricultural enterprises will no longer be able to choose whom to sell their raw materials to. Prices will be dictated by the processor, who has no competitors. This is a path toward declining incomes. When results no longer depend on effort, motivation disappears. Why improve quality if goods can only be delivered to one place at a fixed price? Decisions about who is assigned to whom  are made by local officials. This creates the perfect environment for deals, kickbacks, and behind-the-scenes schemes. The decree gives oblastispolkoms a powerful tool of control. This fits the overall model of the regime’s economy in Belarus, where decisions are made by the administrative center rather than the market. Lukashenko likes to talk about “supporting domestic producers,” but instead of investing in technology and infrastructure, the state relies on decrees and coercion. If we follow the logic of this decree, the next step is obvious: to assign people to these "raw material zones".  So that workers cannot leave without permission. Lukashenko had previously threatened this: "No mechanic, milkwoman, and so on in the agricultural enterprise can take a step to the left or right without the decision of the manager". This is sarcasm — but in Belarus under a dictator, sarcasm often becomes reality. Today — enterprises are assigned; tomorrow — workers will be assigned;  the day after tomorrow — every Belarusian will be told where they must work. Belarus is turning into an economic version of a feudal state , where agricultural enterprises are not free to choose whom and what to sell. Why now this decree? It is part of the regime’s broader economic panic. Industry is declining, exports shrinking, foreign trade deficits growing, and the budget is short of money. Meat and dairy plant utilization has dropped, stockpiles are increasing, and profits are falling. Instead of addressing fundamental problems — modernization, logistics, marketing — Lukashenko chooses the old path: forcing compliance by decree. But the economy does not obey orders. It responds to interest and profit. History has repeatedly proven this. In 2016, a similar idea of assigning suppliers to processors was implemented temporarily, and it led to enterprises supplying low-quality raw materials just to meet quotas. In 2022, after forced redistribution of grain, decisions were made at oblast executive committees and the Ministry of Agriculture under Decree No. 754 "On the Establishment of Raw Material Zones".  Some enterprises suffered losses — logistics costs increased, prices stayed low. Today, in Russia, similar schemes in meat and dairy are already recognized as ineffective — the market deteriorated, and producers became hostages of monopolies. The decree "On the Fixing of Raw Material Zones"  is not an economic reform. It is a symptom of fear.  Fear of losing control as the old system cracks, people leave villages, and budgets run empty. Lukashenko is incapable of building an economy where incentives drive growth, so he takes the whip.  But the whip will not make a cow give more milk. He wants to force Belarus to live by the principle: "If the system doesn’t work — tighten control". But the tighter he turns the screws, the faster the mechanism breaks. The decree is another proof that his economy relies not on development, but on fear and subordination.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. In recent months, the regime has been assuring us: “Belarus is for peace.”  But if you look closely at its actions, we see the exact opposite. When a state speaks of peace but prepares for war, it means someone has already made the decision for us. And we must stop it. In the second reading, the bill “On Amendments to Laws Regarding Military Security and Defense” was adopted. Behind the dry legal wording lies something far more dangerous than mere bureaucratic amendments. This law effectively drags Belarus into all of the Kremlin's wars. Now, an attack on Russia is automatically considered an attack on Belarus . This means that if Moscow orders it, Lukashenko can justify sending Belarusian soldiers under the guise of “protecting the Union State.” This is not defense — it is the legalization of participation in someone else’s war. Look at what has happened over the past months: October 11  — order to bring the army to the highest level of combat readiness . Mass inspections   of warning and alert systems  across the country, almost every week. Emergency Ministry exercises  at strategically important factories — “Horizon” in Minsk, casting and norm factories in Gomel . Large-scale maneuvers near Borisov  — not just firefighting drills, but scenarios of destruction, transport accidents, evacuations. Fingerprinting of conscripts , territorial army drills, and testing of internet blockages . All these "small things" add up to one big picture: the regime is systematically testing the country’s mobilization mechanism.  These are not exercises — they are a full dress rehearsal for war. Look at the state programs for the next five years: out of 28, 8 are dedicated to " national security ",  and 4 are completely classified.  They are overseen by the KGB, Ministry of Defense, and State Military Industry Committee. This is not about security; it is about fear.  