The adoption by the Senate of the Republic of Poland of the Resolution on the issue of unfair elections in Belarus is an event that will go down in the history of our country and the struggle of our people and the democratic forces representing them for freedom and democracy. For the first time in our modern history, the upper house of the national parliament of a foreign state — the Senate of Poland — has recognized the representative body of the Belarusian democratic forces — the Coordination Council — as the Belarusian parliament in exile. This is already a recorded fact. And this fact, this event will be included in the history books of democratic Belarus. In addition, by this Resolution the Senate of Poland declares its readiness to cooperate with representatives of the Coordination Council. For me personally, there is no better answer to all those who have chosen the path of struggle not against Lukashenko’s dictatorship, but against the institutions of the Belarusian democratic forces created, operating and recognized by democratic countries. At the same time, for all of us, representatives of the Coordination Council, the United Transitional Cabinet and other organizations and structures of the Belarusian democratic forces and civil society, this event should become a huge motivation to continue the active struggle for freedom and democracy in Belarus, to develop and strengthen our institutions, their recognition and influence on the international stage. And we are already doing this and achieving serious success. Previously, the Coordination Council, as a representative body, was recognized as a partner for cooperation by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. And in the near future, the delegation of the Coordination Council, of which I have the honor to be a member, will go to Strasbourg for the first session of PACE on January 27-31, to also represent Belarus at such a high level for the first time in history. I congratulate my colleagues in the Coordination Council and the entire democratic movement on these important events in our history, which we are creating together. I don’t want to sound pretentious, but we really have a historic mission and we are obliged to lead our struggle to achieve our common goal – a free, democratic and European Belarus. Long live Belarus!

— Artsiom Brukhan, Deputy Representative for the Transition of Power in the Cabinet, to regional officials in Belarus:  "Before our eyes, the so-called 'elections' in Belarus are taking place — merely a sham, a tool to maintain power by an obsolete dictator. You, the regional officials, know better than anyone what is happening on the ground. Every day, you face the real problems of the people. And today, at a time when the future of Belarus faces the threat of losing sovereignty, your role is particularly important. Yet somehow, propagandists claim that in case of failure, you are to blame for all the problems , not Lukashenko. When changes come — and they are inevitable, as history has proven time and again — it will be the local authorities who will become a key element in the country's recovery process . This is an opportunity for you to become true leaders, close to the people. In conditions of power transition and democratic changes, regional authorities should receive more authority and resources  to genuinely solve problems locally. Now, you face a choice:  to remain part of a system that works to destroy trust in governmental institutions and ultimately disappear along with it, or to start preparing today for building a Belarus where one is not imprisoned or fired for a relative’s political interest — a Belarus where each official works for the people, not against them. You can safely express your protest against being made scapegoats for all problems. Listen to the voices of your fellow citizens. Mark 'against all' on the ballot. And if you have the opportunity — document the real results for the future".

Alexander Lukashenko. Photo:  president.gov.by I have already mentioned before that trying to find hidden messages or signals in the chaotic actions of a dictator and attempting to decipher them is an ungrateful and, perhaps, meaningless task. The answer to the question—what does Lukashenko want?—is quite simple. He wants everything or nothing.  Either he retains absolute power, bears no responsibility, and all sanctions on his regime are lifted, or Belarus and its independence can burn to the ground. He wants no dialogue with the West, nor with the democratic forces in exile, regardless of what he may have written in his so-called "election program." He refuses to meet anyone halfway. It's all or nothing. But do the Belarusians want the same thing, including those from his inner circle? Definitely not. And his words about "waiting for me to die — you won't live to see it" are directed at them just as much as they are at us, the democratic forces. Because both we and they want him gone. Because Belarusians will always come to an agreement with other Belarusians. We have a saying: "A Belarusian to a Belarusian is a Belarusian," but Lukashenko to a Belarusian is a thorn in the throat. So let's stop thinking about what Lukashenko wants. And let's start thinking and talking about what we, the Belarusians, want. On both sides of the border and both sides of the political barricades.

