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Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Let's clarify the situation and put an end to speculation on this topic. Almost immediately after the election campaign for the Coordination Council kicked off, a narrative began circulating in the media, suggesting that Pavel Latushka would take the place of Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya. I must confess that I feel flattered by the high regard given to our political work, our team, and our coalition with the "For Freedom" Movement, which has led to the emergence of such scenarios in people's imaginations. However, it is disheartening to see that even individuals who consider themselves analysts are entertaining these scenarios. The upcoming elections for the Coordination Council, scheduled for May 25-27, are intended to elect representatives for a collective representative body. The aim is to select eighty deputies, each entrusted with a mandate to fulfill their role within this capacity. It is crucial to understand that these elections are NOT for the presidency. Consequently, the essence of this election campaign can not be focused on challenging Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya's position, as she emerged as the winner in the PRESIDENTIAL elections of 2020. Now, let's address the unpleasant aspect. Such speculation, to be frank, is highly detrimental. Presenting the participation of different candidates in the elections for the Constitutional Court as an attempt to create divisions within the democratic movement and provoke conflicts is a manipulative act that only fosters divisions. It is challenging to conceive of a more ideal gift for propaganda and a demotivating factor for voters on the eve of the elections. Therefore, I wish to clarify that Pavel Latushka has no intentions of competing for Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya's position or attempting to replace her in any manner. Firstly, it is important to note that instead of some kind of “presidential privileges” there is a significant amount of work and areas of responsibility that need to be addressed with limited resources. The elections for the Constitutional Court also present an opportunity to address personnel matters within the democratic forces. Through these elections, we can incorporate 80 elected deputies who are dedicated to addressing the concerns of Belarusians across various available platforms. Secondly, the driving motivation for me and our team throughout this entire journey, which fuels our round-the-clock efforts and underlies our decision to participate in the elections for the Constitutional Court, is the desire to bring about a political change in our country. Our aim is to create a free, independent, European, and democratic Belarus. Therefore, it is important and necessary for all of us, not just Pavel Latushka or the Latushka and "For Freedom" Movement coalition, but for all Belarusians to participate in the Coordination Council elections. For the past 30 years, our votes have been disregarded, uncounted, and unheeded. They were simply stolen and manipulated. Those who were meant to represent our interests were merely appointed, rendering elections a meaningless formality. Throughout this time, we have never had a positive experience of participating in election campaigns. On May 25-27, we have the opportunity to gain this experience for the first time. It is the first time we can truly feel the value and impact of our voices. Together, we can establish a genuinely elected body that will represent and safeguard the interests of voters, to the extent currently possible. The principle of "Nothing about us without us" is one of the fundamental principles underlying our electoral program. Rather than merely complaining about decisions made arbitrarily abroad, we can actively participate through elections and directly influence policies. Neither I nor our coalition aim to replace Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya. Our goal is to strengthen, develop, and foster effective collaboration among the political institutions established in 2020. The only chairs and positions we aim to vacate are those unlawfully seized by the Lukashenko regime and his accomplices. We will strive to hold them accountable before the law. Vote, choose, and make an impact. The Coordination Council elections will take place on May 25-27. Our number on the ballot is No 9. Long live Belarus!

