Site search
1071 results found with an empty search
- Transnational Repression as an Instrument of State Terror under the Lukashenko Regime
Photo: NAM Media Theses of the Speech by Pavel Latushka, Delegate of the Coordination Council and Member of the Belarusian Delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, delivered at a Special Event of the PACE titled “Understanding Transnational Repression: Risks, Patterns and Implications for Europe’s Democratic Space and Its Most Vulnerable Democracies” during the PACE Winter Plenary Session (26–30 January 2026) 29.01.2026 Mr President, Dear colleagues, I see it as my task today to reveal the circumstances of the extraterritorial persecution of Belarusians, which could be the largest case of transnational repression in Europe. In 2020, following a fraudulent presidential election, Aliaksandr Lukashenko’s regime launched an extensive campaign of internal repression. Its goal, articulated by the dictator himself, was to “cleanse” Belarusian society of all deemed disloyal. For years, these actions went unpunished, leading to tens of thousands of arrests and imprisonments, and ultimately to mass expulsions and further extraterritorial persecution of those the regime considered “disloyal”. Deportation According to the 2025 report of the United Nations Group of Independent Experts on the Situation of Human Rights in Belarus, up to six hundred thousand people have left Belarus since 2020 . This represents six point four percent of the country’s population at that time. The overwhelming majority of those targeted fled Belarus because of repressive conditions and oppression . The UN Group of Independent Experts confirmed that people left due to a well-founded fear of arbitrary arrest, detention without a fair trial, torture, threats of child removal, and restrictions on the right to work and access to education . Nearly all victims interviewed reported that they had no genuine choice but to leave . In addition to creating oppressive conditions, the regime actively resorts to direct physical deportations . The expulsion of political prisoners is a striking example. On the screen, you can see a direct quote from one of the victims. I would like to once again underscore — six point four percent of the population . This is an unimaginable figure , representing an irreparable demographic loss for our nation. Photo: NAM Media Transnational repression Forced expulsion from Belarus is not the end of the suffering for those targeted, but rather the beginning of transnational persecution by the regime. These repressive actions affect everyone who has left Belarus due to political persecution or the fear of such persecution. Human rights organizations have documented that these abuses intensify every year and now affect almost all those expelled from the country. Notably, already in 2023, Belarusian consulates have stopped issuing and renewing passports, leaving hundreds of thousands of Belarusians at the risk of de facto statelessness, as well as other important documents, such as a power of attorney required for property transactions. As a result, those targeted are deprived of the ability to travel or obtain the documents necessary for a normal life abroad. Today, we can already speak of dozens of children who were born without the ability to obtain a passport. Additionally, the regime unleashed a campaign of judicial harassment , using trials in absentia against Belarusians abroad to persecute those who speak out against Aliaksandr Lukashenka’s regime. As of December 2025, the authorities have launched hundreds of criminal proceedings against Belarusians in exile, with Human Rights Center Viasna reporting at least 200 trials conducted in absentia . Such trials are typically conducted in blatant violation of internationally recognized fair trial standards, and with most independent lawyers forced into exile, disbarred, imprisoned or effectively silenced. Almost no one is left to defend those charged on politically motivated grounds. Individuals must always fear that they have been included in the Belarusian wanted list, and consistently face uncertainty and risks of detention or deportation when travelling. The regime does not even shy away from abusing Interpol’s red notice system to persecute Belarusians on politically motivated grounds. Such procedures often end in draconic sentences of up to 20 years of imprisonment - for simply exercising fundamental human rights, for openly opposing the atrocities committed by the Belarusian regime, and for showing solidarity and support for those persecuted by the regime. In parallel, the authorities do everything they can to intimidate and silence Belarusians abroad - by threatening them and their family members remaining in Belarus, by surveilling them abroad. By creating an atmosphere of fear and distrust in the Belarusian diaspora to discourage Belarusians from speaking up. Conclusion Transnational repression has become a systematic tool used by authoritarian regimes to pursue their opponents beyond national borders. However, the Lukashenko regime has taken these practices to a scale that meets the definition of persecution as a crime against humanity, over which the International Criminal Court has jurisdiction. Impunity has been one of the key drivers enabling the expansion of these repressive practices. Will justice remain blind and silent?