Belarusian Museum in Hajnówka — Promotional Video Pavel Latushka, the Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and the leader of the National Anti-Crisis Management, visited the Museum and Center of Belarusian Culture in Hajnówka, which was established over 40 years ago. At the beginning of the museum's creation, the government of the Byelorussian SSR provided support for its construction, and later, in the early 1990s, the government of independent Belarus did as well. While working as the Ambassador of Belarus to Poland and as the Minister of Culture, Pavel Latushka provided organizational and financial support to the museum in Hajnówka for many years. During his visit and meeting with the museum's director, Tomasz Tikhaniuk , they discussed possibilities for cooperation with the Museum of Free Belarus in Warsaw, a cultural project of the National Anti-Crisis Management. Interaction with the Museum and Center of Belarusian Culture in Hajnówka may include organizing joint cultural and creative projects, art exhibitions, concerts, theater productions, film screenings, etc. Pavel Latushka noted that it is important for the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus to facilitate extensive interaction between the Belarusian minority living in Poland and the Belarusian diaspora — Belarusians who have been forced to leave Belarus and are currently legalizing their stay in Poland. Pavel Latushka and Tomasz Tikhaniuk agreed that in the near future, they will explore the possibility of organizing an art exhibition from the collections of the Museum and Center of Belarusian Culture in Hajnówka at the Museum of Free Belarus in Warsaw. The Hajnówka museum's collection includes works by more than 40 Belarusian artists born in Poland, as well as representatives of the Belarusian diaspora. Tomasz Tikhaniuk shared a story about a Belarusian family who, forced to leave Belarus four years ago, visited the museum recently. After their visit, they left a review noting that the museum's atmosphere reminded them of being in Belarus, their homeland. It is very important for members of the Belarusian diaspora to acquaint themselves with the cultural heritage carefully preserved and developed by the Belarusian minority in Poland, and to visit places like the museum in Hajnówka. The museum's director recalled that Pavel Latushka, when he was the Ambassador of Belarus to Poland, initiated the installation of a commemorative plaque on the building of the Museum and Center of Belarusian Culture in Hajnówka dedicated to the 125th anniversary of the national poets of Belarus, Yanka Kupala and Yakub Kolas, and also initiated naming the streets of Hajnówka after Yanka Kupala and Yakub Kolas in 2007.

Pavel Latushka , head of NAM, discussed with Artsiom Brukgan , deputy head of NAM, how Lukashenko intends to reappoint himself to the presidency he has usurped, and who is assisting him in this endeavor. "We can very clearly define who Lukashenko is by the company he keeps, surrounded by murderers, criminals, representatives of the 'Russian world', and hardened propagandists. Well-known to Belarusians for involvement in the murder of Roman Bondarenko are Baskov, 'the clown in uniform' Krivonosov, Zhuk, Eismont, and others. They all prove the saying: 'Tell me who your confidants are, and I'll tell you who you are'". Lukashenko understands that the majority of Belarusians are against him  "If many Belarusians plan to go to the polling stations, likely due to fears of repression for boycotting, then we understand that the majority of them will vote against all. Obviously, nobody wants to support Lukashenko, because he is guilty of repression and ruthless treatment of the Belarusian people. As for the other, so-called candidates — nobody even knows them". Propaganda works only for Lukashenko  "In the last one and a half months, the dictator has been mentioned in propaganda media 800 times. His nearest competitor, Oleg Gaidukevich, 14 times. Kanopatskaya, Khizhnyak, Syrankov — between 10 and 14 times. Can you imagine the difference?" There will be no international standards in the elections in Belarus  "The regime has not registered a single alternative candidate. There are no independent electoral commissions. Belarus no longer has free media or opposition parties. Meanwhile, Lukashenko keeps thousands of political prisoners in jails. The dictator is afraid of competition".