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador An interesting observation and analysis that I would like to share with you is regarding the Vitebsk clan coming to power in Belarus. For the first time in Belarusian history, Alexander Lukashenko, who has usurped power in our country, has decided to introduce the position of his deputy. Aleksander Kosinets was appointed deputy chairman of the presidium of the so-called All-Belarusian People's Assembly. It's worth noting that there are references to the CPSU Central Committee and the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. Who is Alexander Kosinets? He is the former rector of Vitebsk Medical University and, more importantly, the former chairman of the Vitebsk Regional Executive Committee. In 2014, Kosinets was appointed head of Lukashenko's administration. Then, in 2016, Natalya Kochanova, who hails from the Vitebsk region and was formerly the mayor of Novopolotsk, was appointed head of Lukashenko's administration. Now, who invited Kochanova to the capital and facilitated her rise to the position of Deputy Prime Minister in Lukashenko's government and later to the post of head of his administration. It was Kosinets. We can observe a connection here: Kosinets invites Kochanova to the position of Deputy Prime Minister for Social Affairs. Subsequently, Kosinets is removed from the post of head of the Presidential Administration, and Kochanova assumes his position. In turn, Kochanova opens the door for the next representative, let's call it, from the Vitebsk school - Igor Sergienko, who succeeds her as the head of Lukashenko's Administration. Who is Igor Sergienko? He is a career KGB officer, a former first deputy chairman of the KGB, and a KGB general. In 2019, he assumed the position of head of Lukashenko's administration, replacing Natalya Kochanova. We can observe a pattern of continuity: Kosinets, hailing from the Vitebsk region, served as the head of the administration; Kochanova, also from the Vitebsk region, held the same position, and now Sergienko, also from the Vitebsk region, has taken over. Each of them took turns advocating for their successor. It is evident that in the highest positions in the country (with the concept of high-ranking positions and senior officials, introduced by Lukashenko himself), representatives of the Vitebsk school hold prominent roles. For instance, Igor Sergienko serves as the Chairman of the House of Representatives, which is the lower house of Lukashenko’s parliament, while Natalya Kochanova is the Chairman of the Council of the Republic, the upper house of Luukashenko’s parliament. Alexander Kosinets holds the position of Lukashenko's deputy as the chairman of the All-Belarusian People's Assembly. If we carefully analyze the Constitution and determine the rights and responsibilities of different entities, even a cursory examination provides grounds to believe that these three key figures can play a significant role in the event of Lukashenko's incapacity due to health problems or his eventual death. Whether Lukashenko was aware of this when he established a triumvirate of Vitebsk individuals in the most influential positions in the country is a substantial question. Only the dictator himself can answer it. However, it is evident that this group holds considerable influence during times of emergency or crisis in the country. Who is Alexander Kosinets? He is quite an active and ambitious individual, as well as someone who, during my time in the government, reportedly caused the Vitebsk region to accumulate significant debts. It was stated during government meetings that around half a billion US dollars were spent on various projects initiated by Kosinets. Consequently, the entire Vitebsk region became burdened with debt. I believe that these debts still exist. They have either been written off or the Vitebsk region simply has not paid them to the republican budget. Kosinets sought to establish his success as the chairman of the Vitebsk Regional Executive Committee, viewing it as a stepping stone to a higher position. I recall a conversation with him at the Vitebsk Regional Executive Committee. Every high-ranking official has a personal room for rest  adjacent to their office. Therefore, this conversation took place in Kosinets's personal room in 2011. During this conversation, which lasted several hours, Kosinets outlined his vision for the development of the Vitebsk region and the country as a whole. He made me an offer, expressing his desire to become the prime minister and inviting me to join his team. You can imagine my state upon hearing this proposal. We were in the chairman's office, fully aware that all these premises were under constant surveillance by the KGB and other agencies. Belarus has six services authorized to intercept conversations of both citizens and foreigners within its territory. I understood that if I were to accept his offer and say, "Yes, I agree to join your team," it would undoubtedly result in us leaving the office together in handcuffs, escorted by KGB officers, or I would be taken away in handcuffs alone. Naturally, I declined his offer, stating that I was content with my current work. However, the very fact of Kosinets' ambition was already apparent. Subsequently, he was appointed as the head of the administration. I later learned that my refusal influenced certain governmental decisions regarding my career. Yet, that is all in the past, and it doesn't bother me at all. What I want to stress here is that Lukashenko appointed a highly ambitious individual to the position. He surely remembers that, as the head of the administration, Kosinets assumed more responsibilities and powers than the role typically entails. This was one of the key reasons why Kosinets was swiftly relieved of his position as the head of the administration. And now Lukashenko appoints him as his deputy - marking the first time in history that Lukashenko has had a deputy. There is an interesting anecdote from Aleksander Kosinets' biography. Even before assuming the position of chairman of the Vitebsk Regional Executive Committee, Kosinets held the role of Deputy Prime Minister of Belarus and served as the chairman of the organizing committee for the international film festival "Listapad." Alas, this festival can no longer be called international nowadays. Kosinets had set the task of inviting foreign movie stars to the festival's opening ceremony in Minsk. Can you guess