We, the participants of the rally and march in Warsaw on November 1, 2023, including representatives of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, National Anti-Crisis Management, "Belarusians of Warsaw" initiative, and other Belarusian organizations and initiatives, hereby adopt the following resolution: Taking into account the following: The data provided by the human rights defender's center "Spring," which officially recognizes 1472 people as political prisoners in Belarus as of today. The report "Crimes against Humanity in Belarus" prepared by the Justice Hub center of law and democracy with the support of the National Anti-Crisis Management, which states that no less than 136,000 individuals have become victims of crimes against humanity in Belarus from May 2020 to May 2023. The resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe dated April 27, 2023, titled "Deportations and Forcible Transfers of Ukrainian Children and Other Civilians to the Russian Federation or to Ukrainian Territories Temporarily Occupied," which confirms the involvement of the Lukashenko regime and the dictator personally in the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children from the occupied Ukrainian territories to Belarus. The resolution of the European Parliament dated September 13, 2023, titled "On Relations with Belarus," which calls on EU institutions and states to take measures to hold representatives of the Lukashenko regime responsible for aggression against Ukraine, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. It also states that Lukashenko is personally involved in these crimes, including the illegal transfer of over 2150 children from the occupied Ukrainian territories to so-called recreation camps in Belarus. The resolution further calls upon the International Criminal Court in The Hague to issue an arrest warrant for Aleksander Lukashenko. We hereby urge: The citizen Aleksander Lukashenko and his accomplices to be brought to criminal responsibility for the crimes they have committed, including crimes against humanity against the Belarusian people, the crime of aggression against Ukraine, and war crimes, including the illegal displacement and re-education of Ukrainian children. The mechanisms of the International Criminal Court, universal and national jurisdiction, and a special tribunal on Belarus to be engaged with the aim of holding representatives of the Lukashenko regime, including the dictator himself, accountable for their crimes. The International Criminal Court to issue an international arrest warrant for Aleksander Lukashenko. The possibility of dialogue with Lukashenko personally to be excluded. The continuation and expansion of international pressure on the Lukashenko regime, including the imposition of sanctions, until the following conditions are met: The release of all Belarusian men and women who have been illegally deprived of their liberty for political reasons, without any exceptions. The complete and final cessation of repression, violence, and crimes against humanity in Belarus. The holding of democratic elections without the participation of Aleksander Lukashenko and individuals involved in crimes, with the aim of resolving the systemic political crisis, guaranteeing the preservation of the independence and sovereignty of Belarus, and ending Russia's influence over our state. We intend to send this resolution to the governments of the member states of the European Union, the United States, Canada, Great Britain, and the European Commission. Unanimously adopted by the general meeting of participants Warsaw, November 1, 2023

Pavel Latushka spoke at a rally in Warsaw on November 1, 2023 Pavel Pavlovich Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National's Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador During his speech, Pavel Latushka said the following: «I was 15 years old when my father first took part in a mass rally of Belarusian democratic forces. He went to Kurapaty for a rally in 1988. And then there were his “first hits with a stick” that he received. I remember him talking about how it was. Over time, it became part of my family's history. 35 years have passed, and this story is still in my memory. And today, among the sons and daughters of our parents, I fight together for the truth and freedom of our Motherland. It is very important to remember the history of the family and clan. The history of antiquity, the history of traditions and the struggle of each family. Our children and grandchildren will remember us all equally and be proud of what we do today. What we do for ourselves and for them. Belarusians will remember the victims of the repressions of Lukashism at the end of the 20th- beginning of the 21st century. Belarusians will not forget, just as Kurapaty did not forget. And today’s struggle will be remembered by generations of Belarusians». The text of the resolution can be readon the NAM website Full text of Pavel Latushka’s speech On October 29-30, we all remembered that terrible, black night of 1937. The Night of the Executed Poets However, clearly understanding the loss that Belarusians suffered that night, our culture and science must also understand that this memory and this is pain, not elitism. After all, the Russian and Soviet empires destroyed not only the Belarusian elite. They destroyed the nation as a whole. They destroyed our roots to uproot our national identity - both in peasant thought and in intellectual thought. The goal of empires in relation to Belarus has always been the same. Destroy the nation, destroy culture, language, thought, the desire for independence, the desire for one’s own state. And today it remains the same. Because our people have not achieved this goal, no matter how hard they try. No matter how hard he tried, the new Muravyov is Lukashenko. And the Belarusians are still alive. And Belarus lives. And it will live on because we continue to fight, no matter where we are. Because our language still sounds, our words still sound and they sound like this: We remember everything. We will not give up. And let Muravyov-Lukashenko know that we will not give up, that we will not give up our goals. And this: freedom for all political prisoners without exception; freedom for all Belarusian men and women from dictatorship, repression and violence; freedom for all of Belarus - from Lukashenko and from the rule of Ruskomir. And let his entourage know that without these conditions there will be no agreements. Just as there will be no agreements with Lukashenko himself. Belarusians will negotiate with Belarusians. Belarusians will negotiate with the civilized world. We have nothing to negotiate with Lukashenko and the Russian World. The Lukashenko regime will be forced out of Belarus because we will not stop our pressure. Because we have no right to stop this if we want the sacrifices of our Grandfathers, our contemporaries and our sacrifices to be in vain. I was 15 years old when my father probably took part in a mass rally of Belarusian democratic forces for the first time. He went to Kurapaty for a rally in 1988. And then... Then there were his “first blows with batons”, tear gas. I remember him talking about how it was. Over time, it became part of my family's history. 35 years have passed, and this story is still in my memory. And today, among the sons and daughters of our parents, I fight together for the truth and freedom of our Motherland. And I also remember how in my grandparents’ house on Grandfather’s Day the oldest man in the family came to the window and knocked on silently, then went to the door, opened it and invited the ancestors to come to the table. This was a long-standing tradition in our family, which passed through the centuries and eventually reached my family. It is very important to remember the history of the family and clan. Stories from ancient times, the history of traditions and the struggle of each family. This is how our children and grandchildren will remember us all and be proud of what we do today. What we do for ourselves and for them. And they will be proud of all of you, those who are fighting, those who are forced to sit in prisons today, who suffer, who brought your life on the altar of freedom. They will be proud of them. And Belarusians will remember the victims of the repressions of Lukashism at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. Belarusians will not forget, just as Kurapaty did not forget. And today’s struggle will be remembered by generations of Belarusians. Long live Belarus! Warsaw, November 1, 2023 Grandfathers