- European justice must prevail in Belarus
Illustrative photo Theses of the Speech by Pavel Latushka, Delegate of the Coordination Council and Member of the Belarusian Delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, at the meeting of the PACE Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights during the PACE Winter Plenary Session (26–30 January 2026) 28.01.2026 Dear Chair, dear colleagues, Representing the Belarusian democratic forces and speaking on the issue of accountability for the crime of aggression against Ukraine, I consider it my duty to emphasize, each and every time, the necessity of holding the current military and political leadership of the Lukashenko regime accountable. By providing the territory of Belarus for missile and air attacks, as well as for a ground invasion by the Russian army, Aleksandr Lukashenko and other representatives of his regime committed the crime of aggression under international criminal law, including as defined in the Statute of the Special Tribunal. The actions of the military and political leadership of the Lukashenko regime that led to an act of aggression by Belarus against Ukraine must be properly documented. This is precisely the work currently being carried out by the National Anti-Crisis Management, which I have the honor to lead. Holding Aleksandr Lukashenko accountable for the crime of aggression is essential for the restoration of the rights of thousands of Ukrainian civilians who have suffered as a result of missile and air strikes, as well as those forcibly transferred from Ukraine to Belarus and Russia, many of whom remain interned and are subjected to torture to this day. I encourage you not to forget the role of the military and political leadership of Belarus in the aggressive war against Ukraine. P.S. Yesterday, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, Andrii Sybiha, stated that Lukashenko and his accomplices are responsible for committing the crime of aggression against Ukraine.
- The attention of PACE to the situation in Belarus is extremely important
Illustrative photo Theses of the Speech by Pavel Latushka, Delegate of the Coordination Council and Member of the Belarusian Delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, at the meeting of the PACE Committee on Political Affairs and Democracy during the PACE Winter Plenary Session (26–30 January 2026) 28 January 2026 I fully support the rapporteur’s statement. The Lukashenko regime does not stop the repression. It is the largest repression in Europe in recent decades. The number of political prisoners is about 1,150 people. Every month, around 40 new people become political prisoners. Despite the efforts of the United States to free political prisoners, even more people are recognized as new political prisoners . It looks like a conveyor belt. Just before today’s meeting, the human rights center “Viasna” recognized 8 new Belarusians as political prisoners. In Belarus, more than 2,000 NGOs no longer work. All political parties and independent media have been shut down. The country is under total control. The regime controls all areas of life and society. For us, the attention of PACE to the situation in Belarus is very important. The Lukashenko regime continues to support Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.It also carries out hybrid attacks against Lithuania and Poland. The regime persecutes Belarusians outside the country. According to the UN, at least 800,000 Belarusians have left the country since 2020. I ask my colleagues in PACE to speak about Belarus and not to forget about political prisoners. We hope that the report will be adopted at the spring session of PACE.
- The Belarusian crisis must be resolved primarily by Belarusians
At one of the protests in Minsk, October 25, 2020. Photo: Uncredited/AP/dpa/picture-alliance It is unacceptable for the future of the Belarusian people to be decided without their participation — "nothing about us without us" . The narrative that Europe needs to talk to Lukashenko is ambiguous. It is noteworthy that democratic forces are excluded from this process. It is as if they do not exist. This means the idea is for the EU to negotiate with Lukashenko over the heads of democratic forces and the democratically minded part of Belarusians. We do not share this approach, which is why our proposal is a Round Table and National Dialogue , where democratic forces and Belarusian society are direct actors, not passive observers. The Belarusian crisis must be resolved primarily by Belarusians and Belarusian politicians representing them — in a sovereign dialogue. Otherwise, we simply hand over Belarusian politics into someone else’s hands. Lukashenko has always unilaterally broken agreements with the EU. The time has long come to negotiate with Belarusian society. Belarusians have proven their agency, enduring the most massive repression Europe has seen in decades. Therefore, Lukashenko must take substantial steps to change internal repressive and external aggressive policies. If Lukashenko and his elites are not ready to start a dialogue, they should continue to live under sanctions and pressure. The role of European allies is undoubtedly important, but we cannot simply delegate the fate of our country to someone else or outsource the resolution of the Belarusian crisis. We are actors, not objects . This is the essence of being what is called Belarusian democratic forces and Belarusian politicians. When evaluating the role and approaches of European partners toward Belarus and Lukashenko, it is important not to forget that Russia’s aggressive war against Ukraine continues, and European countries stand fundamentally on Ukraine’s side and clearly assess Lukashenko’s role in the aggression against Ukraine. We count on European partners to give a very clear response to Lukashenko regarding his intentions to repeat, once again, the story of dialogue with Europe. First, he must negotiate with society. Negotiating with society means implementing systemic, not cosmetic, changes to internal repressive and external aggressive policies.