The fear of a regime that is preparing not to protect its people, but to protect itself from its people.  When a government stops believing in the future, it begins preparing for war. The illegitimate authorities repeat: "We are for peace, but must be ready for anything" . But let’s be honest: where does the real threat to Belarus come from today?  From the west? From Poland or Lithuania, which themselves live under the threat of war? Or perhaps from the east — from Lukashenko’s “ally,” who has already dragged Ukraine into a terrible tragedy and is now seeking new partners to continue it? If we put all the events together, from military assemblies to new laws, a clear picture emerges: Lukashenko is preparing to enter a war on Russia’s side.  Not because Belarus needs it, but because he cannot say " no "  to Putin. Because he is politically, financially, and energetically dependent.  Because in exchange for staying on the throne, he is willing to pay with our lives. Here is another proof of this dependence: next year, Belarus will receive almost 6.7 billion rubles in so-called " grants from foreign states ". This is 12% of the entire state budget.  This amount is one and a half times larger than last year and nearly double all defense expenditures. Experts say it openly: this money is from Russia , possibly to compensate for losses at Belarusian refineries due to the tax maneuver — or perhaps for something even more. The regime is essentially living on Russian subsidies. Now ask: can a country that receives every eighth ruble of its budget from Moscow truly be independent?  Can such a regime refuse Kremlin requests  if asked to "help a brotherly people" in a "special military operation"? The answer is obvious. In December, Lukashenko will convene the All-Belarusian People’s Assembly  — a body he himself granted new powers. According to the new Constitution, it is this assembly that now has the right to declare war, send troops abroad, and introduce martial law. Lukashenko has already stated plainly: "If war breaks out tomorrow — we convene the Assembly and put the country on a war footing". This means that the decision for war may be made not by the people, but by a group of appointed officials and security officers.  Without discussion, without a referendum, without our consent. Our soldiers are our children, brothers, neighbors.  They should not die in someone else’s war , where Belarus has no objectives.  Belarus faces no real threat. Yet we are being dragged into a conflict the country does not want to enter. We remember how in 2022, missiles were launched from our territory in Ukraine.  We saw the authorities deny the obvious.  Now they want to make that shame legal. We must record every step of militarization , document exercises, military purchases, and new laws. Mothers must speak out:   "My son will not go fight for someone else’s ambitions, on foreign soil". We must strive to speak the truth while there is still time.

Source: ctv.by  "Resolution No. 599 of the Council of Ministers of the Lukashenko regime, dated October 31, 2025, effectively formalizes the isolation of Belarus’s transport network from European carriers and creates a logistical ‘buffer zone’ on the EU–EAEU border. Belarus is turning into a ‘transshipment zone’ with controlled corridors and a system of paid permits" said Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of NAM. Resolution No. 599  introduces a stricter system of restrictions  on the entry and operation of vehicles registered in EU countries — primarily Poland and Lithuania  — within Belarusian territory. It represents an expanded version of the previous regulation  (Resolution No. 247 “On the Movement of Transport Vehicles” of April 22, 2022), now clarifying logistics routes, exceptions, and permit procedures. Key Changes and Consequences: 1. Ban on the movement of EU transport across Belarus Entry and movement of freight trucks, tractors, trailers, and semi-trailers registered in EU countries — mainly Poland and Lithuania — are prohibited. For the first time, restrictions also apply to passenger vehicles engaged in international transport under CMR. Exception:  Such vehicles may move only to designated areas (logistics centers, temporary storage warehouses) for re-coupling, transshipment, or refueling, and back — strictly along the routes listed in Annex 1 to the resolution. 2. Restricted movement corridors For Polish and Lithuanian transport, specific routes and operational zones are defined: Brest-FEZ, Brest-TLC, Bruzgi, Berestovitsa, Kamenny Log, Kotlovka, Grigorovshchina, and others.Movement is allowed only between the border checkpoint and the designated location (TLC, warehouse, waiting area, etc.). Any deviation from these routes constitutes an administrative violation. 3. Permit-based transit system Foreign carriers must obtain a paid transit permit from the Transport Inspectorate — 15 base units. The permit is valid for up to 90 days and issued via an automated system with registration and prepayment. This effectively makes EU–Belarus–EAEU transit paid and bureaucratically restricted. 