The National Anti-Crisis Management and the Free Belarus Museum recently organized an event as part of the international memorial event called "The Night of Poets." The Free Belarus Museum hosted a literary and theatrical gathering led by Kupalaucy actors. During the event, they recited poems by executed poets, and historian Ales Smolenchuk delivered a lecture titled "Belarus (not) executed." In his speech at the event, the head of NAM Pavel Latushka noted: "Today, we observe that Lukashenko's regime is destroying the national culture of Belarus and the self-awareness of the Belarusian people. We remember the tragic chapters of our history and ensure they are not forgotten, while also steadfastly preventing the totalitarian system from overpowering our Motherland." The night of October 29 to 30, 1937, holds immense significance in Belarusian history. Today, it is known as "the Night of Poets," a day to honor the memory of outstanding innocent compatriots who were victims of the Soviet authorities' brutal actions. To commemorate this anniversary, Pavel Latushka's full address on the occasion of the Night of Executed Poets was published on the NAM YouTube channel on October 29, 2023. We strive to prevent a similar night from ever happening again. The events of that dark night, 86 years ago, saw a mass murder of prominent Belarusian cultural and scientific figures by the NKVD punitive forces. On flimsy grounds, these individuals were detained, imprisoned, and ultimately executed. Without substantiated evidence of real crimes, they were condemned as enemies of the state. Since then, Belarusians worldwide have commemorated this tragic date, known as the Night of the Executed Poets. It is often said that history repeats itself in cycles. Eighty-six years have passed since the night of the executed poets, and today we witness Lukashenko's criminal regime attempting to suppress Belarusian culture. They rewrite history textbooks, ban national symbols with millennia-old histories, and suppress the use of the Belarusian language. Even the national cry "Long live Belarus!" is branded as Nazi in Belarus, and over 140 cultural figures currently face imprisonment. Unfortunately, we still witness cultural figures losing their lives in captivity. Similar to 86 years ago, the pro-Russian government continues its assault on Belarusian culture. The Pishchalovsky Castle, specifically Volodarsky Street, once housed the prison where thousands of Belarusians accused of dissent were held. It is the same castle where the victims of the Night of Executed Poets walked its corridors 86 years ago. Today, individuals are detained by the employees of the Belarusian State Security Committee, along with other punitive institutions. The victims of the Black Night, 86 years ago, were detained by the employees of the State Security Directorate of the NKVD of the BSSR. Cultural figures were deemed enemies of the people then, and today, they are considered enemies by the Lukashenko regime. On the night of October 29-30, 1937, Belarus lost hundreds of unwritten poems, potential folk songs, cultural works that could have brought recognition to our country worldwide, and dozens of inventions that could have improved our lives today. In 1937, we lost what Belarusian culture currently lacks. While we cannot bring back the victims of the Night of the Executed Poets or those who lost their lives during the nights of August 2020, we can shape our future and that of our descendants. Today, we fight for an independent Belarus with a rich national culture, encompassing theater, cinema, music, and art—our very own culture. Therefore, we strive to prevent the bloody night against Belarusian culture and science from repeating itself. It is crucial to learn from historical mistakes and remember national tragedies to ensure they are never repeated. Therefore, it is of utmost importance to recognize that Lukashenko's regime is leading Belarus towards a similar wave of terror, where people continue to lose their lives due to the dictator's thirst for power. It is our responsibility as Belarusians to do everything within our capacity to stop these crimes. Historical events may echo, but it is only through human agency that they can be influenced and halted. While the voices of cultural and scientific figures in Belarus may be diminishing, the enemies of Belarus will never succeed in eradicating our culture. Today, Belarusian culture and science thrive abroad, with cultural events, scientific conferences, theater tours, and the continuous work of Belarusian publishing houses. Belarusian culture will never be destroyed. Belarusian identity will prevail, and the regime will be held historically and legally accountable for its crimes against Belarusians. We will not cease our efforts until we achieve the transformative change we seek. Today, we remember the Belarusian cultural and scientific figures who suffered at the hands of criminals. They were killed by the NKVD punitive forces for being Belarusian and for working for the betterment of the Belarusian nation. Weremember the tragic pages of our history and vow not to let them be forgotten. We refuse to allow a totalitarian system to reign in our Motherland, and we are determined to fight for a brighter future.

Pavel Latushka in an interview for the Czech portal Seznam Zprávy Unofficial translation from the Czech language "Putin and his vassal Lukashenko want to live in a different world. A world without freedom and human rights standards," says Pavel Latushka, an exiled minister in Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya's government who was sentenced to 18 years in prison in his home country. "We are looking for partners in Europe and in the world. We have many, but mostly for handshakes and photos, that's where it ends. Then we have allies who are willing to support us, and they do. But we are looking for active allies," Pavel Latushka, a minister in the exiled Belarusian government of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, told Seznam Zpravy. This is why, in addition to speaking at Forum 2000, Latushka held a number of meetings with Czech officials, seeking their active support. In particular, he appealed for support to the Belarusians living in the Czech Republic, for whom the authorities of dictator Alexander Lukashenko do not renew their passports. If they return to their homeland, many of them will face imprisonment. "Unfortunately, the only country with a clear strategy on Lukashenko's regime is Russia. Nobody in Brussels or anywhere else in the world has one," Latushka says, claiming that the world is forgetting his country and the Belarusian nation is gradually disappearing under Russian influence. To begin with, let me ask a topical question: what do you think about the results of the elections in Poland? The opposition is likely to get the majority of votes, will anything change in the relations between Poland and Belarus or Poland and the Belarusian opposition? This question is difficult to answer, you are asking me as a member of the Belarusian government in exile, and therefore I can hardly comment on the internal politics of another country. Nevertheless, 300,000 Belarusians chose to live in Poland, so Polish authorities and Polish society are friendly towards Belarusians. Poland is the number one country for Belarusians seeking asylum. We have good and constructive relations with the current Polish government, and I am sure that the same relations will be with the opposition, because Belarus and support for its democratisation are not a subject of discussion in Poland. I would rather mention the issue of the referendum on the border between Poland and Belarus and the demolition of the wall between the two countries. In the end, the result was invalid because not enough voters voted. But 97% of them voted in favour of keeping the wall. However, I don't think that Poles voted this way because of their desire to disconnect from Belarusian society. I am sure that this is a reaction to the policy of Lukashenko's regime, which provokes conflicts on the border every day. In the future this wall will disappear, I am sure of it. Belarusians want to be part of Europe, and we have already adopted a relevant resolution at the Congress of Belarusian Democratic Forces in Warsaw in August. A few weeks ago I wrote about the fact that Lukashenko's regime had stopped issuing passports at embassies and that applicants are forced to return home. One Belarusian student told me that he would have problems because the Czechs issue student visas on the basis of the passport. Now he does not know what to do. Will you discuss this issue with Czech officials? Yes, we are discussing it with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with the head of parliament and with the Ministry of Justice. It is an unprecedented situation when the authorities of a country decide not to support its citizens abroad and not to allow them to get valid documents. It's important to solve this; we have 1.5 million Belarusians abroad. Half a million people decided to leave after the rigged elections and the violence of Lukashenko's regime, which is still going on. People are arrested every day. We have two options. The first one is to start issuing New Belarus passports – we have already started this procedure and received a positive reaction from Brussels. However, it is up to the national governments to decide whether to accept them. We are negotiating with them, including the Czech Republic. Another option is to use the legislation of the countries where Belarusians live. For example, in Poland and Lithuania, we are negotiating that these countries issue their own travel documents for three years. In the Czech Republic it is a matter of law, not a decision of the ministry. It is impossible to change the law in a short time, the situation is critical. That is why we appeal to the Czech government. There are about 10,000 