whom he wanted to invite? Schwarzenegger! It's a true story. After a few weeks, the organizing committee of the "Listapad" film festival reconvened, and Kosinets inquired, "So, what about Schwarzenegger? Did he agree to come to the festival in Minsk?" Everyone hesitated, shrugged their shoulders, and Kosinets declared, "You don't know how to do it, you can't do it. Just give me Schwarzenegger's phone number, and I'll invite him myself! I'll call him and invite him personally." Such is the story. Naturally, there may be many more anecdotes like this one. So that’s how Belarus has found itself under the rule of the Vitebsk clan. I also recall a story related to my initiative to erect a monument in Kyiv dedicated to Uladzimir Karatkevich. I drafted a memo on this matter and submitted it to the Lukashenko administration, which was headed by Vladimir Makei at the time. I received a negative response, but I persisted, believing it was important to have a monument honoring Uladzimir Karatkevich in Kyiv. He had graduated from the Faculty of Philology at Kyiv State University, and he had several  works written in the Ukrainian language. Karatkevich is the person who unites us, Belarusians and Ukrainians. So I continued to insist on commemorating Uladzimir Karatkevich in Kyiv. After receiving a negative response from Vladimir Makei, I decided to directly address Lukashenko by writing a report. I still remember the resolution that came back to me from Lukashenko: "Support the proposal of the Minister of Culture to erect a monument to my fellow countryman." Uladzimir Karatkevich was born in Orsha, and Lukashenko himself was born in the Orsha region. Although we often associate Lukashenko with the Mogilev clan or the Mogilev part of the Belarusian establishment, it is true that he was born in the Vitebsk region. I believe that this Vitebsk triumvirate will have an impact on the current situation in Belarus and, more importantly, on its future when Lukashenko is no longer capable of governing the country.

Insights from The Associated Press, CBS News, and The Economist Source: semafor.com Two Polish men have been arrested in Poland on suspicion of having attacked a close ally of the late opposition leader Alexei Navalny, Warsaw officials said Friday. A Belarusian working for Russia who allegedly ordered the assassination attempt was also arrested. Russian activist Leonid Volkov, a close aide of Navalny, was attacked by assailants wielding a hammer and pepper spray on March 12 near his home in the Lithuanian capital Vilnius, where he lives in exile. The suspects in the attack carried out “the orders of the special services of an alien country,” a spokesperson for a Warsaw court said Friday. Volkov has accused Russian President Vladimir Putin’s “henchmen” of bearing responsibility. The arrests are the latest in a string of incidents that show how deeply Russian interests have penetrated Europe. On Thursday, German authorities said they had arrested two men on suspicion of spying for Russia to collect information about potential attack targets. And another Polish citizen was also arrested this week for allegedly helping to plan an attempt to assassinate Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Attack underscored how dissidents are unsafe wherever they go The attack on Volkov underscored the risks for dissidents of both Russia and Belarus who have sought safety in Lithuania, Poland, and elsewhere, The Associated Press reported. Pavel Latushka, a former Belarusian culture minister now in exile in Warsaw, told the outlet: “it is evident that all boundaries have been breached, and crimes can be committed within the territories of European Union member countries.” “I think the aim of such attacks is to paralyze people, to paralyze democratic movements,” said Belarusian opposition leader Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, who also lives in exile in Lithuania.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador What are the five main elements of possible support for the Belarusian people by democratic states? In 1991, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, several nation states emerged and gained independence. How did Europe respond to this? For some reason, Western politicians regarded Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia as falling within Russia's sphere of interest. Decades later, it is evident that this decision was a strategic mistake. In 2014, nobody could have anticipated that Belarus would play a significant role in Russia's aggression against Ukraine in 2022. All of this stems from strategic mistakes made in 1991 and 2014. Granting territorial concessions to the aggressor and attempting appeasement have consistently resulted in negative consequences. Even the Lukashenko regime, which has consistently supported Russia, reached the same conclusions after 2014. The dictator was not concerned about the country or the state, but rather his own power. Then, between 2014 and 2015, Lukashenko managed to convince Western partners of a favorable narrative: that only he could save Belarus from Putin and guarantee its independence. Lukashenko manipulated the West, fully aware that he had no intention of implementing reforms or relinquishing power. His inclination towards the West was merely an excuse to extract more resources from both the EU and Russia. We frequently emphasize to our partners that it is only a matter of time before Russia non-militarily annexes Belarus. Lukashenko will be unable to prevent this, but the worst-case scenario is if the Belarusian people are also unable to prevent it. Our Western partners have a choice: Support Lukashenko, believing that he will protect Belarus. Support Belarusian society and assist the Belarusian people in reclaiming their agency. Only a free, independent, European, and democratic Belarus can guarantee that Russia will no longer be able to carry out aggression, not only against Ukraine but also against the EU. As a politician, I wholeheartedly endorse all actions taken by our partners to strengthen national security and defense. However, it is crucial for our Western partners to understand that the Belarusian people are the primary force and the main weapon. In a situation where the Putin and Lukashenko regime decides to once again employ Belarus as a base for aggression against Ukraine or any EU member states, the Belarusian people, who endure daily repression, will be our foremost weapon.