- Pavel Latushka discussed joint projects with the Belarusian minority in Poland
Pavel Latushka in Białystok with representatives of the Belarusian minority and Belarusian diaspora in the Białystok region. Białystok, Poland, 2026. Photo: NAM-Media Joint projects with representatives of Belarusian minority organizations in Poland were discussed during meetings of Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the NAM Pavel Latushka in Białystok with representatives of the Belarusian minority and Belarusian diaspora in the Białystok region. Białystok, Poland, 2026. Photo: NAM-Media At the Belarusian Cultural Center in Białystok , during a meeting with Center Director Anatol Vap and Chairman of the Belarusian Historical Society, Professor Aleh Latyshonak , joint initiatives of the Center, the Museum of Free Belarus , and NAM were reviewed. Among them: Presentation of the publication "Ruins of Belarus" , dedicated to archival photographs of Belarusian historical and cultural monuments; A book about Belarusians resettled from Poland to the BSSR in 1944–1948 ; Presentation of Larisa Heniyush’s memoirs "Birds Without Nests" ; Events dedicated to the anniversary of the Battle of Grunwald ; An exhibition from the Museum of Free Belarus collections , dedicated to political prisoners and repressions in the country. With Chairman of the Belarusian Union in Poland, Yauhen Vap , issues of cooperation with the Belarusian minority in the Białystok region were discussed, as well as preparations for the 70th anniversary of the weekly "Niva" . Pavel Latushka with Yauhen Vap, Chairman of the Belarusian Union in Poland. Białystok, Poland, 2026. Photo: NAM-Media The Belarusian Union in Poland is the founder of Radio Racyja and the publisher of the Belarusian weekly in Poland, "Niva" . During the meetings, the importance of uniting the efforts of the Belarusian minority and representatives of the Belarusian diaspora in organizing joint cultural events was emphasized. This will promote better mutual understanding, cooperation, and greater attention to Belarusian affairs in Poland. Additionally, Pavel Latushka visited the editorial office of the publication "Most" and congratulated the team on its four-year anniversary . The discussion included support for media work in Poland, which primarily informs the Belarusian diaspora and residents of the Belarus-Poland border region. Pavel Latushka in the Radio Racyja studio. Białystok, Poland, 2026. Photo: Radio Racyja. Pavel Latushka also visited the Radio Racyja studio and gave an interview during his visit to Białystok.
- The Belarusian "Lyavonikha" was performed in Hajnówka
Students of the Belarusian Lyceum in Hajnówka. Hajnówka, Poland, 2026. Video: NAM-Media Hajnówka is one of the most important centers of Belarusian identity in Poland, where the Belarusian minority lives and preserves and respects Belarusian culture, language, and history. Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of NAM, Pavel Latushka, congratulated the graduates of the Hajnówka Lyceum with additional Belarusian language education during the 2026 "Hundred Days" celebration. This is a Polish tradition that takes place in all lyceums in Poland 100 days before the start of final exams . Students of the Belarusian Lyceum in Hajnówka study Belarusian language, history, and culture , as well as Belarusian songs and dances. Traditionally, in Polish lyceums, all graduates dance the Polonaise by Michał Kleofas Ogiński , a work created by the outstanding composer in Załessie, in the Smarhon region of the Grodno area. However, at the Hajnówka Lyceum, graduates always add the " Lyavonikha " dance to the famous Polonaise. Pavel Latushka. Hajnówka, Poland, 2026. Photo: NAM-Media In his speech as an honorary guest at the ceremony , Pavel Latushka emphasized that a democratic Belarus and Belarusians will always support the Belarusian minority in Poland , which preserves Belarusian traditions and roots going back centuries, from their ancestors. Pavel Latushka also noted that he first visited the Hajnówka Lyceum with additional Belarusian language education in 1997 as Vice-Consul of the Belarusian Consulate General in Białystok . Later, he returned as Ambassador and as Minister of Culture of Belarus . Today, as Deputy Head of the Cabinet and elected delegate of the Coordination Council, he expressed his honor in greeting all Belarusians who cherish Belarusian tradition and culture . He also highlighted that, as an ambassador, he had the honor of initiating the opening of the Belovezhskaya Pushcha border crossing " Pereiraw – Belovezha ", which is now closed, but he hopes that soon