Belarusians living in this country, of whom three thousand will solve this problem. You, Czech Republic, are a symbol of the struggle for freedom, and your support is extremely important for us. In your first reply you mentioned the wall on the border with Poland. A few days ago I watched a new film by Agnieszka Holland, which depicts the humanitarian crisis in that country. What is the situation there now? It is still dramatic, the humanitarian problem continues. But it is important to understand who created this crisis. The initiators are Alexander Lukashenko and Vladimir Putin. They provoked this situation on the border for two reasons. Lukashenko wants to be recognised as president, so he is putting pressure on the European Union. He also wants the West to stop sanctions against his regime. Lithuania has already taken the case to the UN international court in New York. How do you assess Lukashenko's proposed trilateral co-operation between Russia, Belarus and North Korea? Can this group of countries change the situation? Many years ago, the former head of US diplomacy Condoleezza Rice spoke about the "axis of evil". Now we see a new axis of evil: Pyongyang, Tehran, Moscow and — I find it hard to say this — Minsk. Lukashenko and Putin want to live in a different world, without human rights standards. Yesterday (the interview was on 16.10.2023 — ed.) Lukashenko's former press secretary, now editor-in-chief of the largest newspaper in Belarus, appeared in the first programme of Belarusian TV. He said that all people who talk about human rights in Belarus are enemies of the state. This is their civilisation: without human rights and without freedom. They co-operate to survive. They are not friends, but they have common interests. Pyongyang would never survive without Russia, and Russia now needs weapons from North Korea. And it is clear to Lukashenko that a Ukrainian victory in the war would mean the end for him. Let's take a look at your relations with Ukraine. It seems that President Volodymyr Zelenskyy is keeping the door open for Lukashenko; he has not yet recognised the government of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. What can you say about this? I've had several confidential meetings with Ukrainian officials on this topic. When there is a war somewhere, the government always looks after its own interests and the interests of its people first. As a diplomat, I understand Zelenskyy. I can't confirm that Ukrainians are negotiating with Lukashenko, they don't officially recognise him. Even the EU countries do not recognise Tsikhanouskaya and our government. So why should we criticise Ukraine for this? After the brief rebellion of the Wagner mercenaries in Russia, some of their troops were sent to Belarus. Did this have any effect on the situation in your country? Lukashenko decided to support Putin at a crucial moment. At the moment when Prigozhinmoved on Moscow, he realised that he and Putin were in the same boat and could perish together. So he decided to save himself. He made a mistake only later — he began to publicly declare that it was he who had managed to solve a huge problem for Russia and Putin. And Putin will never forgive him or forget it. This is the reason why they stopped communicating for a month, Putin stopped giving Lukashenko money and supporting him. Today we have 500–1000 Wagner mercenaries in Belarus, and Lukashenko claimed that Wagner was alive, is alive, and will live on. Well, you know how it turned out. Lukashenko thought that Putin would give him money for the Wagner mercenaries, but he got nothing. A few days ago, Ukrainian security services said that Russia could wage war until at least 2025. How long will Lukashenko, whose regime is under sanctions, last? A journalist recently asked me about our motivation, how long it would last. I replied that I was sentenced to 18 years, so my motivation is for 18 years. I was joking, of course. Lukashenko started mass repression in 2020, in 2021 he hijacked a Ryanair civilian plane, in the same year he started a migration war against the EU. In 2022 he gave our territory to Russia for its aggression against Ukraine, in 2023 there are Wagner mercenaries and nuclear weapons in Belarus. What are we waiting for? The question is not only for Belarusians, but also for Czechs, Poles, Lithuanians and others, what can we do. We will support Ukraine as much as we can, Belarusians who are fighting against Russia are dying there. By supporting Ukraine, we support ourselves. The victory of Ukraine is one of the conditions of our victory. We do not want to be a balcony of Russia and remain in the sphere of its interests. We want to be a part of the European community, so our goal is membership in the European Union. Not tomorrow and not the day after tomorrow, but this is our strategic goal.

It's time to act! We have been engaging in action every day, without pausing for three years, even on weekends and holidays Today marks the third anniversary of the National Anti-Crisis Management. Yes, it's been longer than our initial plans when we embarked on this journey. However, we are well aware of what we, as Belarusians, are fighting for. We want to remind both the weary and the steadfast fighters of our purpose. We fight for: Belarus as a sovereign nation Freedom and independence The European choice and integration with the civilized world A parliamentary republic and self-governance A state that supports its people Democracy and a thriving civil society Transparent governance The rule of law An independent judicial system Equality and non-discrimination Freedom of speech, choice, thought, conscience, and assembly Truth, honesty, and justice Respect for human dignity Our native Belarusian language as the official language National culture, history, and symbols A market economy Protection of private property rights Despite the propaganda attempts, we, as Belarusians, have a clear vision of the future—a vision of a new Belarus, as outlined above. We know the kind of country we want to live in and the state we aim to build. We are aware of the reasons why we must succeed. Today, the NAM celebrates its third anniversary. Yes, it has taken longer than our initial plans at the beginning of this journey. Nevertheless, we are confident that we are moving in the right direction. This means we have come three years closer to our goal—a new Belarus. We will not give up. We will not cease our efforts. We will reach our destination. Long live Belarus!

Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador The Court of the European Union dismissed the claim and maintained the sanctions against OAO Minsk Automobile Plant (MAZ) and OAO BELAZ. Previously, in February of this year, a similar refusal was issued to Belaeronavigatsiya. At first glance, it may not seem like a significant development since the sanctions remain in place, and Lukashenko continues to assert that they make Belarus stronger. However, something unexpected occurred, specifically: Valery Ivankovich, the General Director of MAZ, and Sergey Nikiforovich, the General Director of BELAZ, disregarded Lukashenko's bravado and appealed to the European Union Court to lift the sanctions imposed on their companies. Ivankovich and Nikiforovich, in the lawsuit, acknowledged the existence of a regime in Belarus and officially stated that the EU Council had misjudged the facts related to their alleged financial support of the regime. They emphasized that they do not endorse or finance Lukashenko's regime. The management of MAZ and BELAZ acknowledged the violation of citizens' rights in Belarus and documented this in the European Court, arguing that they are obligated to pay dividends to the state but should not be held responsible for how these funds are subsequently used, even if they contribute to the violation of citizens' rights. In essence, the management of MAZ and BELAZ are already attempting to prove their non-involvement with the regime, albeit outside of Belarus and within the European legal system. It is worth noting that in the lawsuit, the management of MAZ and BELAZ claimed that their right to defense and the principle of effective judicial protection had been violated. They invoked their right to defense when seeking recourse through European justice. However, they seemingly disregarded the right to protect enterprise workers when they were subjected to intimidation, threats, terminations, surveillance, detentions, and administrative fines. Numerous individuals were dismissed and repressed at each of the enterprises. Naturally, the EU Court upheld the sanctions decisions of the EU Council, which the general directors of the two companies sought to overturn. Both claims were rejected, and MAZ and BELAZ were ordered to cover all legal costs. Cooperation with these companies will remain prohibited for European firms, and their assets will remain frozen. Presenting evidence of non-involvement with the regime and distancing themselves from Lukashenko outside of Belarus is a justifiable approach. However, to be truly heard and recognized, it is crucial to take concrete steps towards removing Lukashenko from power and avoid becoming entangled in his criminal schemes. What are your thoughts, gentlemen Ivankovich and Nikiforovich?