Pavel Latushka: Will Lukashenko come to Poland? Currently, the National Prosecutor's Office of Poland is conducting criminal proceedings against Alexander Lukashenko and officials under his command for crimes committed against national and political groups, as well as other individuals. The National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) is actively working to thoroughly investigate the crimes committed by Lukashenko and his accomplices against Belarusian and foreign citizens. We are providing relevant materials to the Prosecutor's Office of Poland, the International Criminal Court in The Hague, and the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine. In line with the agreements reached in November 2023, Marcin Wiącek, the Commissioner for Civil Rights of Poland, has updated Pavel Latushka, the head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), on the progress in reviewing the applications submitted by Belarusians regarding the crimes committed against them. In his letter to the NAM, the Ombudsman of Poland mentioned that the Department for Combating Organized Crime and Corruption of the National Prosecutor's Office of Poland in Lublin is currently examining the following cases: The crimes against humanity committed by Alexander Lukashenko and other identified officials of the Republic of Belarus, against both Belarusian and foreign citizens, including multiple instances of murder, serious manslaughter, infliction of serious bodily and mental harm, and the deliberate creation of living conditions with the aim of physically destroying, either completely or partially, a national or political group. These acts were carried out by an organized armed criminal group, which included Alexander Lukashenko and other named officials, as part of a state policy that constitutes political terrorism supported by state terrorism. The hijacking of a Polish aircraft, involving the illegal act of forcing Ryanair flight FR4978 to land on June 21, 2021, at Minsk airport in the Republic of Belarus. This action, carried out by officers of the Belarusian KGB following the orders of Alexander Lukashenko and other individuals, posed a direct threat to the lives and health of many people, causing harm to both private interests and the interests of the Republic of Poland. The trafficking of persons, exploiting citizens of Iraq and other nationalities, involving the recruitment, transportation, delivery, transfer, harboring, or reception of individuals from outside the territory of Belarus for a fee, with the purpose of forcing them to illegally cross the border of Belarus with European Union countries (Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland). This was committed by Alexander Lukashenko as the leading executive using the state administration subordinate to him, along with Belarusian travel agencies acting on behalf of the state administration. Instances of violence and threats against groups and individuals based on their national and political affiliation, particularly those associated with the democratic white-red-white national symbols of Belarus. These acts, carried out by Alexander Lukashenko and other identified officials, involved the use of illegal and punitive threats through media information, internet portals, and messengers, indicating the potential commission of crimes against the health and lives of threatened individuals and their families. A joint investigation team, consisting of Poland, Lithuania, and Germany, has been established to investigate these crimes. The investigation is being conducted based on a decision by the Deputy Prosecutor General of Poland for Organized Crime and Corruption. Marcin Wiącek assured Pavel Latushka that he will continue to monitor the progress of the investigation to ensure the respect for rights and civil liberties. Pavel Latushka, head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, commented on the prospects of legal prosecution, stating, "The continued work of the Polish prosecutor's office on the possible involvement of Lukashenko and his accomplices in committing crimes against citizens of Belarus and other countries is crucial to achieving justice for the grave and especially grave crimes committed by the regime in Belarus. We have provided evidence and given testimony in all of the aforementioned cases. We will continue to take all possible actions to ensure the legal prosecution of Lukashenko, including through five international mechanisms such as transferring the situation in Belarus to the ICC for consideration of crimes against humanity, as well as for the war crime of illegally transferring Ukrainian children from the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus, committed by Alexander Lukashenko and his accomplices. I believe that Lukashenko can only come to Poland in handcuffs."