"The maintenance of the Belarusian language and culture by the Belarusian minority in Poland, as well as the honoring of their roots, serves as an outstanding example for all of us, Belarusians" , — noted Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, during his visit today to the General Education Lyceum with additional Belarusian language instruction in Hajnówka. At the lyceum, Pavel Latushka held meetings with the director of the lyceum, Igor Lukashuk , the leadership of the Hajnówka district, Belarusian language and history teachers, the leadership of the parents' council, representatives of the Belarusian Culture Center in Białystok, and organizations of the Belarusian minority. The meeting discussed the activities of the Hajnówka Lyceum with additional Belarusian language instruction, the support of the lyceum by the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, and the preservation and development of opportunities for representatives of the Belarusian minority in studying the Belarusian language and maintaining Belarusian traditions. Over 300 students study the Belarusian language at the Hajnówka Lyceum, which is one of the best in the Podlaskie Voivodeship and is highly popular for admissions. The lyceum hosts Belarusian musical and theatrical groups and uses white-red-white symbolism in the decoration of the educational institution's premises. In 2024, the lyceum celebrated its 75th anniversary since its establishment. Pavel Latushka visited the Hajnówka Lyceum with additional Belarusian language instruction, following a meeting with Poland's Minister of National Education, Barbara Nowacka, which took place in Warsaw on January 9th.

Pavel Latushka : Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, representative for power transition within the Coordination Council, head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, and leader of the "Latushko Team and Freedom Movement" faction in the Coordination Council of the third convocation Recently, the National Statistical Committee of Belarus published data on average salaries in our country for November 2024. What do you think? Even according to Belstat's data, the nominal average salary in Belarus decreased by 32 rubles compared to the previous month. It is worth noting that this indicator has been decreasing for several months, a similar situation was observed in August and September. Problems in Belarus are observed in other areas as well. A characteristic example of the unhealthy, that is, crisis state of the economy, is often the chronic deficit of the state budget. So, what is the situation with the budget in our country? Since 2020 through to 2025, all budgets have been planned with a deficit, and almost all (except for 2023) have been executed with a deficit. It should be noted that prior to 2020, specifically in the previous five-year period (from 2015 to 2019), the budget was planned and executed with a surplus. Thus, over these years, an unused balance of funds even formed. However, in 2020, the prosperous times for the state treasury ended, and the budget deficit became a regular occurrence. Based on the Ministry of Finance's future plans, this situation will continue. Thus, in 2025, according to forecasts by the illegitimate authorities, the revenue part of the republican budget is expected to reach 45.8 billion rubles, while expenditures will amount to 50.3 billion rubles. Consequently, a deficit of the republican budget is planned in the amount of 4.5 billion rubles.

Theses of the speech of Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management  At the conference ‘The Future of Belarus’ during the panel discussion — ‘Democratic Opposition in Belarus and in Exile — How Diplomats May Help’. 10.01.2025, Warsaw Unexpected? But let me explain why I pose this question. As a Belarusian politician, I often hear the question about the future of Belarus – at meetings with partners, at conferences, and so on. My answer is always the same: the future of Belarus must be democratic and European. This is not just a wish, but a question of strategy — a security strategy for Europe, where the war that Russia and Lukashenko’s regime fight against Ukraine is already ongoing. How will it end? When? I don’t think anyone has a clear answer. But there is a sense of tension in the air. "Security" is the motto of the Polish semester in the Council of the European Union. However, the understanding of the fragility of this security, seems not to help Europe develop a clear strategy for its own security. Where does it begin? With increased military spending? With the construction of defensive