4. Oversight and penalties Compliance will be monitored by the Transport Inspectorate and the State Customs Committee. Violations may result in a requirement to exit Belarus via the Russian border or have the vehicle placed in temporary storage facilities (TSW). Movement is permitted only under an officially prescribed form. 5. Fuel — only of Belarusian origin Gas stations listed in the resolution may sell fuel produced exclusively by the Mozyr Oil Refinery and Naftan. This guarantees foreign currency revenue for Belarusian refineries and limits refueling with imported petroleum products. 6. Categories of goods exempt from the ban Exemptions apply to humanitarian aid, postal shipments, medical supplies, live animals, oversized cargo (under special permits), car transporters, vehicle recovery trucks, and empty transport returning to the EU after authorized deliveries. 7. Validity period and repeal of previous acts Resolution No. 599 is valid until December 31, 2027. All previous documents — including Resolution No. 247 — are repealed. "As a result of this decision by the Lukashenko government, importers and exporters from both the EAEU and EU will face longer delivery times and higher transportation costs. Belarusian refineries, which are currently struggling, will gain a guaranteed fuel market within the designated zones. At the same time, this decision violates consumer rights",  noted Pavel Latushka. He added that the regime is tightening its control over transport flows, but this move is not an act of sovereignty — it is a tool of self-isolation. "By cutting itself off from Europe, the regime is deliberately dismantling Belarus’s sovereignty. The country loses not only income from direct trade routes but also undermines its transit status".

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council In Belarus, power has long since turned into the personal shop of one man and his inner circle . A country where state borders protect not the interests of the people, but the flow of contraband . A country where the self-proclaimed president is the chief smuggler  — not of drugs, as in Venezuela, but of cigarettes. Today I want to talk about why Lukashenko’s regime resembles Maduro’s , why both survive not on public support but on criminal schemes, and why their days are numbered . When, in 2020, the United States officially accused Nicolás Maduro of drug trafficking, many in Belarus thought: "That’s far away; it doesn’t concern us".  But today we see: Lukashenko follows the same model  — only on a smaller scale and with a different commodity. Maduro cooperated with Colombian drug cartels to "flood the U.S. with cocaine", using planes from military bases. Lukashenko covers up gray business operations to "flood Europe with cigarettes", using trucks, trains, drones, and even weather balloons. The only difference is the product. The essence is the same — state smuggling for personal enrichment. For the recipient countries, such a criminal enterprise means billions in lost taxes , the strengthening of organized crime , and deep corruption  in border and customs agencies. In Belarus’s case, cigarette smuggling under Lukashenko’s protection is also seen as a hybrid threat  designed to destabilize and distract the EU. When U.S. President Donald Trump said,  "Maduro’s days are numbered" , he was speaking about a system where power trades in crime . Lukashenko is next. Because no regime built on lies, smuggling, and corruption can survive long. Lukashenko himself once admitted: "If we need to send cigarettes to Poland — we’ll send a whole wagon" . He said it publicly and proudly, adding: "It’s not nuclear weapons, after all" . That is the logic of a smuggler-dictator . He even acknowledged that border guards "turn a blind eye" because they "were paid". This is a confession of state collusion , an admission that Belarus has become a smuggling factory where corruption is the mechanism of power . But this isn’t just about cigarettes. It’s about a system of personal enrichment  — Lukashenko and his "wallets": Aleksin, Teterin, Topuzidis, and others. Through them, he built an entire tobacco empire . Revenues that should have gone to hospitals, schools, and roads went into the pockets of the dictator’s family and his cronies . Because smuggling is not just a shadow economy — it’s the regime’s survival mechanism . While the country grows poorer, the regime grows richer — stealing from its own people and its neighbors. But times have changed . Sanctions imposed by Europe against Lukashenko’s tobacco business have begun to strangle this system . Closed border crossings, reduced traffic, and transit restrictions have all hit the regime’s criminal economy hard. Look at the numbers: in 2022, Lithuania intercepted 4.4 million packs of Belarusian cigarettes; in 2023 — 2.5 million; in 2025 — only a third of that. Smuggling is falling — and with it, Lukashenko’s income.  