NAM expert group responsible for economic pressure (economic issues) Would it be better for Belarus to remove sanctions from the Lukashenko regime or to remove Lukashenko himself? Let's address this issue. We will provide our answer at the end of the video, and we eagerly await your thoughts in the comments, if it is safe for you. Meanwhile, let's delve into the essence of sanctions, their primary objectives, impact, and, of course, the criticism surrounding them. 1. What are sanctions and why are they needed? Sanctions are a tool used to hold accountable those who grossly violate international law, including human rights abuses, involvement in military aggression, and other illegal actions. Sanctions effectively deprive the regime of resources such as foreign currency and investments. They disrupt the system, bringing it closer to collapse rather than prolonging its existence. Economic sanctions targeting Lukashenko's inner circle and affiliated businesses make those individuals question the viability of supporting a regime that generates more losses than income. As a result, sanctions also contribute to the polarization in the so-called elite. Furthermore, dictatorial regimes may be compelled to make concessions under the pressure of sanctions. A recent example is Venezuela, where Nicolas Maduro recently agreed to release political prisoners and hold democratic elections with the participation of democratic opponents. Indeed, sanctions are not a panacea, but they serve as an effective measure to compel violators of international law to halt their criminal activities. Critics often claim that sanctions do not topple regimes. However, when designed and implemented correctly, they create the conditions for the eventual demise of such regimes. Sanctions represent the resources available to democratic forces and our partners today, enabling us to engage with the regime from a position of strength. It is crucial that we accumulate this resource and strength, as it will eventually yield results. 2. Sanctions and Belarusians – Our Position We assert the necessity of distinguishing between Belarusians, who are predominantly opposed to the war, Lukashenko, and the dictatorial regime. Fortunately, our Western partners generally heed our perspective on this matter. Concerning Belarusians, there are currently no measures as those imposed on Russian citizens, whose cars with Russian license plates have even been subject to confiscation. We consistently advocate for the interests of Belarusian citizens and endeavor to avoid discriminatory measures against Belarusians and Belarusian women worldwide. 3. How is the architecture of sanctions designed? The architecture of sanctions against Belarus, despite the application of sectoral sanctions, is still designed to minimize its impact on the general population. This approach is influenced by the structure of the Belarusian economy under the current regime, which primarily benefits the regime itself through control of the most profitable sectors. Consequently, sanctions primarily target the "wallets" of the regime, such as the export of raw materials controlled by the dictator, as well as the import of military and dual-use goods and technologies, often directly controlled by his mafia clan. 4. What do the opponents say? Opponents of sanctions often claim that they adversely affect citizens. For instance, they argue that many foreign medicines have disappeared from the shelves. However, the disappearance of medicines in Belarusian pharmacies is not due to sanctions. There have been no sanctions imposed on medicines, medical equipment, or food at all. The reality is that many Western companies independently choose to avoid collaboration with toxic counterparts from Belarus. These cases are not a result of sanctions but rather the regime's actions, which burden citizens with problems. Companies are distancing themselves not from Belarusians but from Lukashenko. In fact, without the regime's influence, international pharmaceutical businesses would likely engage more actively in the Belarusian market. Another crucial aspect regarding medicines is that Belarus has a highly centralized and nearly monopolized system for purchasing imported medicines. If the Belarusian pharmaceutical market were more competitive, similar to the food market, there would be fewer issues with medicines. If the market were more open, entrepreneurs would readily import the necessary medicines, just as they import foreign chips or shrimp for quick profits. However, since the dictator's family and associates have essentially monopolized the pharmaceutical market, problems persist. Sanctions have no connection to these issues. Sanctions also have no bearing on the matter of removing Belarusian citizens from Israel after a terrorist attack by Hamas militants. For instance, nothing prevents Belavia aircraft from operating commercial flights to Turkey or India. Furthermore, sanctions measures include exceptions for humanitarian emergencies, which is precisely the situation in this case. However, Lukashenko and his officials display little interest in the fate and safety of Belarusians; instead, they manipulate and distort concepts as their favored method. A similar example occurred when there were no sanctions yet, but the Covid-19 pandemic began, and Belarusian citizens in various countries urgently needed evacuation. Despite the urgency, Lukashenko personally ordered against organizing evacuations, leaving Belarusians to fend for themselves. 5. Are sanctions pushing Belarus towards Russia? Another argument put forth by opponents of sanctions is that sanctions are driving Belarus closer to Russia. However, even before any sanctions were imposed, Lukashenko himself took steps in this direction by agreeing to support Putin in suppressing the peaceful protests of 2020. Belarus' alignment with Russia is solely driven by Lukashenko's desperate desire to retain power at any cost. He is willing to sell off pieces of Belarus's sovereignty to Russia, become a co-aggressor in the war against Ukraine, and transform Belarus into a Russian military outpost. It would be equally fallacious to argue that sanctions could be lifted from a region like Smolensk to detach it from Russia. Such claims are mere populism and detached from reality. We must also consider the moral aspect. Removing economic sanctions from Belarus would effectively create a massive loophole for Russia to bypass the sanctions imposed on it. Belarus and Russia share not just a border, but also a common customs space. Under these circumstances, the Belarusian military-industrial complex and the economy, which have been geared toward war, are essentially supporting the Russian military machine in its aggression against Ukraine. Therefore, we can assert that one of the primary objectives of sanctions is to deprive the aggressor of resources for waging war, to exert control over Belarus, and to bring Ukraine closer to victory. This is a crucial factor for facilitating democratic changes in our country. Thus, it is not the sanctions that are pushing Belarus toward Russia; it is Lukashenko who is doing so. The regime's dependence on its eastern neighbor began not after the imposition of sanctions, but after Lukashenko's electoral defeat. Therefore, we argue for the application and expansion of economic and personal sanctions, with the aim of aligning them with the sanctions imposed on Russia and the Lukashenko regime. However, they must be structured in a way that minimally impacts the citizens of our country. 6. What are the current results of our sanctions work? Thanks to the efforts of the NAM team, the UnitedTransitional Cabinet of Belarus, and other representatives of democratic forces between 2020 and 2023, significant sanctions were imposed by the United States, the EU, and individual member countries. Additionally, 17 other countries (including the UK, Canada, Switzerland, Australia, New Zealand, Japan, South Korea, Ukraine, Norway, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Albania, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, Kosovo, and Taiwan) introduced sanctions. These sanctions targeted almost all key export sectors controlled by the regime (such as fertilizers, oil refining, wood processing, tobacco industry, and the military-industrial complex), the financial system, and over 400 individuals responsible for crimes. Lukashenko's regime is facing serious difficulties. Russia, through which sanctions are being circumvented, as evidenced by Lukashenko's recent meetings and supported by available statistics, is not fully compensating for the regime's losses. For example, the total cargo turnover from January to August 2023 decreased by 40.3% compared to the same period in 2021. This decline is accompanied by growing stockpiles of finished products, amounting to 8.2 billion rubles as of September 1 this year. While perhaps not as rapidly and successfully as desired, the sanctions are having an impact. Increasingly, officials and various "experts" are calling for the lifting of sanctions, using scare tactics and predicting catastrophic consequences such as global hunger, military escalation, or Belarus's further integration into Russia. Recently, an "independent analyst" named Evgeniy Preygerman, whose propaganda article we recently reviewed, exhibited similar rhetoric on the Oxford University political blog. However, it was only a few months ago that the regime boasted about the ineffectiveness of sanctions. 7. What do we propose to do next? Yes, sanctions measures are not always 100% effective, but this is not a reason to abandon them; it is a reason to further improve them. Loopholes need to be closed, and there should be full harmonization of trade sanctions against Russia and the Lukashenko regime. Additionally, we propose giving priority to more effective sectoral sanctions rather than blocking sanctions on interchangeable enterprises. We also advocate for the introduction of quotas on Western trade with third countries to close loopholes that allow circumvention of sectoral restrictions. As a maximum measure, we propose a complete ban on the transit of sanctioned products through Belarus. Furthermore, in the EU, it is necessary to separate the procedure for imposing primary and secondary sanctions, significantly simplifying the latter. By implementing these measures, we can ensure that the sanctions policy is effective and maximizes losses for both the Lukashenko regime and its sponsor in Moscow, while minimizing costs for our Western partners and Belarusian citizens. For example, we have already achieved measures to tighten export controls in Lithuania. Currently, Lithuanian customs requires a document confirming the destination of the delivery from the manufacturer, not the supplier. We have also submitted the same proposals to the competent authorities of Poland and eagerly await their prompt adoption. 8. Conclusion. Our task is to eliminate Lukashenko's regime, not to prolong its existence, let alone preserve it. We should not lift sanctions against Lukashenko; rather, he should lift himself. That is why we continue to work towards increasing sanctions pressure and blocking the easing of sanctions. Alongside other equally important efforts, we aim for the international criminal prosecution of representatives of the regime and Lukashenko personally, including through the issuance of an arrest warrant by the International Criminal Court in The Hague, and the strengthening of his international isolation. All of these actions also contribute to the division within the so-called "elites." Lukashenko should become too toxic of an "asset" even for his own supporters. Lobbyists and regime-affiliated "experts" may argue the opposite, suggesting that Lukashenko should be given space to maneuver, and perhaps then he will make concessions. Our response is clear - he already has space. Stop the repression, release political prisoners, and peacefully relinquish power to the people. In return, all sanctions will be immediately lifted, and Belarus will receive billions of euros from the European Union as part of the economic plan to support democratic Belarus, which was prepared back in 2021.