Belarusians and Poles will be able to visit each other freely within the common European space. "I am Belarusian and I am proud of it. I can open my soul to everyone: Never and nowhere will I deny That I lived for Belarusians and will continue to live for them!" This verse by the outstanding Belarusian poet Viktar Shved , born in the Białystok region, was cited by Pavel Latushka in his speech. He stressed the importance of remembering one’s homeland, traditions, roots, history, and culture of the places where a person was born. "What unites us is our common Belarusian identity. Belarusian democratic forces and the United Transitional Cabinet will always support Belarusians in Poland ," emphasized Pavel Latushka. This year, 104 lyceum students studying Belarusian language and culture will take exams , including in Belarusian language. Next year, all new students entering the Hajnówka Lyceum will continue studying Belarusian language and culture , which serves as an example for all of us. "As a former diplomat, Minister of Culture, and today a representative of Belarusian democratic forces, I encourage all Belarusians who, by the will of fate, find themselves in Poland, to study the traditions of the Belarusian minority in Poland, which has preserved its love and respect for Belarusian identity. This is a source of our present and our future," concluded Pavel Latushka.
- Pavel Latushka: A round table would prevent the collapse of the state system and ensure a transition of power without shocks
Pavel Latushka "Refusal to resolve the crisis internally and to engage in dialogue could lead to the country’s fate depending on external factors. The most dangerous of these is Russia" , noted Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of NAM Pavel Latushka in an interview with one of Poland’s leading publications, Rzeczpospolita . Lukashenko is deceiving the Americans "Lukashenko is trying to negotiate with the Americans. He offered them a deal involving the sale of the $3.3 billion potash deposit in Nezhin … At the same time, let’s look at the signals and statements sent to Lukashenko by U.S. President Donald Trump. During their first phone conversation, which took place on Air Force One, he emphasized the importance of releasing all political prisoners. Later, he wrote about this on Truth Social. What do we see in practice? In 2025, according to the human rights center Viasna, Lukashenko pardoned 342 people , while 509 people were granted political prisoner status, and 189 were deported. Thus, we see the reverse statistics. Repressions have not stopped — on the contrary, they are intensifying. At least 1,200 prisoners of conscience remain in Belarusian prisons. Lukashenko is deceiving the Americans. And, as I believe, the Americans are not naive. Realistically, there will be no operation to remove Lukashenko from Minsk. However, at some point, the Americans may grow tired of these negotiations. They may get fed up with this game and then turn to other instruments of pressure on Lukashenko" . The solution — a round table "The solution to the problem of power transition could be a round table. This is the most promising opportunity for our country to return to normal life in a civilized way. Such a path would allow for the lifting of sanctions and the return of foreign investments, avoid an uncontrolled collapse of the state system, and ensure a planned, democratic transition of power without shocks. We know that Lukashenko does not want to talk and has never been — and is not — willing to engage in dialogue with the opposition. However, we clearly understand that the elites around Lukashenko are not homogeneous. Most of the representatives of the system formed around him support the preservation of the country’s independence and statehood. They must realize that after Lukashenko leaves, they could lose everything. They have seen what happened in Caracas. Refusal to resolve the crisis internally and to engage in dialogue could lead to the country’s fate depending on external factors. The most dangerous of these is Russia" . We are a subject "We have survived the last five years. We are going through unprecedented repressions that Europe has not seen for decades. The institutions we created — the Office of Free Belarus Leader Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the United Transitional Cabinet, the Coordination Council, thousands of activists — all of them are under criminal persecution in our country. If Brussels begins negotiating with Minsk behind our backs, this will mean a betrayal of our shared values" . Full interview of Pavel Latushka for Rzeczpospolita .