As revenues drop, his entire financial pyramid begins to crumble . The closure of the Ukrainian route after the war also cut off one of the largest channels. Now the regime is losing not just money — it’s losing oxygen. In Russia, pressure is also growing. Moscow demands higher excise alignment, which means the end of cheap Belarusian tobacco  and the end of smuggling flows . Russian officials openly expose fake Belarusian excise stamps — showing him: "We know everything"  Lukashenko is trapped between Western sanctions and Kremlin pressure . Even so, according to Poland’s tax service, in 2023 alone illegal Belarusian cigarettes worth over 24 million zlotys were seized. And how many went undetected? Hundreds of millions of cigarettes  still reach Germany, France, and the UK. This is not small-scale smuggling  — it’s an international criminal network , managed from Lukashenko’s palace in Minsk . On November 3, 2025, in Poland, another shipment of Belarusian contraband was found hidden under coal. Why do I say Lukashenko’s days are numbered? Because smuggling cannot be the foundation of a state. It always collapses.  And that collapse is happening now. The West has closed its doors. The East is tightening the screws. The people are turning away.  Every Belarusian sees: we have no real economy — only schemes. No laws. No true state. Only arbitrariness and corruption. We are not doomed to be a nation of smugglers. To change that, we must abolish the smuggling regime . And it can be eliminated not with drones or tanks, but with truth and determination. We must investigate and document every act of smuggling. Every statement by Lukashenko is already evidence . Every train car of cigarettes — proof of a crime . Sanctions are working. Borders are closing. The world no longer looks away. Maduro’s regime is cracking because it fed on narcotics. Lukashenko’s regime will soon crack as well.

The situation of mass repressions in Belarus, the growing number of political prisoners, the torture of political detainees in Belarusian prisons, and the persecution of civil society in Belarus were discussed during meetings of Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), with representatives of the Permanent Missions of EU member states  working at the UN Office in Geneva. Pavel Latushka held meetings with Darius Staniulis , Permanent Representative of Lithuania; Ivars Pundurs , Permanent Representative of Latvia; Katia Solsbek , Deputy Permanent Representative of Sweden; Claire Tude , Deputy Permanent Representative of France; as well as with representatives of other EU Permanent Missions to the UN Office in Geneva. During the meetings, particular attention was paid to the issue of international mechanisms  that could be employed to hold Lukashenka accountable for crimes against the Belarusian people . Pavel Latushka presented information on the steps already taken by the National Anti-Crisis Management  in this regard. He also shared with partners his expectations concerning their possible support for international mechanisms aimed at achieving justice for Belarusians — the victims of repression. Separately, Latushka addressed Lukashenka’s so-called idea of a "big deal" with the U.S. and the EU . The Deputy Head of the Cabinet noted that Lukashenka is seeking recognition and the lifting of sanctions. Pavel Latushka informed the participants of the general position of the United Transitional Cabinet , which is that no deals with the Lukashenka regime are possible . Lukashenka must change his domestic repressive and foreign aggressive policies. He must make a conditional deal with the Belarusian people , which means stopping arrests, detentions, and convictions of Belarusians on politically motivated charges; decriminalizing public and political life; ceasing extraterritorial persecution of Belarusians; and so on. The representative of Lithuania emphasized that Lithuania will continue to promote the issue of Lukashenka’s accountability and that of his accomplices before the International Criminal Court (ICC) . In this regard, on 30 September 2024 , the Lithuanian government submitted documents to the ICC Prosecutor’s Office to initiate an investigation into transnational crimes against humanity , and it continues to support the need to launch such an investigation. The NAM, for its part, cooperates with the relevant Lithuanian institutions to advance the issue of Lukashenka’s accountability. The representative of France stressed that her country will not back down and will continue its policy of sanction pressure  on the Lukashenka regime in connection with ongoing repressions, support for aggression against Ukraine, and the hybrid war against the European Union. France’s position remains consistent and firm. With the representatives of Latvia and Sweden, issues of possible accession of these countries to Lithuania’s referral to the ICC  were discussed in order to ensure accountability. Pavel Latushka’s meetings in Geneva took place on the eve of the session of the UN Human Rights Council’s Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) , which will be held on Monday, November 3 . The session will examine the human rights situation in Belarus . This is already the fourth UPR review for Belarus  under this mechanism. The last session of the Working Group on Belarus took place in 2020. The upcoming meeting will focus on the fact that the Lukashenka regime has not stopped repressions over the past five years , and that Belarus is experiencing a total degradation of its human rights system . According to a report prepared by a coalition of Belarusian human rights organizations , out of 266 recommendations made to Belarus after the third UPR cycle, the regime has fully implemented only two , while 226 remain unfulfilled .