The National Anti-Crisis Management has reported that members of the Lukashenko regime's law enforcement personnel, suspected of committing severe crimes involving the deprivation of human freedom in Belarus in 2020, are now subject to an international arrest warrant. Here are the names and positions of these individuals at the time of the offenses: Evgeniy Shapetsko: Major and head of the Criminal Detention Centre of the Minsk Executive Committee's Main Internal Affairs Directorate (Okrestina). Gleb Dril: Major and deputy head of the Criminal Detention Centre of the Minsk Executive Committee's Main Internal Affairs Directorate (Okrestina). Dmitry Strebkov: Colonel of internal service and head of the correctional institution "Prison No. 8 in Zhodzina". Yevgeniy Savich: Police warrant officer, Special Police Unit of the Main Department of Internal Affairs of the Minsk City Executive Committee. Yulia Sokolova: Senior lieutenant of police, Citizenship and Migration Department of the Main Department of Internal Affairs of the Minsk City Executive Committee. Karina Valuyskaya: Police warrant officer, Police Patrol Service of Frunzenski District Department of Internal Affairs of Minsk. These suspects were publicly identified by the Polish state television channel TVP based on information from the Polish Prosecutor's Office. European arrest warrants have been issued for these individuals. They are suspected of committing offenses under Article 189 (3) of the Polish Criminal Code, which pertains to offenses involving the deprivation of liberty of a person, committed with particular cruelty. The National Anti-Crisis Management has been actively involved in gathering and transferring evidence regarding the commission of crimes in Belarus by representatives of the Lukashenko regime since 2020. The NAM team is collaborating with three law firms in Poland, one in Lithuania, as well as human rights defenders in Switzerland, Germany, and other countries. Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, commented on the situation, stating, "Even if you do not know the specific perpetrator of the offense committed against you, the responsibility lies with their commanders and leaders. The fact that the head of the Okrestina Detention Centre, Shapetsko, is wanted confirms this. In light of this, the NAM team encourages Belarusians who have been victims of law enforcement actions to contact us through the provided channels on the NAM website or the NAM chatbot on Telegram. With the assistance of local lawyers, we will facilitate the process of applying to the prosecutor's office, regardless of your country of residence. The more official applications we submit, the higher the likelihood of initiating new criminal cases. Documenting the violence perpetrated against you in the criminal case file serves as an additional guarantee for justice and the restoration of violated rights." The publication of the wanted list of Lukashenko's enforcers is a culmination of the collaborative efforts of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), Polish lawyer Tomasz Wilinski, representatives from Cyber-Partisans, BYPOL, and other non-governmental organizations. Our work remains ongoing, and it is crucial for all those responsible for the mass violence committed in Belarus to understand that they will face persecution for the entirety of their lives. There will be no respite from accountability.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the NAM, Ambassador That is the question. In the meantime, let's discuss how the so-called state is attempting to increase the birth rate in our country. Let's begin with the fact that not only the dictator himself and the omnipresent Natalya Kachanova, but also the Ministry of Internal Affairs, reportedly have prepared changes to the legislation aimed at introducing administrative (for now) penalties for "LGBT and childfree propaganda" – with fines of up to 200 basic units, approximately 7.5 thousand rubles. According to the regime, it is precisely this kind of "propaganda" that undermines the birth rate in the country and contributes to the growing demographic crisis. They have identified the culprits and devised a punishment. They expect a baby boom and five-year-olds in four years. It is also advisable to immediately populate the countryside. Now, let's examine the reality. In 2024, assistance to families raising children will decrease by 10.9%, amounting to only 382.52 million rubles. It's worth noting that Lukashenko has previously emphasized that a family should have at least two or three children. Remember when he said, "the third child is mine and a little bit yours"? According to him, it is necessary to give birth to 3-4-5 children. As early as March this year, the mustachioed populist called for a reconsideration of the approach to supporting large families: "Listen, we start paying for the first child, for the second, for the third. I'm not even saying what a disgrace this is. People were poorer in their time, they walked around as beggars, there was nothing to eat or clothing. I remember this, especially in the village. And no one paid them for the first, second, third, or fifth child." He added: "I will ask the government and governors to look into this issue. We need to move away from handing out these little bonuses." In October, he raised this issue again, stating that the system of supporting large families should change, although he himself doesn't know what kind of system it will be. But hey, just go ahead and give birth. Otherwise, they'll label you as "gay childfree" and fine you, right? Yes, such a "family support system" would be very much in line with Lukashenko's spirit. What is happening in Belarus at the same time? Those who disagree with the regime's policies are repressed, imprisoned, and forced to leave the country. Many individuals choose to leave voluntarily, unwilling to live in such a state and expose themselves to risks. Furthermore, due to the economic situation that Lukashenko has exacerbated, many are compelled to travel abroad to earn a living. And what does the regime do? It does everything in its power to make leaving difficult. People are detained at visa centers right when they are receiving visas. They are labeled as "parasites." In fact, individuals can now be added to the "parasite" database after being absent from the country for just 30 days. And that's not all – being included in this database comes with consequences such as having to pay 100% for electricity and media, among other hardships. It is worth reminding you that since 2022, there has been active discussion about depriving "parasites" of the right to free healthcare. So, what should parents with many children do in such conditions? In Belarus, raising and supporting even one child is quite challenging. Instead of receiving state assistance, Belarusians face further obstacles to earning money and supporting their families. However, these are not the only reasons why Belarusians today are increasingly reluctant to have children. How many healthcare workers have recently left Belarus to escape repression and poverty? The shortage of qualified personnel, and indeed any personnel, is already felt by every Belarusian in clinics and hospitals. Given the state of the healthcare system, can anyone be motivated to give birth? Yes, it may seem trivial, but it can also be life-threatening. What is happening in education? There is also a catastrophic shortage of professional personnel due to ideological purges and ridiculously low salaries. However, there is an abundance of propaganda that poisons the minds of children. Which parent would want their child to experience daily indoctrination instead of receiving a proper education? And what about higher education and the planned innovations in universities? Even paid employees are subject to mandatory service assignments, with an increase in service time for "state employees" to 5-7 years. It is disheartening to see Belarusians dreaming of "serfdom" for their children. Meanwhile, in 2024, only half the amount of money allocated to education and healthcare will be allocated to the security forces and the military. Health receives 2.5 billion, education less than 1.9 billion, while the security forces receive 4.7 billion and the military 3.6 billion. Are you considering having a baby? Finding a place to live is another challenge. Try building an apartment on a Belarusian salary. Have you managed to do that? Well, then you have to pay taxes, even for your first apartment. If you managed to buy a car, you also have to pay taxes. It seems like being successful comes with penalties. They call this a "social state," in case someone doesn't understand. Don't agree with all this chaos? Then expect visits from the security forces or the same guardianship authorities, which have already completely merged with the repressive machine. However, the majority of people in Belarus disagree with the regime and its policies. This means that anyone who has children runs the risk of losing them due to the efforts of either the guardianship authorities or the security forces. After all, you can't raise children from behind bars. And today, you can end up behind bars for the smallest reasons, such as a carelessly spoken word or a comment left on a social network. There are arrests and detentions occurring every single day. By 