structures? This is necessary today, but the strategy must also include preventive measures. Yes, one can simply accept war as inevitable and wait for it to start. This happened with Ukraine. The West did not take real preventive measures to prevent a full-scale invasion. It’s not about appeasing the aggressor. It’s about acting preemptively, weakening the aggressors before they start attacking. I recall the words of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in an interview with Lex Fridman: “I asked to strengthen us with weapons, but the most important thing is to strengthen us with preconditions to prevent the war. Threaten Putin with sanctions now, not after the invasion.” Did the West hear this? Yes, but did not act proactively. In 2020, we, the Belarusian democratic forces, also urged the West to impose sanctions on Lukashenko, to threaten him. But serious sanctions did not follow. Other reasons were needed — for the terror to go beyond Belarus: the hijacking of a plane, the migration war with the EU, and then — Lukashenko’s involvement in the war against Ukraine. Since the beginning of the war, we have been talking about the importance of harmonizing sanctions against Russia and Belarus. But even these measures have not been fully implemented. Why? Does the EU think that allowing aggressors to bypass sanctions is a good security strategy? Sanctions are one example. Another is bringing Lukashenko to international criminal responsibility. Lithuania submitted a request to the ICC regarding the situation in Belarus, but the support for this request from other countries has been only rhetorical for now, not in action. Why? Is ignoring international crimes safer than countering them? Why not use the tools to counteract Lukashenko proactively? Waiting leads to consequences: mass terror in Belarus began in 2020 — and by 2022 Lukashenko had already become an accomplice in the invasion to Ukraine. The year 2025 has come. It began with Poland’s presidency of the Council of the European Union under the slogan “Security, Europe.” I believe this is a key moment for developing Europe’s security strategy. Poland, as well as Lithuania and Latvia, were the first to face the consequences of Lukashenko’s terror and the migration war. Just next to Poland, across the border, a full-scale war against Ukraine is taking place, which started partly from Belarusian territory. Poland and the neighboring countries certainly recognize the threat from Belarus. Does the rest of Europe recognize it? Is this awareness enough to start acting strategically and preventively? It’s still not too late to take preventive measures that could make the threat impossible. Otherwise, we must admit that in the future, the EU sees Belarus as a country with which, sooner or later, they will have to fight. How to prevent such a future? Act preventively. Threaten Lukashenko.Sanctions based on the formula: reinforcement plus harmonization plus strict control. Make Lukashenko's regime economically costly for Russia and close the opportunity for both aggressors to bypass sanctions. Split the elites and facilitate the transition of power.Issue an arrest warrant for Lukashenko and refuse to recognize his fraudulent elections. His elites should understand that with him, Belarus has no future. Strengthen Belarusian democratic forces, support the institutions we’ve created: the President-elect, the United Transitional Cabinet, the Coordination Council. This is the political alternative to the regime today and the foundation for the transition of power tomorrow. Work with Belarusian society.Support for Belarusian society is not only the foundation of a strategy for Belarus, but also an investment in the future and security of  Europe. Belarusians, despite the repression, support democracy and oppose war. Peace and democracy are the core values of Belarusians. This is the key difference between Belarusians and Russians, and it is what prevents Lukashenko from directly engaging in aggression. It’s important not to lose the minds of the people. To do this, we need to support independent media, bloggers, and civil society more actively. The information front is the first line of defense, and we need to invest in it as much as we do in real defense structures. How much one Abrams or Leopard tank cost, or an F16 fighter jet — and how much is the EU allocating for countering Lukashenko's propaganda? 5-7 million euros? One glance at the map of Europe is enough to understand why we need to fight for Belarus and its minds. Winning this war for minds is far better now than winning a real war later. Thank you for your attention.