In response to the inquiries received by NAM regarding the security of personal data for Belarusians who have obtained  the status of international or additional protection in Poland, we would like to highlight the following points. In our assessment, there is currently no justification to suggest any systematic transfer of personal data of Belarusians who have experienced political persecution in Belarus and are currently in Poland to representatives of the Lukashenko regime. We would like to emphasize that the Polish authorities are taking every possible measure to ensure the protection of Belarusian refugees and individuals in need of protection. Through numerous bilateral meetings, it has become evident that the Polish competent authorities are continuously working towards enhancing the protection of these individuals and their data, as well as improving their status and living conditions. Relevant matters are regularly discussed between representatives of the competent Polish departments and representatives of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, NAM, and civil society. Specialized working groups have been established for this purpose and are actively functioning. We firmly believe that Poland serves as a reliable haven for hundreds of thousands of Belarusians who have been compelled to leave their homeland. Poland provides the most favorable regime for entry, residency, and social support, along with the right to work and social integration programs. Furthermore, special measures have been developed for issuing international travel documents. These efforts represent only a fraction of the comprehensive actions undertaken.

Uladzimir Astapenka, Deputy Head of NAM, recounted the establishment of the Belarusian Embassy in Belgium in 1995. During that time, in March 1995, Lukashenko himself attended the opening, marking his first and only official visit to Brussels. He engaged in meetings with Belgian leadership and the European Union, signing a partnership and cooperation agreement. However, this agreement never came into effect as its ratification was halted after the unconstitutional referendum of 1996. Prior to the opening, an ambassador was appointed to Brussels, commencing their work essentially from scratch. Initially, they rented an apartment in a high-rise building, where their efforts began. Later, a separate house was found, which was eventually purchased and renovated to suit the needs of the embassy. As Minister-Counselor of the Belarusian Embassy in Belgium, I actively participated in the process. For the embassy's inauguration, they commissioned a large edition of a splendid postcard, featuring an artist's impressionist depiction of the embassy building with our national flag proudly displayed. And I still have a picture before my eyes - an old building with a white-red-white flag. After the infamous 1995 referendum, where Lukashenko changed our national symbols to the red and green palette of the BSSR era, instructions were issued to replace the flags. However, the embassy hesitated to immediately remove the white-red-white flag, which continued to adorn the building for a significant period. Today, in Brussels, there is a representation of the Belarusian society - of the majority, who took to the streets in 2020 under thousands of white-red-white flags to protest against dictatorship and violence. Our national flag proudly flies at the Mission of Democratic Belarus in Brussels. This institution's vital work serves as a crucial stepping stone towards the day when national flags will flutter over Belarusian embassies worldwide, unyieldingly standing as a symbol that cannot be taken down.

Joint statement by Pavel Latushka and Yury Hubarevich on participating in the elections for the Coordination Council Pavel Latushka: "Belarusians should have the right to elect their representatives. Unfortunately, this is not yet possible in Belarus. However, we now have the opportunity to elect our representatives through the Coordination Council elections. I call upon all of us to take part in these elections. As a Belarusian politician, I am submitting my application to participate in the Coordination Council elections and express my gratitude to everyone who has joined our team. We have formed a coalition with the "For Freedom" movement, and we have also been joined by other public associations, bloggers, diplomats, lawyers, cultural figures, and entrepreneurs." Yury Hubarevich: "The "For Freedom" movement supports the call for Belarusians to participate in the elections for the Coordination Council. Strengthening the representative institutions of democratic forces through elections is a natural and essential aspect of the democratic process and its development. After being deprived of the right to choose in our homeland for decades, Belarusians have finally been given the opportunity to elect their representatives." Pavel Latushka: "Let's participate in the elections together. After 3.5 years of continuous struggle, it is important for us to understand that no one will solve our problems for us, Belarusians. Simultaneously, we must demand that our international partners adhere to the principle of 'nothing about us without us’. The primary task of the new Coordination Council should be to defend the national interests of Belarus and the rights of Belarusians, as well as to influence decisions that may affect each and every one of us. I firmly believe that the democratically elected Coordination Council will also be in demand during the transitional period of changes in Belarus. Your support is crucial to us! Support independence, responsibility, and freedom! Support us!" Long live Belarus!