- The procedure for reviewing legalization issues in Poland for released Belarusians will be carried out as quickly as possible
Pavel Latushka, Tomasz Cytrynowicz, Mikhail Kirylyuk, Volha Dabravolskaya. Photo from the meeting with the Head of the Polish Office for Foreigners, Tomasz Cytrynowicz. Warsaw, Poland, 2026. Photo: NAM-Media Issues related to the legalization of political prisoners released on December 13 who have applied for international protection in Poland were the central topic of a meeting between Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) Pavel Latushka and Head of the Polish Office for Foreigners Tomasz Cytrynowicz . The meeting was attended by NAM lawyer and Chair of the Legal Commission of the Coordination Council Mikhail Kirylyuk , representative of the Belarusian Solidarity Center Volha Dabravolskaya , and a representative of the “Partyzanka” initiative . The Head of the Polish Office for Foreigners assured that the Polish side will make every effort to ensure that decisions on the legalization of released political prisoners in Poland are taken within the shortest possible time , in accordance with current Polish legislation, as soon as all internal procedures are completed. It is expected that decisions will be made in the coming months. Pavel Latushka expressed gratitude to the Office for Foreigners, the Ministry of the Interior, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Main Headquarters of the Polish Border Guard for their constructive and positive approach to the legalization of Belarusian citizens deported to Poland . During the meeting, Tomasz Cytrynowicz noted that the Office for Foreigners has already initiated legalization procedures for 79 released Belarusians , and procedures for an additional 4 Belarusians will be launched in the near future . Separately, Pavel Latushka and the meeting participants initiated a discussion on the problem of opening bank accounts in Polish commercial banks for Belarusians who are undergoing legalization procedures and hold temporary foreigner identity certificates in Poland . Pavel Latushka emphasized that the Polish Financial Supervision Authority has provided a clear explanation that this document constitutes valid grounds for opening a bank account .Given the ongoing difficulties in opening accounts, an agreement was reached to obtain additional written confirmation from the Office for Foreigners that this document serves as a legal basis for opening accounts, and to use the official positions of Polish authorities in further engagement with commercial banks to resolve the existing situation . A representative of the Office for Foreigners also noted that the agency supports the proposal to extend the validity period of the travel document for foreigners beyond one year . Pavel Latushka and the participants stressed that implementing this approach would significantly simplify the resolution of social and other issues for foreigners in Poland, including Belarusians , and would reduce the administrative burden on Polish authorities caused by the need to initiate procedures for obtaining a new travel document every year .
- Lukashenko Has a Money Problem
Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. For years, the regime’s propaganda has insisted that sanctions are "empty noise", "symbolic gestures" that supposedly do not work. Today, reality itself — and even representatives of the system — are disproving this propaganda. Look at a telling, almost symbolic example. Aleksei Talai , a person implicated in the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children, publicly admitted that after sanctions were imposed, friends, partners, and sponsors began turning away from him. People refuse to cooperate not only in business, but even in charitable projects — because they fear the consequences. And Talai openly said: sanctions work. Lukashenko himself has said this repeatedly. This is an important point. Sanctions are not just prohibitions on paper. They mean broken ties, loss of trust, and the toxicity of any contact with representatives of the regime and its beneficiaries. But this is not about individual figures. It is about the country’s economy as a whole. According to the National Bank, in January–October 2025 the deficit of foreign trade in goods and services amounted to USD 1.2 billion . According to Belstat, the deficit in trade in goods for January–November reached nearly USD 6 billion . Exports grew by only 0.1% , while imports increased by 4.2% . This is precisely how sanctions work: export restrictions are effective, while import dependence has not disappeared. What does this mean in plain terms?The economy is not earning foreign currency — it is losing it. The regime is forced to purchase imports at higher prices, through circumvention schemes, via third countries, losing time and money. It is unable to compensate for this through exports either to Russia or to so-called "friendly countries", because they themselves are under sanctions pressure and in stagnation. We are told: "But GDP is growing". Let us face the facts. In January–November 2025, GDP growth amounted to 1.3% , against an official forecast of 4.1% . The plan was underfulfilled by more than three times. And even this weak growth is ensured not by development, but by budget injections, administrative pressure, and the redistribution of resources. This is fundamentally important: sanctions do not cause a collapse "overnight". They work differently — systemically and cumulatively. They deprive the regime of the ability to achieve sustainable growth. Let us look at the real sectors of the economy. Industrial production — a decline of 1.7% . Agriculture — stagnation, while livestock losses in 2025 reached 111,000 head of cattle . The number of pigs decreased by 70,000 . Freight turnover — the bloodstream of the economy — down by 3% . Freight turnover is the key indicator. It reflects