Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and head of the National Anticrisis Management, a member of the Coordination Council, and an extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassador, specifically for "Pozirk" Original article: pozirk.online The Usurper's Path to The Hague   For the first time in our country's history, there is an official possibility to submit materials to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court concerning crimes against humanity committed by representatives of the Lukashenko regime against the Belarusian people. The goal is to initiate an investigation, issue an arrest warrant for Lukashenko and his accomplices, and hold them accountable for crimes against Belarusians. Among all the sanctions decisions, I would particularly highlight those that could be called "werewolves in robes". Based on materials prepared and submitted by the NAM team, the European Union imposed sanctions against 24 judges of the regime, as well as 10 penitentiary system employees and three propagandists. We will demonstrate to these so-called judges that, with their higher legal education, they are fully aware of the crimes they commit. Placing them on the sanctions list is the first step towards bringing them to criminal responsibility. Special attention should be given to restricting the use of Lukashenko's airplanes. On August 9th, the proposals and justifications of the NAM team were reflected in US sanctions against the dictator's aircraft number 1 — a Boeing 767, which completed our work on imposing sanctions on all Lukashenko's aircraft. Today, four airplanes and one helicopter of the dictator are under sanctions. It was important to send him a personal signal, highlighting his personal responsibility for what is happening. Lukashenko will find it increasingly difficult to continue enjoying the benefits and privileges he illegally created for himself and his family. It is also important to note the significant harmonization of sanctions against Russia and the Lukashenko regime, nearly 60%. This reduces the possibilities for circumventing previously imposed restrictions in the interests of Russia and increases pressure on the Lukashenko regime. A significant step was the restriction of the transit of sanctioned goods through Belarus. NAЬ, along with other Belarusian initiatives, including BelPol and the Belarusian Investigative Center, has documented abuses of transit schemes used by the regime to circumvent sanctions. Our evidence was reflected in the legal norms, established by the decision of the EU Council on June 29, 2024, which significantly complicated the use of false transit routes. Sanctions against the Russian Bank's Financial Message Transfer System (SPFS) also became fundamentally important. Our justification, submitted to Brussels in December 2023, about the necessity of sanctions against SPFS — a system used to circumvent financial sanctions and pay for sanctioned goods needed for the RF military industry in the aggression against Ukraine — was taken into account in the 14th package of EU sanctions against Russia on June 24, 2024. Support for Political Prisoners and the Fight for Their Release  In the work of the Office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and the United Transitional Cabinet (UTC), an important achievement was the creation of the International Humanitarian Fund to assist political prisoners and their families, and the conduct of an international campaign for the release of political prisoners, especially from the humanitarian list; conducting international solidarity days. More than 200 political prisoners have been released, but this is just a small part of the detainees. At the same time, we understand that our fight is a sprint marathon with permanent obstacles created by the regime itself. The main problem in the current situation is the principle of conditional rotation, which the regime implements by releasing some and simultaneously throwing new innocent Belarusians into dungeons. In December 2024, unprecedented Belarus Days were organized in Brussels, during which a high-level conference of the European Parliament in support of the Belarusian people took place. The conference was attended by representatives of democratic institutions of Belarus and Belarusian civil society, as well as the President of the European Parliament Roberta Metsola and MEPs, a number of European commissioners, emphasizing the principled support of the European Union for the democratic aspirations of Belarusians. Resilience of Democratic Institutions  In early August 2024, the "New Belarus" conference was held, during which important strategic documents were signed: the Protocol of Interaction, the Declaration of Responsibility and Restoration of Justice, the Declaration on Foreign Policy Priorities of Democratic Belarus. Also, the "Platform 2025" was adopted, which unites the approach of all democratic forces of Belarus to the so-called elections in 2025. It is important that we were able to demonstrate the resilience of democratic institutions. This is an unprecedented achievement in the history of Europe: despite forced exile, the institutions of the president-elect, the United Transitional Cabinet as the executive body, and the Coordination Council as the representative body exist and operate. We are perceived as full-fledged partners, which is why strategic dialogues with the United States of America and the European Commission have been conducted, similar to those that the USA and the European Union conduct with the governments of other countries. In this case, with representatives of the democratic