2023, there will likely be no one left in the country whose acquaintances, neighbors, or loved ones have not experienced repression, searches, administrative detention, or imprisonment. Perhaps behind all this darkness, we fail to see any great achievements of the regime. Maybe the regime, when not engaged in violence and intimidation against Belarusians, is building new industries, creating jobs, and improving living conditions? Well, yes. There's the battery plant in Brest, which is detrimental to the health of Brest residents. The pulp mill in Svetlogorsk poisons the air with its emissions. The Belarusian nuclear power plant, constructed with numerous violations and incidents, has failed to provide Belarusians with affordable electricity, but has only burdened the budget - that is, the people - with substantial debts from Russian loans. And then Lukashenko claims that it is necessary to build a second one. In the capital, they still make promises of the system of clean artesian water running throughout the city. However, these conversations have not progressed beyond mere populism. These are just a few examples. Feel free to share other examples from your cities and towns in the comments, if it is safe for you to do so. How many Belarusians have died from Covid, a virus that supposedly did not exist in our country? The statistics are concealed. However, we witnessed everything in 2019 and 2020. We saw the funeral homes operating at full capacity, and how cemeteries were rapidly filled with fresh graves. We know what happened, even if we have yet to fully comprehend the scale that is deliberately concealed from us, just like any other significant statistic. So, are Belarusians encouraged to have children? Is this the approach? How many people have left the country to escape the darkness of the dictatorship? Hundreds of thousands, perhaps even half a million. But the war against his own people was not enough for Lukashenko; he also became involved in the war against Ukraine. He introduced Russian nuclear weapons. He put the country on the world map, so to speak. That's all you need to know about the conditions created in Belarus for families, for people, and their children. So, to be, or not to be… in labor? That is the question. I will answer it. We need to put an end to the Lukashenko regime, which is literally destroying our country and its future. This turning point will become a catalyst for growth in demographics, economics, and all aspects of life. A life that we and our children deserve.

Yesterday, on October 17, 2023, the dictator held two international meetings, one with the vice president of Iran and another with the head of the Venezuelan Foreign Ministry. These meetings were portrayed by propaganda as an attempt to showcase Lukashenko as a significant international player with a crucial role in world politics. During the meetings, as usual, Lukashenko complained about sanctions and criticized the collective West. However, the significance of these meetings, which took place just yesterday, was merely propagandistic. Why? On the same day, China's largest Belt and Road Forum commenced in Beijing, and surprisingly, the supposed great geopolitical figure, Lukashenko, wasn't even invited. The Belt and Road Initiative is an international project led by China, aiming to improve existing trade and transport routes and establish new corridors connecting over 60 countries in Central Asia, Europe, and Africa. The initiative seeks to enhance trade relations between these nations and China. Currently, more than 150 countries and over 30 international organizations have signed cooperation agreements within the framework of this initiative, including the Republic of Belarus. The importance of this project for Belarus is evident from the fact that Belarus was the first Eastern European country to join it. Furthermore, as recently as September of this year, the dictator's Foreign Minister, Sergei Aleynik, expressed Belarus's intention to participate in the Belt and Road Forum, stating, "We will continue to promote all joint initiatives within the framework of Belt and Road," according to BelTA. However, something went awry. Lukashenko was excluded from the invitation list. Several reasons could account for this, but one reason is evident - Lukashenko's actions have impeded the smooth operation of the Belt and Road Initiative. His involvement in election fraud, persistent repression, the migrant crisis, and complicity in aggression have resulted in severe sanctions imposed on his regime. It is worth examining the migrant crisis more closely. As a response to the escalating influx of migrants, neighboring countries such as Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia issued an ultimatum to the dictator, demanding the complete closure of their borders. These countries had already shut down several border crossings for cargo traffic. Given the ongoing war in Ukraine, the availability of alternative trade routes has been diminishing. Belarus had the potential to serve as a promising gateway for Chinese goods to reach Europe, but Lukashenko's actions have increasingly complicated Belarus' involvement in the Belt and Road project. Lukashenko's toxic image has led to the gradual closure of the Belarusian window for Chinese goods. In 2022, the volume of cargo transported from China to Europe decreased by 133 thousand twenty-foot containers, which represented a 32.5% decline compared to 2021. Similarly, the volume of cargo transported from Europe to China also decreased by 36%. As a result, the total cargo turnover between China and Europe decreased by 34%. It is worth noting that even when compared to the Covid-19 year of 2020, which experienced reduced production due to the pandemic, the cargo volume in 2022 turned out to be smaller. In the first half of 2023, the volume of rail traffic along the Eurasian corridor in the China-Europe connection decreased by 48%, returning to the pre-pandemic level of 2019. The total volume of goods sent and imported from China to Poland, where the majority of goods transit through Belarus, decreased by a significant 52% in the first nine months of 2023. Regular traffic congestion is observed at the border railway crossings between Belarus and Poland. For instance, the average time required for loading and customs clearance at railway crossings between Poland and the Kaliningrad region of Russia is two and a half hours, while the same operations at the Belarusian crossing of Bruzgi-Kuznitsa typically take an average of 11 hours, and even longer at Brest-Malashevichi, averaging 21 hours. Hence, the Belarusian-Polish section of the border with Europe poses significant challenges for Chinese transit, and the blame for this primarily lies with Lukashenko. It is important to note that the main reduction in the movement of goods occurred specifically on the part of the Silk Road that traverses Europe. In contrast, freight traffic along the trans-Caspian international transport route, which extends through China, Kazakhstan, the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkey, and further through the Black Sea to Europe, experienced a two-and-a-half-fold increase from its inception in 2017 to 2022, reaching almost 1.5 million tons. In 2022, a total of 33.6 thousand twenty-foot containers were transported along this route, representing a 33% increase compared to the previous year in 2021. Under the sanctions imposed on the regimes of Lukashenko and Putin, many European and American companies have discontinued transportation through Russia and Belarus. Consequently, Belarus is beginning to face challenges in the development of critical logistics infrastructure due to current restrictions and strained relations with the West. One significant aspect affected by this is the ambitious project of the Great Stone industrial park, which was intended to become the primary logistics hub in the region. Foreign direct investment in the park reached its peak in 2019 at $114.9 million but sharply declined by 2022, amounting to only $14.4 million, a decrease of eight times. Investments in fixed capital also decreased, and the number of actively operating residents in the park has remained stagnant. Therefore, the policies of Putin and Lukashenko have played a substantial role in reducing the transit of Chinese goods through Belarus. While China cannot easily disregard Putin due to its reliance on cheap oil and gas imports, the unprofitable Lukashenko finds himself in a precarious situation. Given these circumstances, it is understandable why China would not invite such an individual or his representatives (excluding the head of the Committee of State Security, Vasily Gerasimov, who is not considered a genuine representative of the Republic of Belarus) to its forum. After all, Lukashenko has proven incapable of resolving their problems. Furthermore, inviting a leader who is not recognized as the legitimate leader of their country by some attending countries would put the respected guests from those countries in an awkward position. As gracious hosts, the Chinese likely wanted to avoid such a situation and chose not to extend an invitation to the Kremlin's puppet, whom they do not hold in high regard. At present, Putin is unable to come to Lukashenko's defense in Beijing. Lukashenko has lost his standing in Beijing, and this has been made abundantly clear to him.