Pavel Pavlovich Latushka:  Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the United Transitional Cabinet  for Power Transition. Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and For Freedom Movement" fraction in the 3rd Convocation Coordination Council Is it normal to arbitrarily imprison people? To jail his political opponents, each of whom would win against him in a fair competition? Is it normal to keep people in inhumane conditions, to torture, abuse, and rape them, to keep them incommunicado for years, and then just once show that a person is still alive — is this great mercy? Is this the new normal that everyone should get used to and accept? It's important that today we saw Viktor Dmitrievich Babariko, whom I know personally. And it is important for him to be free. It is our main task to have each political prisoner free. Viktor Babariko. Screenshot from a video But do we need to say "thank you" to Lukashenko? Or should we recognize him, recognize his sham elections, pretend everything is fine, that nothing happened, and that thousands of broken lives, thousands of political prisoners since 2020 — well, that happens? And what about the dozens killed or driven to death by his regime? Is that normal? Look at what a wonderful person Lukashenko is! Liberalization, acts of humanism! He understands everything; he's making steps towards de-escalation, maybe he didn't even want to unleash mass terror and repression, torture, maybe it just turned out this way? Or maybe it's our own fault? Are all his victims to blame? Shouldn't we have just wanted your freedom, democracy, fair elections, a better life? Should we have appreciated Lukashenko instead, not provoked him, not gotten involved in politics, right? Don't make grandpa angry! This will be a lesson for everyone. Now let's turn the page, kneel down, and glorify the tsar. Or do you think acts of humanism come for free? Wake up. What is this? A human zoo? I'll show you people in cages, and you clap your hands and be happy? What other motives does the regime pursue? To hijack the agenda. To divert it from Zelensky's recent statement, where the President of Ukraine directly called him a murderer and a war criminal. Where he showed his rotten core, telling about how Lukashenko twisted and lied, how he asked Zelensky to strike at Mozyr to then justify his participation in the war. So, do we really have such a short memory? Lukashenko is a murderer, a sadist, and an aggressor. He has killed and continues to kill. He has tortured and continues to torture. He has been jailed, repressed, and continues to do so. He supported the war and continues to do so. Nothing has changed, he has realized nothing and regrets nothing. He's not looking for any way out of the crisis, he doesn't want to negotiate, he isn't planning to stop the repression, to release all unjustly convicted, to restore liquidated parties and civil society organizations, independent media. He's not planning to let back hundreds of thousands of people he deported, driven out of Belarus. He's not planning to cancel all the repressive laws his puppet parliament passed. And he's not planning to stop supporting the war. All he wants is to sit on his throne until death and for everyone to just accept this, acknowledge his right to do so, to kneel down and not shout "Leave!" but "It's necessary!" Trying to find hidden meanings and secret signals in Lukashenko's actions is self-deception. There's only one signal and it's clear and distinct — "surrender and accept the new normal". In which things won't get better, but could get worse at any moment. And what? Will we agree to this? In exchange for a brief news story from a colony? No. I disagree and will not stop fighting until in that story, instead of illegally convicted political prisoners, it will be Lukashenko who is convicted by a fair court for all the real crimes he has committed. This will happen. Maybe not tomorrow. But we will see that story.

Address by Pavel Latushka at the joint session of the EU Affairs Committee and the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Polish Sejm Key points from the speech by the Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Pavel Latushka, at the joint session of the EU Affairs Committee and the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Polish Sejm January 8, 2025 Dear Madam President-elect, Dear Chairpersons, Dear Deputies and Senators, Dear Colleagues, It is crucial for us that one of the declared priority tasks during Poland's presidency of the European Union is the situation in Belarus. Poland is a strategic partner of the democratic forces of Belarus and the Belarusian society. In the interests of the majority of Belarusians is a democratic, independent, and sovereign Belarus, which, I am convinced, also corresponds to the national interests of Poland, neighboring Belarus.  