Pavel Latushka. Photo: NAM-media Full textual version of Pavel Latushka’s remarks for Zerkalo — How many threats have there been over the past year, how often do they come? What do they consist of? And were there ever death threats before? Throughout my time in Poland we have counted more than 160 threats of murder, bodily harm, kidnapping and other types. Just since the beginning of this year — dozens… The threats became particularly active in August–September of this year. That can be linked to the fifth anniversary of the events of 2020 and to Lukashenka’s task of destroying and discrediting both the alternative institutions of the democratic forces and the most active organizations and their representatives. The point is that this concerns not only threats of murder, but also real actions aimed at carrying them out. Last year I was informed by the National Public Prosecutor’s Office of Poland about the opening of a criminal case. The investigation in that case is being conducted by the Internal Security Agency (ABW) under the supervision of the National Public Prosecutor’s Office, the department for combating organized crime in Łódź. The criminal case was opened under an article that provides liability for incitement of an identified person to commit my murder on the orders of special services. Subsequently, during investigative actions in which I participated as a victim, I was told that this concerned the activities of the Belarusian and Russian special services. This criminal case this year has been split into two parts. One part is incitement to murder, the second part is espionage. Polish law-enforcement agencies also informally told me that there were two threats to life that were prevented at an early stage. You also know that an attack occurred at the University of Warsaw. We can practically categorize all these threats and actions as follows: there are real actions — the fact of their preparation or execution; there are real threats that arrive via email, social media, as well as from specific people and are transmitted by various messengers or sources from the territory of Belarus; then there is psychological impact, when information-psychological special operations are carried out with the aim of demotivating me, creating an atmosphere of danger to discourage me from my activities. And, of course, some threats are written by so-called concerned citizens who most likely suffer from mental disorders. Specific incidents took place not only on the territory of Poland but also during my stays in Germany, Lithuania and the Czech Republic, when covert photographs taken in various places in those countries later reached me together with corresponding threats. In the Czech Republic there was surveillance of a car, which was also recorded. All these materials were handed over to the law-enforcement agencies of those countries. Pavel Latushka during the Coordination Council election debates. Warsaw, Poland, 2024. Photo: Belsat ​​These threats, of course, concern not only me; they concern other activists of the democratic forces, many of my colleagues at the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) and members of the  "Team Latushka and the ‘For Freedom’ Movement" faction. One vivid example: in August of this year there was an attempt over four days to recruit 12 employees of NAM. Last week there were three more similar attempts against members of the team and the faction. These actions are carried out using messengers. As a rule they contain offers of material reward, blackmail of relatives, threats of discreditation and other methods. I gave testimony to the Internal Security Agency at the instruction of the military prosecutor of the National Public Prosecutor’s Office of Poland concerning a large-scale attempt to exert illegal influence on Polish territory on employees of the team and the faction. An inquiry into this matter is currently underway. — How do you perceive such threats? How much do they worry you? Threats are perceived in different ways. They are large-scale, methodical and constant. There is practically not a week, not a few days, when a threat does not arrive. Of course, each message is perceived differently, and each incident is perceived differently. When I received preliminary information that an unlawful action would be taken against me — right before my speech at the University of Warsaw at an official event attended by representatives of the President’s Chancery, the Polish National Security Bureau, and members of the diplomatic corps — I later heard that someone was running up the auditorium stairs. At that moment I realized he was heading toward me, considering the threat I had read that morning. I will not say I had time to feel fear. Rather, I concentrated and understood, when he looked me in the eyes, that he would strike my head. But he stumbled, and the object he intended to hit me with simply fell at my feet. The deputy head of the Polish National Security Bureau reacted instantly, grabbed and threw the bucket aside, fearing there might be an explosive device in it. In early September I received a letter saying "the regime is going to kill you. ‘Going to’ means that if everything remains