From October 14 to 17, Pavel Latushka, the representative for the transit of power of the United Transitional Cabinet, embarked on a working trip to Prague. During his visit, Pavel Latushka conducted several meetings in the Czech Republic and participated in the opening ceremony of the 27th Forum 2000 Conference titled "For a Democratic World Order." During the meeting with the Head of the Czech Parliament, Markéta Adamová, the following outcomes were reported: A meeting of the heads of parliaments and representatives of the parliaments of the Crimean Platform is scheduled to take place in Prague next week. The Head of the Czech Parliament plans to address the responsibility of the Lukashenko regime in the illegal transfer and subsequent indoctrination of Ukrainian children during the meeting. The NAM provided information on war crimes committed by the Lukashenko regime. Crimes against humanity were being addressed separately. NAM presented a list of proposed sanctions to be considered for potential implementation at the national level in the Czech Republic, similar to the Magnitsky Act. The sanctions target representatives of the Lukashenko regime, security apparatus, military structures, so-called law enforcement agencies, propagandists, and sports officials associated with the regime. The Head of the Czech Parliament pledged to forward these proposals to the Ministry of Internal Affairs for further consideration of the possibility of implementing national sanctions in the Czech Republic. The issue of the simulated election campaign in Belarus, planned by the regime for next year, was also discussed. The Head of Parliament emphasized that it is impossible to recognize the elections in Belarus due to the large number of political prisoners and ongoing repression in the country. During a meeting with the Minister of Defense of the Czech Republic, Jana Černochová, the following matters were discussed: Possible support for Belarusian volunteers serving in the Ukrainian armed forces. The role of the Lukashenko regime in the aggression against Ukraine, as well as regional security concerns. The ongoing focus on the situation in Belarus was emphasized. The NAM team presented information on Lukashenko's assistance in prolonging the war against Ukraine, including the utilization of Belarus' military-industrial complex for manufacturing weapons in Russia's interests and the involvement of Wagner Group representatives in military training in Belarus. Jana Černochová expressed support for the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and the democratic forces of Belarus in their endeavors to achieve democratic changes in the country. During a meeting with the Deputy Minister of Justice of the Czech Republic, Karel Dvořák, the following topics were discussed: The possibility of utilizing universal jurisdiction to hold accountable those responsible for torturing Belarusian citizens. Currently, over 40 victims from Belarus reside in the Czech Republic, and criminal cases against Belarusian police officials have been initiated based on allegations of torture. An agreement was made to hold consultations between the Ministry of Justice and the Prosecutor General's Office of the Czech Republic regarding these issues. Concerns were raised about the act of aggression against Ukraine, in which the Lukashenko regime was involved. An agreement was reached to coordinate with the Czech Foreign Ministry on this matter. Information was provided regarding the investigation into the deportation of Ukrainian children. It was agreed to share information on this case, including in the context of the preparation of a resolution in the National Assembly of the Czech Republic regarding the illegal deportation and indoctrination of Ukrainian children from the occupied territories of Ukraine. Additionally, the topic of crimes against humanity and the Czech Republic's potential support for investigating these issues within the ICC were separately discussed. The meeting was attended by the representative of the democratic forces of Belarus in the Czech Republic, Kryscina Shyjanok, as well as the head of the department for human rights and the rule of law of iSANS, Yuri Dzhibladze. During the meeting with Tomáš Dub, Deputy Minister for European Affairs of the Czech Republic, the main topics of discussion were the harmonization of EU sanctions against Russia and the Lukashenko regime, as well as the activities of the Belarus-EU advisory council. Separate discussions were held regarding the legal prosecution of representatives of the Lukashenko regime, both within the national jurisdiction of the Czech Republic and within the ICC. A meeting was held with Ondřej Šebek, President of the National Sports Agency, and Jaroslav Miller, Deputy Minister of Education, Youth, and Sports of the Czech Republic. During the meeting, the following topics were discussed: Representatives of the Czech Republic stated that they have a general government decision prohibiting the participation of athletes from the Lukashenko regime in competitions held on Czech territory due to the regime's support for aggression and repression against Belarusians. The Czech side expressed readiness to welcome free Belarusian athletes to participate in sports competitions held in the Czech Republic. An interaction algorithm with the democratic forces of Belarus on this matter was determined. Pavel Latushka expressed gratitude for the assistance in organizing the rehabilitation of a Belarusian athlete who had suffered from repression in Belarus. Pavel Latushka conveyed the gratitude of Belarusian students in the Czech Republic to Deputy Minister of Education, Youth and Sports of the Czech Republic, Jaroslav Miller, for a meeting with five former political prisoner-students who were accepted by the Czech Republic and granted government scholarships. A meeting with the Director General for European Issues of the Czech Foreign Ministry, Jaroslav Kurfürst, took place, where the following agreements were reached: Intensifying cooperation on the adoption of national sanctions by the Czech Republic. Establishing relationships with the treaty and legal department of the Czech Foreign Ministry on issues of responsibility of the Lukashenko regime, using international institutions, for crimes against Belarusians, crimes against Ukrainian children, and acts of aggression. Proposals for the introduction of sanctions against institutions of the Union State, individuals associated with the activities aimed at eliminating Belarusian independence and sovereignty, specific legal entities and personalities involved in mass repressions in Belarus, prosecutors, judges, and heads of correctional institutions were submitted. A meeting with the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Czech Senate, Pavel Fischer, and a member of the National Assembly of the Czech Republic, Deputy Chairman of the Committee on European Affairs, Ondřej Kolar, was held. Discussions focused on the preparation of a resolution in the Czech Parliament regarding the illegal transfer and indoctrination of Ukrainian children as war crimes against the Ukrainian people. NAM provided information on the work regarding the issue of illegal deportation of Ukrainian children and the report on crimes against humanity committed by the Lukashenko regime. The Czech Parliament representatives noted that a corresponding resolution is currently being prepared on the facts related to the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children and their indoctrination. The materials submitted by the NAM team will be taken into account in the preparation of this decision. Additionally, Pavel Latushka met with Belarusian students from the Czech Republic, where topics such as obtaining student visas and the importance of interaction between Belarusian students in the Czech Republic and the democratic forces of Belarus were discussed.