Our common strategy, emphasizing the importance of democratic changes in Belarus, can be based on this convergence of interests. Achieving this goal is possible with systematic support from civil society and a clear signal to Lukashenko that no one will cooperate with him,  and he will not be able to repeat another cycle for the sixth time — a unique circle of deceiving Belarusians and European partners. The motto of Poland's EU presidency will be Security. What position does Belarus occupy in this context today? Indeed, the democratization of Belarus is the most effective solution for our country to stop being a source of threats  currently emanating from Lukashenko's pro-Russian dictatorship. It is important to say that increasing billion-dollar expenditures, expenses on strengthening the border with Belarus — this is undoubtedly necessary , but at the same time, it deals with the consequence. In modern conditions, these actions are undoubtedly necessary, but at the same time, it is important not to forget about the cause . As long as the cause is not eliminated, the problem will not be solved,  and defense-military expenditures will continue to increase. Creating a conditional "moat with crocodiles" on the border with Belarus is a tactical decision to strengthen security, but strategically it does not relieve tension, the threat remains. Peace and Ukraine's victory, for which we all fight, do not fully reduce the strategic threats for Poland. The strategic solution involves taking measures aimed at detaching Belarus from Russia, democratizing, and integrating Belarusian society into Europe.  And this is not possible without changing the political situation inside Belarus—that is, without abolishing Lukashenko's pro-Russian regime. Indeed, at the moment,  there are not so many tools for direct action.  However, Poland and Europe still have tools, the application of which would create conditions that directly affect the possibility of changing the situation in Belarus. And accordingly — change the security situation in the region. It is important when making strategic decisions to realize the following: Lukashenko will not change the domestic policy in Belarus.  Lukashenko is unable to pull Belarus out of Putin's embrace.  Lukashenko will not become independent in foreign policy. We are on the eve of the so-called elections that Lukashenko plans to organize. But we can only call this process a farce.  And this farce cannot be the basis for revising the policy towards Lukashenko.  Lately, we have heard individual voices about the need to establish communication with both Lukashenko himself and representatives of his regime. But here I would like to note the basic positions when considering these issues. First, a few facts about what is happening in Belarus. Despite the release of some political prisoners at the end of their term and under so-called amnesty, their number remains consistently high — 1,300 political prisoners. And repression is only intensifying. Does this look like the regime has changed its policy for democratic countries to recognize it as a partner?  Should the democratic world really start a dialogue with Lukashenko, knowing what is a condition for starting a dialogue — he has been in power for 30 years and has gone through 5 such cycles. Perhaps pragmatists will say that repression is not terrible, the main thing is that Lukashenko will try to distance himself from Russia .  He will not try and he will not be able to. Belarus today is a military platform that can be used by Russia at any moment for the next phase of aggression.  Before the New Year, Lukashenko transferred several additional military units close to the border with Ukraine. Lukashenko is unable to pull Belarus out of Putin's embrace and will ensure Russia's military-political interests, which guarantees him the retention of power.  He has definitively made a choice in favor of Russia and will not become independent in foreign policy. Dialogue can be conducted with a partner who will adhere to agreements, who makes real steps to improve relations and is able to do them independently. Lukashenko is no longer able to return to 2019.  He will not restore independent media, opposition parties, NGOs, and will not release all political prisoners, will not cancel thousands of illegal sentences, will not want to return hundreds of thousands of Belarusians deported from the country, will not return life to the killed and health to those who are undergoing torture in prisons this minute. It's unrealistic! He suffered the strongest psychological trauma in 2020 — the Belarusians denied him support, and the fear of repeating 2020 will determine his policy. It is necessary to soberly assess the picture of what is happening in Belarus. And I am convinced that it does not contribute to changing the strategy towards the regime. Is there a way out? Yes — the approach "No business as usual with Lukashenko".   The way out is strong, systematic, and targeted support for Belarusian society, which, if necessary, should be medium and long term. This support should be aimed at changing the political regime in Belarus or changing the policy of this regime. Lukashenko will die tomorrow, it will happen sooner or later, it is inevitable, as is the fall of the Assad regime in Syria. Who will be responsible for changes in the country? It will be the Belarusian people and society, so it is important to invest in Belarusian society. We propose a dual-direction strategy. This includes depriving Lukashenko of agency and restoring agency to Belarusian society. How can this be achieved? 1. This requires systematic, stable support for civil society organizations and initiatives primarily directed towards Belarus. It also involves supporting independent media and bloggers.  It is crucial not to lose the minds of the democratic majority of Belarusians, otherwise, in a few years, a soldier in Russian uniform might appear on the Polish border, ready to attack Poland. This needs serious resources and daily work. We are leading this effort. However, without systematic support, it would be extremely difficult for us to withstand this. 2. This includes not recognizing Lukashenko — and recognizing the established and functioning system of political institutions of democratic forces in Belarus.  A real democratic alternative to the regime: the United Transitional Cabinet and the Coordination Council. This should become our common strategy. 