as it is, you will definitely be killed. It’s only a question of time". The message listed, as the author claims, three kidnapped and killed figures of the Belarusian democratic movement who had been under Polish protection, naming Melnikova, Kasperovich and Kotov. The author of the message claims they are "mid-level figures" and continues that "now they will go after the most important ones. And you are definitely next". The methods by which my liquidation (that exact word is used in the message) could happen include a road traffic accident, infection with COVID (as during the epidemic — it is claimed the KGB used such methods to liquidate regime enemies), poisoning. The same message urged me to leave Poland immediately because, as the author asserts, Polish authorities would not be able to guarantee my safety, and to urgently depart for Western Europe or the USA. "At this very moment, this second you must do it". But let us look at the chronology. On 18 May 2025 I received information from a citizen of Belarus who had come to Poland. I know his surname; BELPOL established his data. He has three prior convictions in Belarus, including for particularly serious crimes. This citizen passed along word that criminal elements on Polish territory had been tasked with my physical liquidation. On 19 May I received a written message in polite wording: "I want to warn you that the regime plans your physical liquidation". By the way, this happened on the day Lithuania filed a case at the International Court of Justice against Belarus for organizing hybrid aggression against Lithuania. A few days later I received information from BYPOL that my kidnapping from Polish territory was allegedly being organized. On 16 June there was an attempt by someone claiming to be a reporter from Novaya Gazeta Europe to request an interview with me and simultaneously with Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. After verification we established that such a person indeed works for that publication, but he had sent no interview requests. It immediately recalled the story when in 2022 Pablo Gonzalez — also known as Pavel Rubtsov, a colonel of the Russian military intelligence of the Ministry of Defense, later detained in Poland by the Internal Security Agency for espionage — came to interview me. I remember during the exchange between Moscow and Washington at Vnukovo airport, Rubtsov descended the airstair and Putin shook his hand. At that moment you realize this person had been a meter from you for a long time. Reuters journalists told me they obtained information during the investigation into Pavel Rubtsov that he had established my place of residence in Warsaw and passed it to the Main Intelligence Directorate headquarters of the Russian Ministry of Defense. On the evening of 1 July 2025 Lukashenka made an absurd public statement that I had planned to burn Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and all opposition leaders alive. Reaction? We laughed and forgot. No — the next day I received a threat. And on 2 July an attack occurred at the University of Warsaw when the attacker shouted that I wanted to make Tsikhanouskaya’s children orphans. After that I received an email from a "collective KGB" saying this was only the first sign and later there would be extermination. These are several addresses from which I permanently receive threats. I call them the collective KGB because they write 24/7 and react to various events in the democratic forces connected with me. Yevgeny Kazantsev, the attacker on Pavel Latushka on 2 July 2025 during the Warsaw East European Conference. Photo: Reform.news The attacker at the University of Warsaw confesses on video that he acted under external pressure. I began to regularly receive messages that my own people will kill me for planning to burn the entire opposition. We immediately hear propaganda calling for violence against me and other representatives of the democratic forces, promising amnesty on the territory of Belarus for those who do so. After that incident the threats significantly intensified. On 9 July the Supreme Court of Belarus recognized the United Transitional Cabinet as a terrorist organization. It should be noted that Prosecutor General Shved as the basis for listing the UTC as a terrorist organization used the thesis that the Cabinet engages in activities directed against the military and political leadership of both Belarus and Russia. After that, on 16 July the KGB added me and Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya to the terrorist list. In the regime’s perception this possibly legalizes their unlawful actions — allegedly under the pretext of combating terrorism. On 16 July a direct death threat was received. On 6 August a film appeared on ONT in which former KGB chairman Valery Vakulchik and Deputy Interior Minister Nikolai Karpenkov claimed I had supposedly prepared this burning. A fake story, but it creates grounds for possible provocations. All of August we were under systemic pressure from the special services — as I mentioned above — recruitment attempts, threats to relatives, evacuations of families from Belarus. At the same time fake stories are published