institutions of Belarus. We also started a strategic dialogue with Canada and plan to launch a similar process with the United Kingdom. The First Real Elections of a Representative Body  For the first time, we elected a representative body of Belarus. For the Coordination Council, this is undoubtedly a historic moment. Unfortunately, a relatively small number of Belarusians participated in the vote. This is related to both objective and subjective reasons. One of the factors that hindered participation in the elections was the distrust of the vote counting system. But the fact that none of the participants in the actual voting were identified and held accountable demonstrates that the system works and we have received a representative body for the first time. For me and our coalition in the CC, this means that we represent the position of about 2,400 voters who supported our program. We received 35% of the mandates. And this is a representative body, formed democratically for the first time in decades. It is particularly important that the largest international parliamentary organization — the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) — recognized the status of the representative body of the Coordination Council. And for the first time in history, it invited the official delegation of the CC to participate in the PACE session in January 2025. This is unprecedented. I say this as a former ambassador responsible for the work of the Belarusian mission to the Council of Europe until 2019. Help for Belarusians Abroad  We managed to resume the activities of the working group on issues related to the stay of Belarusian citizens in Poland, between the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the administration of Poland and representatives of Belarusian democratic forces. My candidacy is included in the group, as well as Vitaly Molchanov from the representative office of the UTC on social issues. Additionally, a working group on cooperation with non-governmental organizations has been established by the Interdepartmental Working Group of Poland on migration issues. Its composition will include representatives of various diaspora organizations, and as a representative of the UTC — Artem Proskalovich. This activity is essentially aimed at solving daily issues related to the legalization of Belarusians abroad. Separately, we, in collaboration with the "Da Voli" association, provided support in obtaining 126 visas, including 117 humanitarian visas for Belarusians persecuted by the Lukashenko regime; and if necessary — the evacuation of Belarusians from the country. Unfortunately, legalization remains a problem. We defend the interests of Belarusian volunteers in Ukraine, but other countries restrict their ability to legalize them, guided by national security approaches. On Eternal Values  In 2024, the project of the National Anticrisis Management team — the Free Belarus Museum — continued its activity. Over the year, more than 100 cultural and educational events were held, with more than 8,500 participants, and the museum's collection exceeded 300 original exhibits from the latest history of the Belarusian protest. The museum's international connections were strengthened — partnerships were established with representatives of the embassies of more than 20 countries worldwide, as well as with the Sejm, the Senate, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage of Poland, and the Mayor's Office of Warsaw.

Results of work in the legal direction: On October 2, the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court  initiated a preliminary investigation into the "Belarusian situation," which is the result of the work of the NAM, which prepared materials for submission to the authorities of Lithuania. The Lithuanian government made a referral to the International Criminal Court. The international judicial system began its work on crimes against Belarusians — and this is an important result of our efforts. The work carried out makes it possible to expect that one of the OSCE mechanisms for monitoring crimes in Belarus may be launched as early as the beginning of 2025. The results of the current year also allow us to expect that in 2025 a case will be initiated against the Lukashenko regime in the International Court of Justice, enabling him to be held accountable. In Warsaw, the NAM organized a side event within the framework of the Warsaw Human Dimension Conference on the topic “Mobilizing the OSCE Moscow Mechanism to Examine the Forced Displacement of Belarusians and Their Extraterritorial Persecution.” The event aimed to draw the widest possible international attention to the crimes of Lukashenko's regime against Belarusians. On December 2, in The Hague, for the first time, Lukashenko's crimes addressed at the ICC Assembly of States Parties, a specially organized event was held dedicated to the prospects of addressing the "Belarusian situation" at the ICC: "The Belarus Situation at the ICC: ICC Jurisdiction and the Need for State Party Support." On September 4, the Polish National Prosecutor's Office issued a decision to arrest three Belarusian citizens suspected of committing a crime related to the hijacking of the Ryanair civilian aircraft: former director of the state enterprise "Belaeronavigatsia" Leonid Churo, shift supervisor in the air traffic control service Yauhen Tsyhanau, and a high-ranking KGB officer whose name is also known. Results of work in the area of sanctions pressure: In 2024, the National Anti-Crisis Management initiated and prepared justifications for the adoption of a series of international sanctions and restrictive measures