not reports, but the real movement of goods. Its decline means there is no export growth, the country is losing its transit role, and production chains are being disrupted. Sanctions are particularly visible precisely here — in logistics. Another alarming signal is inventories. Today they have reached 83.6% of average monthly production, whereas a year ago they were around 60% . This means products are not being sold, enterprises are producing "for stock", working capital is frozen, and financial pressure is mounting. This is one of the most reliable indicators of an economic dead end. The reasons are obvious: loss of external markets due to sanctions, low competitiveness of products, and a limited and shrinking Russian market. Here is a concrete example — the Belarusian Steel Works. Planned exports: 240,000 tonnes . Actual sales: 35,000 tonnes (a shortfall of seven times ). The plant is loss-making, dependent on subsidies, and its director has received an official reprimand. Similar problems exist at MTZ, MAZ, BELAZ, Mogilevliftmash, and Belkommunmash. These are no longer isolated failures — this is a systemic crisis of heavy industry. Against this backdrop, regime representatives claim they have "built mechanisms of preventive adaptation", "neutralized the effects of sanctions", and "restructured logistics". But if everything is so successful — why are exports falling? Why are inventories growing? Why is industry unprofitable? Why does GDP fail to reach even the lowered targets? The answer is obvious: these statements are an attempt to save face. In reality, resources are being burned, reserves are being consumed, and costs are being shifted onto the population. At the same time, money continues to be directed toward repression and support for war. In 2026, law enforcement agencies and courts will receive just over BYN 6.7 billion from the republican budget. This is almost BYN 1.4 billion more than last year — an increase of 25.4% . In 2025, spending on the army was increased by BYN 1.1 billion , or nearly one third . That is why the key conclusion is simple and fundamental: sanctions are not symbolic — they undermine the regime’s economic base . They deprive it of foreign currency revenues, make sustainable growth unattainable, and increase the internal vulnerability of the authorities. Weakening or lifting sanctions today would mean only one thing — stabilizing Lukashenko’s regime, providing new resources for repression, and sending a signal of impunity. The Belarusian economy is entering a phase of prolonged stagnation. This pressure is systemic and cumulative, aimed at the key sources of the regime’s resilience. Therefore, sanctions must not only be maintained, but strengthened — until the dictatorship no longer has the resources for self-preservation. This is not punishment. It is a chance for liberation. Our proposal to the regime — what must be done to lift sanctions: End repression and release all political prisoners; Conduct a general political amnesty, decriminalize political and civic activity as well as the work of independent media in Belarus; Repeal repressive legislation; Finally resolve the migration crisis, stop hybrid attacks on neighboring countries, and cease participation in Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.
- Sanctions Are Not Symbolic — They Undermine the Regime’s Economic Base
Illustrative photo According to data from the National Bank of Belarus, in January–October 2025 the deficit in foreign trade in goods and services amounted to USD 1.2 billion . According to Belstat, in January–November 2025 the deficit in trade in goods alone reached nearly USD 6 billion : exports increased by only 0.1% , while imports grew by 4.2% . Alongside the incompetent and ineffective economic policies of the regime’s government, this situation is also the result of sanctions: export restrictions are working, while dependence on imports remains. The regime is forced to purchase goods at higher prices and through обходные channels, while being unable to compensate for losses through exports to Russia and so-called "friendly" countries. In January–November 2025: industrial output in current prices declined by 1.7% compared to the same period of the previous year; agricultural production decreased by 0.02% (the loss of cattle alone amounted to 110,000 head ); freight turnover fell by 3% ; inventory levels reached 83.6% of average monthly output (a year earlier — no more than 60% ). These indicators reflect a decline in production, a contraction in logistics activity, and a reduction in both domestic and external demand. Freight turnover is of particular importance, as it reflects the real movement of goods rather than accounting figures. Its decline indicates a deterioration of the country’s transit role and the breakdown of production chains. It is important to note that in January–November 2025 GDP growth amounted to only 1.3% , which is more than three times lower than the official forecast ( 4.1% ). Even this weak growth is driven by budget injections and administrative pressure rather than genuine economic efficiency. "Sanctions are not symbolic — they undermine the regime’s economic base. They deprive it of foreign currency revenues, reduce industrial production, make sustainable GDP growth unattainable, and increase the regime’s internal vulnerability. The Belarusian economy is entering a phase of prolonged stagnation, caused in part by sanctions pressure. This pressure is systemic and cumulative, targeting the key sources of the regime’s resilience. Therefore, sanctions must not only be maintained but also strengthened. If the regime does not change its internal repressive and external aggressive policies, pressure must not be eased. Only by maintaining economic pressure will the Lukashenko regime be deprived of the resources needed for self-preservation", said Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management.