claiming my email accounts were hacked and as a result there are alleged leaks of personal data and mass arrests of Belarusians by the KGB in Belarus. This is already part of an information-psychological operation aimed at discrediting the team and creating psychological pressure. Illustrative photo On 9 August I received from the collective KGB the message "See you soon at home". On 21 August Anatoliy Kotov disappeared — although he had not interacted with our team or communicated with me and members of our team for four years, we still consider this and, I think, everyone who continues the struggle considers it a definite challenge from the regime. On 30 August the Karpushonok case began, aimed at continuing the discreditation of me as a politician. The KGB sends letters to everyone I meet publicly, the content and character of which are designed to discredit me. This is systemic, targeted work. On 1 September I received a letter that "the Belarusian regime is planning an assassination and you will definitely be killed". In September telegram channels published information that $1,000 had been offered to splash red paint on me. The price rose to €1,000. On 9 October information appeared that I and my colleagues at NAM, as well as other activists and representatives of the democratic movement, were added to the list of persons wanted by the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs. On 10 October pseudo-oppositionist Kanopatskaya proposed detaining me in Poland and exchanging me for Andrzej Poczobut. We remember that on 31 March 2023 Lukashenka publicly said he was ready to exchange Andrzej Poczobut for me and NAM. On 2 August 2024 the former Polish Minister of Interior Mariusz Kamiński stated in an interview with Polish television that during closed negotiations with the Lukashenka regime on the release of Andrzej Poczobut the Belarusian regime officially proposed exchanging me for him. Kanopatskaya’s proposal is a continuation of that story, fabricated by Lukashenka and implemented by the KGB. On 20 October the Ministry of Information included the Telegram channel "Team Latushka and the ‘For Freedom’ Movement" in the list of extremist materials. Between these dates other messages arrived with threats and attempts at discreditation. Hundreds of pages would not suffice to describe it all. This has continued for five years. We also remember that, thanks to the Cyber Partisans, it was established, among other things, that on the floor below NAM’s office, at Polish language courses, for a month two officers of military intelligence of the Belarusian Ministry of Defense attended, who also attempted to make contact with NAM employees and analyzed the security situation around our team. Last week I testified at the capital police command at the instruction of the Warsaw district prosecutor regarding a direct public death threat against Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and me. Thanks to BELPOL it was possible to identify the person and his personal data. The materials have now been forwarded to the district prosecutor’s office of Poland. Literally today I also handed over, at the request of the Warsaw district prosecutor, additional facts, testimonies and documents of all unlawful actions against me and NAM employees for the adoption of procedural decisions. At the same time NAM employees have also been invited as witnesses in the inquiry into facts of threats to their life and health, blackmail and recruitment attempts. Here I am speaking only a portion of the information, because investigative actions prevent me from disclosing details. — Do such threats affect your work schedule, travel, increased security? Have you ever had to change plans after receiving a threat? I will not say I am indifferent to these threats. Certainly, they have a definite impact. I have thick skin, but even it began to crack in August of this year. By the way, we foresaw this massive attack on our team. I spoke about it in an interview with EuroRadio on 24 May 2025 — it’s easy to find on the YouTube channel. Almost immediately after the disappearance of Anzhelika Melnikova there was information that systematic actions against me would take place and that a decision about me was allegedly approved. Today I cannot quote directly or indicate sources of information because that could put a number of people at risk. My mother and daughter worry most of all. I chose this path of struggle. I understand all the risks. I understand that measures of self-defense and self-protection must be applied for my own safety. This limits my public life to some degree, but it does not affect my principled position or my motivation. Pavel Latushka during the “New Belarus” conference. Warsaw, Poland, 9 August 2025. Photo: LookByMedia From my sources in Belarus I have received a number of recommendations about what to be prepared for and what actions might be taken against me. Unfortunately, some of them have been confirmed, but I also receive advice on how to behave now. According to the information I receive, the threats are not decreasing. I remember Lukashenka’s words he said to me personally: "I will strangle you with my own hands if you betray me". He