against Lukashenko's regime and its allies. Sanctions against Alexander Lukashenka’s personal aircraft. On August 9, the proposals and justifications from the NAM team were reflected in the U.S. sanctions against the dictator's primary aircraft — a Boeing 767. This marked the completion of our efforts to impose sanctions on all of Lukashenko's aircraft. Today, four airplanes and one helicopter belonging to the dictator are under sanctions. Harmonization of sanctions against Lukashenka’s regime and Russia. The NAM repeatedly proposed coordinated measures, and these proposals were taken into account in the EU Council’s decision of June 29, 2024. This decision eliminates the regime's ability to profit from circumventing restrictions applied to Russia’s military-industrial complex. Restricting the transit of sanctioned goods through Belarus. The NAM documented abuses of transit schemes used by the regime to circumvent sanctions. Our evidence was reflected in the legal provisions enshrined in the EU Council’s decision of June 29, 2024, which significantly complicated the use of "false" transit routes. Sanctions against the Financial Messaging System of the Bank of Russia (SPFS). Our justification for the necessity of sanctions against SPFS — a system used to circumvent imposed financial sanctions and facilitate payments for sanctioned goods essential to Russia's military-industrial complex for aggression — was considered in the EU’s 14th sanctions package against Russia on June 24, 2024. EU sanctions against individual representatives of the regime: Based on dossiers prepared and submitted by the NAM team, the European Union imposed sanctions against: 24 regime judges, 10 employees of the penitentiary system, 3 leading propagandists. Additional sanctions adopted by EU allies based on proposals from the NAM and other democratic initiatives: United States (August 9):  Sanctions against military-industrial complex enterprises and their leaders. Canada (August 9):  Sanctions against judges, military personnel of the regime, and military-industrial complex enterprises. United Kingdom (October 3):  Sanctions against CJSC "Alfa-Bank." New Zealand (September 24):  Sanctions against the head of the Belarusian Red Cross Society, "BelOMO," and the Orsha Aircraft Repair Plant. In addition, thanks to our initiatives, the EU, the US, and Canada imposed sanctions on Alyaksei Talai and his foundation, the Belarusian Republican Youth Union (BRSM), the head of this organization, Alyaksandr Lukyanau, as well as the State Secretary of the Union State of Belarus and Russia, Dmitry Mezentsev. All of them are involved in the war crime of the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children to the territory of Belarus. On September 8, 2024, the NAM submitted materials to the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Poland for the introduction of national sanctions against 20 security officers and 26 propagandists  of Lukashenko's regime for waging a migration war. Results of the work of the Free Belarus Museum — a project of the NAM: In 2024, the project of the National Anti-Crisis Management team — the Free Belarus Museum — continued its activities. It is located at Foksal 11, Warsaw. More than 150 cultural and educational events were held, with over 8,500 participants. The museum's collection exceeded 300 original exhibits from the recent history of the Belarusian protest movement. For the first time, exhibitions from the museum's own collection were held — the photo project by Syarhei and Dzmitryi Brushko, "REVISION 30," and "Unyielding Voices," a project dedicated to the role of women in the Belarusian democratic movement. The first Catalogue of Artifacts of the Free Belarus Museum was published. The museum's international connections have strengthened: partnerships have been established with representatives from the embassies of over 20 countries, as well as the Sejm, Senate, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Culture and National Heritage of Poland, and the Warsaw City Hall. The NAM and the Free Belarus Museum successfully raised over €2,300 in sponsorship funds and published a book by one of the well-known Belarusian authors currently living abroad. Additionally, €12,250 was raised for the production of a play by the "Free Kupalaucy" theater troupe, with preparations for the performance beginning in December of this year. Results of the "Personnel Reserve" project: Two educational visits were organized, allowing participants to learn about the work of the public administration in Lithuania and European institutions in Belgium. 10 works with concepts for future reforms in Belarus were written by participants of the campaign. The discussion of 6 concepts for future reforms in Belarus, proposed by invited experts, attracted over 680 comments from campaign participants. A Personnel Matrix has been created — a space where campaign participants can indicate the positions they envision for themselves in the New Belarus. An online meeting titled "The Path to Democracy: Proposals and Opportunities" was held for participants of the "Personnel Reserve" with representatives of democratic forces. 