3. We propose that you, our partners, send a clear signal to the elites: there is no future with Lukashenko.  This is crucial for key figures within Belarus to understand the inevitability of political change. 4. In turn, to emerge from the political crisis, we will continue to publicly articulate the unacceptability of Lukashenko to the majority of Belarusians. At the same time, it is important to make it clear to the elites that without Lukashenko, a potential field for communication is possible to ensure security and stability during the transition period. 5. Increase the toxicity of Lukashenko by issuing an arrest warrant against him.  It must be made clear to the elites around Lukashenko that he is an international criminal and will be held accountable.  Impunity for crimes breeds new, even more terrible crimes. Lukashenko has long been an international criminal, and this can hardly be denied. His crimes pose a threat not only to Belarusians but also to Poland and the entire region.  There are more than enough grounds for the International Criminal Court to issue an arrest warrant against him. This includes his war crimes  against Ukrainian children — illegal deportation, and crimes against humanity involving Belarusians , which have a transnational character. We hope that Poland will not turn a blind eye to this during its presidency of the Council of the European Union. We have prepared all necessary materials for the International Criminal Court. The Lithuanian government has officially approached the ICC's Office of the Prosecutor requesting an investigation into the situation in Belarus and has explicitly stated its intention to seek an arrest warrant for Lukashenko.  We expect Poland to support Lithuania's appeal. Otherwise, what else can we believe in? In democracy, in law? Issuing an arrest warrant for Lukashenko could create conditions for a split in the elites and send a clear signal to his circle that there is no future with Lukashenko. This could be an opportunity in the future to start a dialogue, the so-called roundtable , but without Lukashenko's participation. Undoubtedly, an arrest warrant would also impact Lukashenko's external agency. 6. This involves continuing and intensifying sanction pressure on the Lukashenko regime. Full harmonization of trade sanctions against the Lukashenko regime and Russia; Blocking sanctions on all state banks and banks with Russian capital; Sanctions on all types of fertilizers and liquefied gas (or high protective tariffs); Broad personal sanctions on judges, propagandists, and senior management of enterprises; Expansion of control and restrictions on the transit of sanctioned goods. 7. It is also important to maintain the possibility of mobility for Belarusians: The possibility of communication with European society; Support in issuing visas to the European Union; Increasing the number of educational scholarships to create a serious counterbalance to a similar policy conducted by Russia; Forming personnel for a New Belarus, for which I would like to thank the director of the Centre for Eastern European Studies at the University of Warsaw, Jan Malicki; Providing additional opportunities to support Belarusian cultural identity both in the EU and in Poland. This is especially relevant in the context of the policy of the Lukashenko regime and Russia to impose the "Russian world" on Belarusians. 8. We are also interested in activating cooperation on issues related to the legalization of the stay of Belarusians in EU countries.  As is known, only in Poland, 141,000 Belarusians have already legalized their stay, and about 100,000 are in the process of legalization. This concerns the fact that hundreds of thousands of Belarusians have been forced to leave Belarus since 2020 and are now in the EU. Belarusians do not have the opportunity to get a new passport or extend the current one abroad, as consular institutions are prohibited from issuing documents for the Belarusian diaspora. The possibility of returning to Belarus to obtain documents in most cases means arrest and a political sentence. Foreign investment from Belarus increased by €1.6 billion in 2023 compared to the previous year. In total, Belarusians have invested around €3.1 billion in the Polish economy. In 2024, there were more than 6,000 business entities with Belarusian roots on the territory of Poland. 9. Do not decide the fate of Belarusians behind our backs.  Nothing about us without us. I would also like to add that in the case of negotiations on the situation in Ukraine, it is important for us that the voice of Belarusian democratic forces is represented.   This can be ensured through direct participation or through the presidency of Poland in the European Union. It is also unacceptable to allow dictator Lukashenko to possible negotiations , as he has completely lost the right to represent the interests of Belarusians and will never restore it. The situation in Belarus cannot be left hanging in the air and especially cannot be handed over to Russia, simply thrown behind the iron curtain. And I think that a single look at the map is enough to understand why it is necessary to fight for Belarus and Belarusians, their minds. I propose considering  the adoption of a program to support the democratic aspirations of Belarusians  in areas such as information, culture, education, legalization, mobility, and support for democratic institutions in exile. Being in the Polish Sejm, I would like to express my gratitude to Poland, the Polish government, and Polish society for the enormous help that has been provided and continues to be provided, both to the Belarusian society and to the democratic forces.