Pavel Latushka for Wyborcza.pl There is only one effective way to counter Lukashenko's pressure - to communicate with the dictator using the only language he comprehends. On April 16, Andrzej Poczobut once again marks his birthday behind bars. For over three years, Andrzej, this courageous activist of the Polish minority, an honest journalist, and an unwavering champion of truth, freedom, and democracy, has been held hostage. He is one of the thousands (!) of hostages of the Lukashenko regime, countless political prisoners who have been thrown behind bars by the dictator since the events of 2020. Three years for a political prisoner in Belarus is not just a period of imprisonment.These three years have been marked by abuse, torture, deprivation of communication with the outside world, lack of access to packages and medicines. It has been three years of living in hell, an ordeal that not everyone can survive. Contact with Poczobut has been severed. “He is currently isolated from the outside world” To date, we are aware of six cases of political prisoners who have lost their lives in Belarus. Through torture and denying necessary medical care, the Lukashenko regime has already caused the deaths of Vitold Ashurak, Ales Pushkin, Mikalai Klimovich, Ihar Lednik, and Vadzim Khrasko. On April 10, we received the tragic news of Aliaksandr Kulinich's death. Many political prisoners are confined in solitary confinement, and their health conditions remain unknown. We don't even know for sure if they are alive. Mikalai Statkevich, Ihar Losik, Viktar Babaryka, Siarhei Tsikhanouski, Maksim Znak, Maryia Kalesnikava and many others. We don't know anything about their condition. Since being transferred to correctional colony No. 1 in the city of Novopolotsk, one of the harshest prisons in Belarus, there has been a severe lack of information regarding Andrzej Poczobut. He has not had any visits, phone calls, or communication with the outside world. He is completely cut off from society. Despite his heart condition, he is not receiving the necessary medications. Since August of last year, Andrzej has been confined to a cell with an even stricter detention regime known as a PKT (cell-type room). During this period, he has been placed in a punishment cell multiple times. Unfortunately, this is all the information we have. Since February 26, all contact with Andrzej has ceased entirely. Andrzej Poczobut is a resilient man, a symbol of the fight for democracy and our joint Belarusian-Polish hero. Those who know him are confident that he remains steadfast, unwavering in his principles. Andrzej has consistently declined to submit a petition for pardon to Lukashenko, maintaining his stance and expressing it in one of his letters: "I have no need for pardons. I will not seek contact or make any requests, even under pressure. Such conduct would be morally wrong in cases like mine." Having been unable to break Andrzej Poczobut's spirit, Lukashenko’s court sentenced him to 8 years in a maximum-security correctional facility on February 8 of the previous year. On May 26 of the same year, Andzrej’s appeal was rejected. Despite Poland's diplomatic efforts, resolutions from international organizations, and the closure of several border crossings in demand for Poczobut's release and that of other political prisoners, the vengeful Lukashenko refuses to comply. The only way to deal with Lukashenko. "The language of integrity and strength" Lukashenko, in fact, intensifies the pressure on Andrzej, concurrently escalating his anti-Polish policies. These include increased repression of the Polish national minority in Belarus, the dissolution of Polish organizations, the closure of Polish language schools and courses, the desecration of burial sites and monuments, as well as heightened pressure on the Belarusian-Polish border, even resorting to mobilizing groups of illegal migrants. How much longer will this continue? How long will the repression, abuse, and torture of political prisoners endure in Belarus? How long will Lukashenko hold hostages? How long will Andrzej Poczobut's personal hell persist — one year, two years, eight years? How long will Lukashenko's hybrid aggression against Poland and other EU countries persist? These are not questions that should remain unanswered. I believe that these questions do have answers; however, it requires a resolute political will to provide them. The release of Andrzej Poczobut and other political prisoners, as well as putting an end to the aggression of the Lukashenko regime, can be achieved through determined action. This individual, if we can even call him that, only understands one language — the language of determination and strength, the language of even greater pressure. He is not deterred by fences and closed border crossings; they only inconvenience migrants and ordinary Belarusians attempting to cross the border. Essentially, he shows no concern for the possibility of ordinary Belarusians crossing the border. In fact, he would prefer borders that are entirely closed to such movement. This is every dictator's dream. He does not appear to be greatly concerned about the current trade sanctions and partial restrictions, as their scope is limited. This is especially true when considering Lukashenko's own