- The Dictatorship of "Justice": Why Lukashenko’s Appeals to Judges Are the Highest Form of Cynicism
Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. Why Lukashenko’s Appeals to Judges Are the Highest Form of Cynicism On January 6, 2026, a ceremonial oath-taking of judges of the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court took place in Minsk. Addressing people in judicial robes, the head of the regime, Alexander Lukashenko, uttered a phrase that in any democratic country would sound like a slogan of humanism, but in today’s Belarus sounds like a threat: "We cannot prescribe everything even in the Constitution, we cannot prescribe everything in laws. But the spirit, the foundation, and the basis are one — justice. And this concerns you first and foremost". This thesis is not a casual remark. It is a manifesto of a system that has definitively replaced justice with expediency and the rule of law with the personal will of the ruler. When the dictator tells judges that "you cannot write everything into the law", he gives them a direct carte blanche to ignore legal norms. In a state governed by the rule of law, the law protects citizens from the arbitrariness of power. In Lukashenko’s system, "justice" means whatever is beneficial to the regime at any given moment. If the law prevents imprisoning an opponent, the judge is invited to follow the "spirit of justice". This approach turns courts into punitive bodies, where the verdict is known even before the hearing begins, and the evidentiary basis is replaced by reports from officers of GUBOPiK. Special attention should be paid to the figure of the former Chairman of the Supreme Court of Belarus, Valentin Sukalo , who for more than two decades was a key architect of the degradation of the judicial system. It was under Sukalo that the courts finally lost their independence, politically motivated verdicts became routine, and judges turned into officials servicing the repressive demands of the authorities. Sukalo is not a passive executor, but a systemic accomplice to repression. He built a vertical of loyalty in which a judge’s career advancement directly depended on their willingness to issue decisions required by the regime. Thousands of sentences against political prisoners are not "system errors", but the direct result of his management model. In effect, Sukalo became the chief legalizer of violence, giving punitive practices the appearance of "judicial procedures". His departure is not a break with the past, but merely the passing of the baton. The cynicism of the situation is further underscored by personnel changes. At the same event, the new Chairman of the Supreme Court, Andrei Shved , took the oath — a man who previously served as Prosecutor General of Belarus. This is a fundamentally important moment: for the first time in the country’s modern history, the head of the prosecution has directly taken charge of the highest judicial body, completely erasing even the formal boundary between prosecution and court. Shved is not a neutral lawyer. As Prosecutor General, he became the architect of the so-called "genocide of the Belarusian people" case, turned historical memory into an instrument of repression, and used criminal law to persecute activists, journalists, and dissenters. Shved’s appointment is a signal: the judicial system is no longer pretending to be independent. It is now officially becoming an extension of the prosecutor’s office. At the same time, Sergei Sivets , a former MP and regime ideologue, was appointed Chairman of the Constitutional Court. He is known for having for years publicly justified the destruction of the separation of powers, the expansion of Lukashenko’s authority, and the subordination of the Constitution to political expediency. Sivets is not an arbiter between the authorities and society. He is a regime guard at the entrance to the Constitution, whose task is to explain why any decision by Lukashenko "complies with the Basic Law". Particular attention should be paid to Lukashenko’s direct and demonstrative reference to the situation in Venezuela. Addressing judges of the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court, he stated: "And now, the latest events in our friendly Venezuela. This is where the Constitutional Court played its role and made tough decisions. You see what I warned you about long ago — the turbulence we are witnessing in the world. In such a situation, one must be careful, calm, and not rush. And much will depend on you, judges, chairmen of our courts, judges of the Constitutional Court — very much will depend on you. So keep this in mind…" Lukashenko is effectively pointing judges to the "correct model of behavior": at a moment of political crisis, the Constitutional Court must not