7 video interviews with participants of the "Personnel Reserve" campaign about their vision for reforms in the New Belarus. Two cycles of online lectures were held: one with the participation of Lithuanian political and public figures, and the other, a lecture series titled "Special Course: The Path to a Democratic Belarus," featuring prominent Belarusian scholars and analysts. As of the end of the year, the Personnel Reserve includes 700 participants, 30% of whom are located in Belarus. Additionally: The NAM team provided financial support to the Belarusian Association of Political Prisoners "To Freedom" in the amount of approximately 2,500 PLN. NAM members Pavel Latushka and Uladzimir Astapenka continue to support the diplomatic course "New Personnel for the New Belarus" within the framework of the project by the Centre for East European Studies at the University of Warsaw. During the implementation of the program, 74 graduates have received diplomas. A strategy for the democratic forces regarding the fake elections of 2025 has been developed and adopted. Additionally, events on the topic of power transition were held: "Ways to Exit the Political Crisis in Belarus, Based on the Example of the Polish Round Table" and "From the Union State to Power Transition." Within the framework of the latter, a foundational document on power transition in Belarus was developed. In cooperation with the Belarusian Association of Political Prisoners "To Freedom," within the framework of the "Zemlya" project, support was provided in obtaining 126 visas, including 117 humanitarian visas for Belarusians persecuted by Lukashenko's regime. Representatives of the NAM became participants in the working group on issues related to the stay of Belarusian citizens in Poland, established between the Ministry of the Interior of Poland and representatives of Belarusian democratic forces. They also participated in the working group on cooperation with non-governmental organizations, founded by Poland's Intergovernmental Working Group on Migration Issues. Join us on social media: Telegram Instagram YouTube YouTube PL Twitter Facebook Viber TikTok TikTok PL LinkedIn The National Anti-Crisis Management : Telegram Instagram YouTube Twitter Facebook Сайт TikTok The Free Belarus Museum : Instagram Facebook

Pavel Latushka:   Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the UTC for Power Transition. Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Team Latushka and the Movement for Freedom" fraction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council Well, perhaps only to The Hague. What am I talking about? About the obsessive idea of a Kremlin puppet to somehow secure a seat at the negotiating table on Ukraine. Lukashenko is desperately trying to insert himself into these discussions. He repeats this idea at every opportunity, and it likely haunts his dreams every night. But… that’s the problem — it’s only a dream. Let’s analyze why neither Ukraine nor the major Western players want, nor will they, talk to this Kremlin puppet.  And why sitting at the same table with them, even though Lukashenko's masters are openly lobbying for him, is an almost impossible mission for the Kremlin’s pocket dictator. First and unchanging point:   Lukashenko is politically a nobody.  Literally. He is not a president. His illegitimacy is not, and will not, be questioned by our Western partners, even after the farce Lukashenko has planned for the end of January. There is already a consensus: calling it an election is impossible. Whatever result Lukashenko decides to fabricate this time — be it 85%, 95%, or even a surreal 105% — it will have no impact on how he is perceived in the West. He remains an illegitimate dictator and usurper. He was, he is, and he will continue to be so. And at the same time, he is also a pocket usurper — unindependent, unsubstantial, and entirely dependent on the Kremlin.  This is the second point,  and it is, frankly, even more significant than the first. Those who argue about the supposed necessity of negotiating with Lukashenko often like to use the argument that "even terrorists are negotiated with". And this is exactly where that argument falls apart. Lukashenko has long been in a much worse status. He could have been called a terrorist back in 2020 and 2021, when he launched a campaign of state terror against the Belarusian people and then began committing openly terrorist acts against neighboring countries and international security as a whole. This includes instrumentalizing illegal migration to carry out attacks and destabilize the borders of the European Union, as well as the hijacking of a Ryanair passenger plane by the Lukashenko regime. At that time, Lukashenko could have simply been labeled a terrorist, in addition to his already well-known political status as an illegitimate usurper. Yet even in that status, he still retained a degree of agency, at least in terms of independently orchestrating these clearly terrorist actions. Let’s call this agency functional. And when someone says that even terrorists are negotiated with, it is important to understand that, purely theoretically, a terrorist acting independently could be considered an agent in their own right. But in February 2022, everything changed radically. Although it should be noted here that any competent analyst would say the beginning of the end of even Lukashenko’s functional agency occurred much earlier. One of the most striking signs of this was in 2020, when instead of either transferring or at least sharing power with the Belarusian people — rather than crushing dissent, killing, torturing en masse, and imprisoning people — Lukashenko chose to share power with the Kremlin. He made this deal, and thanks to it, he managed to remain in a seat that, in essence, was no longer his. He stayed in power not because of the Belarusian people, but because of the Kremlin’s permission. At that time, unfortunately, not all of our Western partners fully grasped this reality. Perhaps there was a desire to overlook it, to avoid acknowledging something they ultimately had to recognize when the full-scale