acknowledgement that trade turnover in certain product categories has actually increased by 3-5 times under these sanctions. What could truly unsettle him? What form of assertive action could effectively address the situation at the Belarus-Poland border? Which measures could genuinely compel Lukashenko to release Andrzej Poczobut, along with thousands of other political prisoners, and compel him to cease the orchestrated attacks using illegal migrants? To achieve this, we must adopt the principle that Andrzej Poczobut has exemplified. We must respond to Lukashenko's pressure with even greater pressure, involving China in finding a solution to the Lukashenko problem — completely severing trade communication with Belarus, including railway connections. Our common hero. One for all and all for one Today, Andrzej Poczobut sends a signal to us all that freedom for an entire country at the heart of Europe is more important than freedom for just one individual. Are we ready to accept and implement this principle—one for all, and all for one? I believe we do not have the luxury of waiting for an answer. We must adhere to this principle so that our common hero, Andrzej Poczobut, and thousands of other hostages of Lukashenko have a genuine chance at freedom. After all, freedom and the struggle for it should always be grounded in unwavering principles. Warsaw April 16, 2024 Source: wyborcza.pl

It is crucial to address the issue of double discrimination against Belarusian independent athletes, according to the stance of the National Anti-Crisis Management regarding the participation of Belarusians in the upcoming Olympic Games in Paris. Presently, Belarusian free athletes face dual discrimination due to inconsistent policies within the international sports community. On one hand, they are discriminated against by the Lukashenko regime for their opposition to violence and war, resulting in their exclusion from national teams, terminations, blacklisting, detentions, or even being compelled to leave Belarus. On the other hand, Belarusian independent athletes are excluded from international sports by the federations themselves due to the aggression launched by Russia against Ukraine with the support of the Lukashenko regime. Since 2020, the Lukashenko regime has carried out unprecedented repression against athletes. Over 136 Belarusian sports representatives have been unlawfully targeted for their civic activities, leading to terminations, detentions, and blacklisting. Currently, more than 20 Belarusian athletes and sports professionals are officially recognized as political prisoners. SOS.BY has been labeled as an extremist organization by the Belarusian KGB. Athletes who have spoken out against the war have been subjected to a separate wave of repression. On December 8, 2023, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) decided to allow athletes with Russian and Belarusian passports to participate in the 2024 Olympic Games in Paris under strict conditions. One of the conditions introduced is that athletes and service personnel with contracts with the Russian or Belarusian military or law enforcement agencies will not be granted participation in the competitions. However, the IOC's position was only advisory for international federations. As a result, the specialized federations have the final say on admitting Belarusian athletes to the qualifying competitions. Due to the varying approaches taken by international federations, Belarusian sports find themselves in a situation where independent athletes have been excluded from participating in competitions, while athletes affiliated with the Lukashenko regime have been admitted to the 2024 Olympic Games. The NAM team has prepared justifications and submitted requests to the IOC and relevant international federations to conduct thorough verification of at least four athletes from the Lukashenko regime who have qualified for the Olympic Games and are associated with military and security forces. We have been in contact with representatives from the International Athletics Federation, the International Swimming Federation, the International Federation of Greco-Roman Wrestling, Freestyle Wrestling, and Women's Wrestling, as well as the national federations of Poland for tennis, football, athletics, and judo. We have also engaged with the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Sports of Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Germany, France, the United States, and Norway. Additionally, specific efforts are being made within the framework of the Commission of the Ministry of Sports of Poland regarding the admission of athletes with Belarusian and Russian passports. The National Anti-Crisis Management will continue to collaborate with partner countries, federations, and the IOC to bring about change regarding Belarusian athletes. We express our gratitude to the athletes who contribute to our efforts and provide information for subsequent verification, as well as those who assist in addressing the issue of double discrimination against Belarusian athletes. We extend special thanks to the journalists, including the editorial team of Tribuna, for providing documents that confirm the athletes' affiliation with the military and security forces of the Lukashenko regime.