Yuriy Gubarevich , NAM's Regional Development Representative and leader of the "For Freedom" movement, in an interview with the Ukrainian publication "FREEДОМ", discussed how Lukashenko's reappointment would unfold on January 26, 2025. "The 'No-Election-2025' differs from all previous electoral campaigns because there used to be opportunities for opposition political parties to act. In 2021–2022, all of them were liquidated. All four candidates are merely sparring partners, and even the presence of some opposition episodes in their biographies signifies nothing. These individuals have been thoroughly vetted and will campaign in support of Lukashenko". Lukashenko will once again refuse to participate in debates "He feels uncomfortable when he might receive an unexpected or unprepared question from an interlocutor. The dictator will simply stay on the air, while the other candidates will be given strictly limited time during which they will praise Lukashenko. This is part of their agreement to participate in these elections". The dictator will 'paint' himself no less than 90%  "Even if Lukashenko decides to 'paint' himself a result higher than Putin's in these 'no-elections', the Kremlin will pay no attention. Many other dictators from former Soviet republics have allowed themselves to claim nearly one hundred percent support. But I do not think that Lukashenko will face any consequences if he even claims 99%. The regime within Belarus might go for this, as Lukashenko's usurpation of power is complete and absolute".

Pavel Pavlovich Latushka:  Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the United Transitional Cabinet  for Power Transition. Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and For Freedom Movement" fraction in the 3rd Convocation Coordination Council Recently, Lukashenko's Foreign Minister, Maxim Ryzhenkov, stated that the regime, having fallen out with the West, is now turning more towards countries of the "global majority," developing cooperation with the likes of China and Iran. But is this really the case? And what is the situation in Belarus's foreign trade? Did Lukashenko's trips to China, Mongolia, Pakistan, Oman, the UAE, and Zimbabwe bring any practical results? It appears not . Despite numerous statements about "all-weather cooperation", the actual volume of trade with China remains disproportionate to the ambitions. The main exports from Belarus to China are potash fertilizers, timber, and agro-industrial products. However, after sanctions and the reorientation of logistics, China has not increased purchases of Belarusian goods to a level that could compensate for the losses from issues on the western front. Moreover, global prices for Belarus's key export items, like potash, are falling. China is also increasing its shipments to Belarus, displacing domestic producers from their own market. As for Mongolia, Pakistan, Oman, the UAE, and Zimbabwe, while these countries are important in terms of symbolic diplomacy, they do not have sufficient economic potential to significantly increase trade with Belarus. For example, the African continent accounts for less than 2% of Belarus's foreign exports. Lukashenko's visits were more image-oriented and personal in nature rather than having practical significance, and the agreements made are either not being implemented or are realized in minimal volumes. This is also confirmed by Belstat data. From January to November 2024, Belarus's export outside the CIS fell by 7.4% compared to the same period last year. As a result, from January to November 2024, the negative trade balance with countries outside the CIS reached almost 7 billion US dollars. Excluding Russia and other CIS countries, Belarus exports nearly half as much abroad as it imports from there. Covering the losses in foreign markets entirely through Russia has also not been possible so far. According to the latest data, imports are growing three times faster than Belarusian exports, even though the regime is trying to extend old prohibitions and introduce new ones. In particular, Lukashenko's government has extended the "counter-sanctions," i.e., the ban on the import of certain consumer goods from so-called "unfriendly" countries, including cosmetics, clothing, and footwear, until the end of 2025. The negative trade balance of goods in Belarus has reached a massive 4.2 billion US dollars.