later repeated this threat in an interview with Vladimir Solovyov, saying he promised to hang me, adding that it was a joke. I have many goals in life, but one of them is a priority — that Belarus be free and that the person who committed a huge number of crimes against the Belarusian and Ukrainian peoples be held accountable for all those crimes. My work schedule has limited access, but all my meetings and movements are certainly recorded. There are also means to determine my location 24/7. Yes, I remember when a message appeared on the dark web offering €30,000 for my life, I had to leave Poland the same day. Sometimes this must be done. When an attack occurred in Lithuania on one of the Russian activists, I immediately received a call from the Lithuanian MFA offering to ensure my security. But at that moment I was already leaving Lithuania. I am grateful to many countries that assist me during my stays outside Poland and take these threats quite seriously. — Do the threats affect your relatives? If so, how? And how do they perceive all this? Speaking about relatives, I would simply prefer that my mother not read this interview, because it would cause her serious worry. At the same time I would like to address all Belarusians who are under threat and are being pressured by special services: it is important, if your safety allows, to report this to the law-enforcement agencies of the countries where you live. Everything the Lukashenka regime commits against us is an extraterritorial crime for which it must bear responsibility under international law. This also constitutes evidence in the investigation of the Belarus situation at the International Criminal Court, which, with NAM’s support, was initiated by the Government of Lithuania. I am aware that the regime will not stop. But I am ready for the blow and despite everything that happens I will continue to do what I must. It is a matter of conscience. We must realize that we are fighting a machine, a system, a huge repressive apparatus — an apparatus of pressure. At least three Belarusian special services are acting proactively, motivated by financial and ideological incentives. Our structures do not have special measures or special means of protection, but despite that the democratic institutions and many active organizations have preserved themselves and continue the struggle. This is unprecedented. I am proud to know so many people who do not give up despite all the risks and threats. I admire them.

Pavel Latushka with Marshal of the Greater Poland Voivodeship Marek Woźniak. Poland, 2025. Photo: NAM Media Issues of support for Belarusian students studying in the Greater Poland Voivodeship and addressing the problems of the Belarusian diaspora were discussed during a meeting between Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, delegate of the Coordination Council Pavel Latushka , and Marshal of the Greater Poland Voivodeship Marek Woźniak , which took place in Poznań. During the meeting, Pavel Latushka  requested an increase in the number of scholarships to support Belarusian students who were forced to leave Belarus due to repressions. The Deputy Head of the Cabinet emphasized that, as of the 2023/2024 academic year , 1,291 Belarusian students  were studying in Poznań. In total, over 12,200 Belarusian students  are currently studying in Poland. Pavel Latushka noted that, despite the forced departure of young people from Belarus, he hopes that the knowledge they acquire at Western European universities will be used to rebuild the country and develop the economy in a New Belarus . The Marshal expressed his readiness to discuss the possibility of increasing the number of scholarships for Belarusian students with the financial support of the Marshal’s Office and the Rector of the Adam Mickiewicz University . Pavel Latushka also initiated the introduction of internships for members of the Coordination Council  to study the functioning of local self-government bodies. Marek Woźniak  expressed his willingness to consider the possibility of accepting two representatives of the Belarusian democratic forces  for a two-week internship  at the Marshal’s Office of the Greater Poland Voivodeship. During the meeting, Pavel Latushka  also requested support for the Belarusian diaspora in Poznań  in organizing events dedicated to significant dates of Belarusian independence — March 25  and August 9 . The Marshal expressed his readiness to assist in organizing such events involving the Belarusian diaspora, including providing venues at the Marshal’s Office. The Deputy Head of the Cabinet also presented information about the situation of political prisoners in Belarus  and human rights violations , and separately focused on Lukashenka’s attempts to make a “deal” with the United States and the European Union  without implementing any meaningful changes to the country’s internal repressive policies. Pavel Latushka  continues to hold meetings with representatives of regional authorities in Poland to address the issues faced by Belarusians residing in the country. Recently, meetings have been held with the voivodes of the Pomeranian, Podlaskie, Lower Silesian, and Warmian-Masurian Voivodeships .