On October 9, an article titled "Wrong analytical lenses undermine the West's Belarus Policy" by Mr. Yauheni Preiherman was published on the Oxford University Politics Blog. What a title! It sounds like something that could have been concocted by someone from Lukashenko’s Foreign Minister Aleynik's department. It appears that this is Mr. Preiherman's first publication on OXPOL. Let's hope it's his last. Why? Well, let's just say that this article reminds me of the all-too-familiar narratives of Lukashenko’s Foreign Ministry, not just in its title but also in its content. In fact, the content is even more intriguing and hypocritical If we were to summarize the article briefly, Mr. Preiherman suggests that Lukashenko isn't as terrible as he is portrayed in the West. On the contrary, he portrays him as a skilled individual who adeptly balances and maintains situational neutrality, almost guaranteeing the security of Ukraine and the region. It's just that the terrible West started pressuring him too much and took away his opportunity to pursue a "multi-vector" approach. So, why is the West so “evil”? Well, sure, there's the issue of dictatorship and repression. However, according to Mr. Preiherman, there were repressive actions in Belarus before. But then Lukashenko made a few concessions to alleviate Western pressure, and lo and behold, the situation regarding human rights in Belarus "visibly improved"! Is this Lukashenko’s clever multi-step strategy? To orchestrate repression, face sanctions, and then gradually and visibly "improve" everything, albeit not irreversibly? Well, the Belarusian people have witnessed just how visible these "improvements" in political rights and freedoms were after the 2020 elections. Today, there are officially recognized 1,500 political prisoners, but in reality, the number is closer to 5,000. Over 1,440 public organizations have been dissolved, along with independent media outlets and political parties. Not to mention at least 136,000 crimes against humanity, aggression, war, and war crimes. Sure, the scale of repression has escalated significantly. Mass torture, murder, and rape of women, men, and children with police batons. But according to Mr. Preiherman, it's all the West's fault. If there wasn't any pressure, everything would settle down. But for some reason, the West didn't want to understand the "difficult geopolitical situation" of the dictator, and its reactions only pushed Lukashenko to further repress, torture, and kill. It forced him to hijack the Ryanair plane, wage a migration war, and involve himself in the war against Ukraine. And let's not forget the deportation of Ukrainian children. It's all the West's fault, isn't it? Moreover, Mr. Preiherman conveniently disregards and avoids focusing attention on the listed atrocities committed by Lukashenko. It's reminiscent of how official representatives of the Lukashenko regime behave on international platforms from which they have not yet been expelled. Perhaps this is because all of this is deemed unimportant, as Lukashenko supposedly didn't really want any of it, and it was the West that hindered the envisioned "gradual and visible improvements." Therefore, according to Mr. Preiherman, the West must now abandon its "unconstructive and malicious policy," cease its pressure, and improve relations with Lukashenko. Turn the page, so to speak. Do you realize how hypocritical all of this sounds? In essence, Mr. Preiherman rationalizes and whitewashes the crimes of Lukashenko, who terrorizes and imprisons Belarusians every day, and continuously drives illegal migrants towards the EU borders. He also continues to support Russia in its war efforts. The proposal to engage in dialogue with him, while disregarding his crimes, in the hope that he might soften, Mr. Preiherman, is nothing more than banal terrorism, not "foreign policy hedging." So the proposition to understand and forgive Lukashenko, at best, appears to be an ode to Stockholm syndrome. However, there's more to it than meets the eye. It's quite evident that this ode serves specific goals The truth is, Lukashenko’s standing has drastically declined in the eyes of the Kremlin, and he is desperately attempting to play on the "Moscow Stock Exchange" in order to increase his value. And he is employing the "Western card" to achieve this. This is where the so-called "multi-vector" nature of the Lukashenko regime becomes apparent, in its true form. The regime has two different but interconnected messages for two different audiences The message aimed at the Kremlin was formulated during Lukashenko's recent meeting with the governor of the Novosibirsk region. There, relying on "extensive reports" from his intelligence and special services, Lukashenko instilled fear in Russia by highlighting Western plans to "disrupt the unity of Russia and Belarus and dismantle the Union State." Lukashenko conveys this message with a specific objective in mind—to obtain more financial support from his "big brother." What does Lukashenko desire? For instance, during the aforementioned meeting with the governor of the Novosibirsk region, he insisted on: gaining wide access to markets, including the Russian market itself and foreign markets where Russia continues its operations; increasing the number of Belarusian centers in Russia to facilitate work within these markets; avoiding duplication of production in both Russia and Belarus, meaning that Russia should actively purchase products from the existing Belarusian industry, and so on. It is evident that the economic situation of the Lukashenko regime is extremely challenging, while Russia is no longer sufficiently compensating for the losses incurred due to sanctions. In fact, Russia seems hesitant to provide the necessary compensation, as doubts arise regarding the wisdom of investing in the Lukashenko regime to the extent required. Russia realizes that Lukashenko will ultimately prioritize the Kremlin's interests, leading to the absorption of Belarusian sovereignty by Russia. Lukashenko is deeply dissatisfied with this situation as he perceives it as not only an economic threat but also a direct challenge to his power, which relies heavily on financial support from the Kremlin. With nothing substantial to offer, he resorts to blackmail tactics, claiming that the West will tear Belarus apart and destroy its unity. However, Lukashenko understands that empty words and threats, even when bolstered by alleged "special services reports," will no longer be taken seriously by the Kremlin. Consequently, he needs to provide some form of support for his claims. This is where "independent analysts" like Mr. Preiherman come into play, creating a message tailored for a Western audience It goes as follows: your policy towards Lukashenko is flawed, and you can and should cooperate with him; just turn a blind eye to certain aspects such as dictatorship, repression, violence, and even murder. Lukashenko is not anti-Western; he is simply facing difficult circumstances. Lift the sanctions and give him room to maneuver, or else the blame will fall on you if he falls completely under Russia's influence. In essence, there is nothing new about this message. It is exactly how Lukashenko’s regime has deceived the West in the past when faced with sanctions for its crimes. And the West has fallen for it before, lifting the sanctions. However, each time the regime's crimes have escalated exponentially. Moreover, Lukashenko never had any intention of severing ties with Russia, and that remains true today. Instead, the "Western card" has helped him increase his value to his "big brother" on multiple occasions. He is counting on the same strategy now, hoping that the West will engage in dialogue with him, which he can then portray to Russia as a threat to their unity. In doing so, he aims to extract a higher price from Russia, rather than settling for the current level of support. However, there will be no sudden shift in Lukashenko’s stance towards the West. The regime in Belarus will not soften, and there will be no "visible improvements." Nor will there be any distancing from Russia. Lukashenko will never relinquish two things: power and the Russian "feeding trough." They are intricately linked. If we imagine a scenario where the West falls for yet another lie from the regime, and Russia genuinely believes in the possibility of improving relations between the West and Lukashenko, agreeing to his conditions, Lukashenko’s first action upon obtaining what he desires would be to abandon the West, just as he has done in the past. By placing trust in "independent analysts" like Mr. Preiherman, the West would only allow Lukashenko to profit. It would enable him to sell Belarusian sovereignty at a higher price. Therefore, the only appropriate response from the West to accusations of a "wrong policy" towards Lukashenko and proposals to cease pressuring him and engage in dialogue can be specific counter-demands: immediate release of all political prisoners; complete cessation of repression in Belarus; rehabilitation of all individuals who have been unlawfully convicted and deported from the country; ending migration attacks against the EU and ceasing support for Russia's war against Ukraine; conducting new elections in accordance with democratic standards. Any other approach to the Lukashenko regime would truly be a "wrong analytical lens," one that not only undermines but also destroys any hope for change in Belarus.