Commentary by NAM on new sanctions by the US and Canada against the regime: The US Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) has imposed sanctions on 12 organizations and 10 individuals due to the Lukashenko regime's support for Russian aggression against Ukraine and its involvement in evading sanctions. These sanctions target state-owned enterprises and key defense sector companies in Belarus. Canada has also implemented sanctions in coordination with the US. These new measures signify international efforts to address the anti-democratic actions of the Lukashenko regime and its profiting from supporting Russia's war against Ukraine. NAM has long highlighted the existence of extensive networks intended to bypass international sanctions and assist the Russian military-industrial complex. OFAC's decision validates our findings, revealing the involvement of Belarusian state-owned enterprises in supporting Russia's aggressive actions. It is worth noting that democratic forces played an active role in uncovering some of these illicit schemes. We also would like to stress the fact that several individuals and organizations included in Canada's sanctions list were proposed based on our initiative. One of the networks linked to the Black Shield company has been selling weapons for use in various military conflicts in Asia and Africa for nearly a decade. This underscores the hypocrisy of a regime that claims to be peace-loving while enabling the use of Belarusian weapons in war-torn regions of the world's poorest countries. Unfortunately, the regime and its affiliated business entities have failed to learn from past lessons. They continue to disregard international law by establishing new shell companies to evade sanctions. This endless cat-and-mouse game can only be halted through decisive measures aimed at eradicating the root of the problem. We urge the international community to take stronger action to help put an end to these destructive activities of the Lukashenko regime.

Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador In response to Western sanctions for specific violations of international law, Lukashenko periodically announces the implementation of counter-sanctions against countries that he views as unfriendly to him. However, the sanctions imposed by Lukashenko on Western countries hold no practical or economic significance for these nations. Yet, the dictator persistently enforces them. But why? He is well aware that these counter-sanctions, imposed on countries that he considers unfriendly, only exacerbate the situation in the Belarusian economy and fail to generate much-needed budget revenues. Nevertheless, the dictator aims to convince Belarusians that the Western sanctions are directed against the people. In reality, these sanctions are directed at Lukashenko himself, who illegitimately seized power, his ability to assist in Russian aggression against Ukraine, and his creation of a threat to regional security. They also aim to prevent Lukashenko and his inner circle from plundering the country's resources and wantonly destroying Belarus's natural wealth. Under such circumstances, it is crucial for Lukashenko to once again convince Belarusians that the sanctions are imposed on them. To achieve this goal, the dictator resorts to cunning and deception. He himself introduces sanctions that adversely impact Belarusians. The mechanics and propagandists take over, emphasizing that what matters is the fact that these are sanctions, regardless of their origin, and that Belarusians should feel their effects. The easiest way to achieve this is through the scarcity of various goods and services that Belarusians are accustomed to. Here are a few examples: After the adoption of the fifth package of EU sanctions "for ongoing violations of human rights and the instrumentalization of migrants," Lukashenko pledged to respond with "tough, asymmetrical, but proportionate measures." Consequently, a resolution from the Council of Ministers was issued, imposing a ban on the import of several agricultural goods, including meat, sausage, milk and dairy products, vegetables, and fruits. In response to the closure of checkpoints, Lukashenko prohibited the import of specific goods from Lithuania for sale in Belarus. These goods include clothing, vinegar, tires and tubes, as well as used vehicle parts and accessories. The import of other selected goods originating from Lithuania is also prohibited, such as condensed cream, fruits and nuts, coffee, fruit juices, vinegar, hosiery, certain construction products, refrigerators, and freezers. All these counter-sanctions imposed by Lukashenko will only affect Belarusian consumers by reducing the availability of commonly imported goods or by causing price increases not only for these goods but also for their Belarusian-produced alternatives. Lukashenko has never shown genuine concern for the well-being and prosperity of the Belarusian people. To the dictator, the people are mere pawns to sustain his usurped power.