defend the Constitution and the will of the people, but ensure the survival of the regime at any cost by adopting “tough decisions” exclusively in its interests. Lukashenko’s words about "care for the people" sound against the backdrop of grim statistics. In 2025 alone: More than 1,250 people were convicted on politically motivated charges. The total number of political prisoners, despite periodic "pardon shows" for the West, remains critically high — as of January 8, 1,128 people in Belarus are recognized as political prisoners. The regime has implemented a "pendulum" tactic: releasing 30 people through pardons while arresting 50 new ones in the same month. This is not mercy — it is trade in human lives and an endless cycle of hostage-taking. 342 people were pardoned with U.S. mediation, while 509 people received political prisoner status. Calls on judges to honor the Constitution look especially mocking. Over recent years, the Basic Law has been rewritten exclusively to legalize the perpetual rule of one person and to grant the All-Belarusian People’s Assembly (VBNS) powers superior to the will of the people. Today, the Constitution of Belarus is not a social contract, but an instruction manual for exploiting the country — one that its author changes at his own discretion. Judges swearing allegiance to it are pledging loyalty not to the people, but to a document stripped of its original meaning. The reminder about "justice" from the podium is effectively a confession. In a country where justice is alive, no one shouts about it — it is simply administered. In Belarus, justice was killed in 2020, buried in 2022, and finally sealed in concrete at the All-Belarusian People’s Assembly in 2025. Lukashenko’s call to be "fair to the people" in reality means: "be ruthless toward the enemies of my regime" .This is the criminal cynicism of a system in which a judge’s robe has become merely camouflage for a prison guard’s uniform.
- Study of the Lives of Belarusians in Poland in the Focus of the United Transitional Cabinet
Illustrative photo On January 9, Pavel Latushko , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), held a meeting at the National Bank of Poland with Deputy Directors of the Statistics Department Jacek Kaczerczyk and Grzegorz Dobrachek . During the meeting, representatives of the Statistics Department presented the report " The Living and Economic Situation of Migrants from Belarus in Poland ," based on survey data collected by the National Bank of Poland in 2025. Representatives of the National Bank of Poland noted that the study showed Belarusian migrants in Poland to be, on average, one of the most educated and entrepreneurial groups of foreigners, the second largest in number (at least 146,000 people ) after Ukrainians. About 62% of respondents have higher education, and 14% are engaged in entrepreneurship. The majority of Belarusians ( 56% ) emigrated due to the unsatisfactory political situation in Belarus and fear of repression. Pavel Latushko thanked the Statistics Department for making the report available for public review and also put forward proposals regarding additional questions to be included in the new stage of the study on the lives of Belarusians in Poland planned by the National Bank of Poland for 2026. In addition, Pavel Latushka provided representatives of the National Bank with a description of the problems related to the opening and blocking of bank accounts of Belarusians in Polish commercial banks, as well as proposals for resolving this situation. Among the issues highlighted was the fact that Belarusians with expired passports of the Republic of Belarus, as well as holders of international protection status or persons awaiting such status, continue to face difficulties in opening bank accounts and threats of their accounts being blocked. Moreover, due to the ambiguous interpretation of the latest EU sanctions package, a significant number of citizens have faced the risk of their banking mobile applications being blocked. During the meeting, Pavel Latushko emphasized that any Belarusian man or woman who is legally staying in Poland — including those awaiting legalization, running a business (through a company or as self-employed), working under an employment contract or mandate contract, or studying — all these categories must have the right to a bank account and a mobile banking application, regardless of whether they hold a valid residence permit in Poland. This right also follows from Article 108 of the Polish Act on Foreigners . Representatives of the Polish side promised to initiate consideration of these issues at the next meeting of the Polish Financial Supervision Commission , whose leadership includes a representative of the National Bank of Poland.


