aggression against Ukraine began. In this aggression, Belarus, against the will of its people, became one of the staging grounds for the war, and Lukashenko, occupying the position he usurped, became another Pusilin — a Kremlin puppet of the same caliber. Since then, Lukashenko has only continued to prove his role as a co-aggressor, supplier, and assembly line for Russia's military-industrial complex. He has also become one of the top propagandists for Russian aggression, adopting all the anti-Ukrainian and anti-Western narratives of Kremlin propaganda. This is also evident in his domestic policy of terror, where Belarusians’ anti-war stance has become an additional reason for repression. This is a critical aspect of the repressions in Belarus since 2022 — no longer limited to pro-democratic or anti-regime positions, but also anti-Russian, pro-Ukrainian, or even simply anti-war views have made Belarusians targets and victims of the regime’s repressions and crimes against humanity, committed on a massive scale. This cannot be hidden. It cannot be concealed behind cheap manipulations or pseudo-peace rhetoric while simultaneously supporting aggression, producing weapons, committing war crimes such as the illegal deportation of Ukrainian children, and hosting (at least according to Lukashenko’s own statements) Russian nuclear weapons in Belarus. Furthermore, new military agreements are being signed with Russia, the so-called "integration" — in reality, the destruction of Belarus's remaining sovereignty under the guise of the Union State — is deepening. All of this cannot be hidden behind so-called "pardons", which are accompanied by intensified repressions, nor behind so-called "elections", which are not elections in any real sense. Thus, Lukashenko's demands to be included in negotiations merely cries into the void. Empty noise. No one takes them seriously, least of all Ukraine. These demands look identical to those of his Kremlin master, who, under the guise of readiness for "peace negotiations", issues ultimatums and threats. The behavioral patterns are entirely identical, with one key difference: the master’s agency is at least recognized. Lukashenko’s agency, however, is not recognized by anyone relevant to future negotiations — not even by his master, who only needs him there as a yes-man. In this grand scheme, Lukashenko's internal policies, which are already limited and strictly confined within specific boundaries, are not primary or even secondary concerns when it comes to granting him a seat at the table with actual politicians. Only political agents can sit at such a table. And when your "agency" consists solely of acting as a regional enforcer, repressing dissent, and imposing the "Russian world" in Belarus, there is nothing to talk about with you. It is worth noting that even for those so-called "pardons", Lukashenko had to justify himself to his Russian overlords. This shows that he lacks full independence of action even here. The reason why Lukashenko is so desperate to get to the big table is obvious and needs no further explanation. For him, it is the shortest path to gaining some semblance of legitimacy. He knows that no "election" will restore it for him. But this isn’t like going to the store with your mom, throwing a tantrum because she won’t buy you a toy. Lukashenko isn’t just throwing a tantrum — he’s trashing the store, attacking others, and thinking this will get him what he wants. But no, politics doesn’t work that way. In politics, the "moms" are strict, and instead of a toy, tantrum-throwing Lukashenko will face consequences unless he changes his behavior. The tools of punishment — such as sanctions and the isolation of the Lukashenko regime — are aimed precisely at achieving this: a change in policy. The ball is not in the West's court, despite what regime advocates might claim. The ball is in Lukashenko's court. Until his tantrum ends, no one will lift the punishment or engage in dialogue with him. It’s time for everyone lobbying on his behalf to understand this. But what does a change in policy mean? Stopping repressions and releasing political prisoners in the current context is, of course, a fundamental precondition. It’s the starting point for any conversation. This first step must be taken unconditionally by Lukashenko himself. Instead of proclaiming on TV that there are no political prisoners in Belarus, he must act. Is he capable of taking this step — stopping repressions and freeing people? That’s a big question, especially since his "big brother" certainly won’t pat him on the head for it. However, when we consider the level Lukashenko now aspires to — the chance to sit at the table of big politics — even this step is no longer enough. There’s a war going on. The geopolitical context is entirely different from what it was during previous crises between Lukashenko and the West. This time, Lukashenko has clearly made his geopolitical choice. Thus, no one will play games with him again or believe his tales of wanting normal relations with the West. Today, the West fundamentally won’t engage with a non-sovereign puppet whose words mean nothing.  A figure who cannot provide any guarantees and who, clearly, does not act in the interests of Belarus as an independent and sovereign state but instead in the interests of Russia, upon which Lukashenko’s very survival depends. What, then, must he do beyond the initial obligatory step we discussed earlier? He must demonstrate real agency and independence. Show genuine separation from the Kremlin — through action. What does this mean? It means ending support for aggression and the aggressor. Exiting the "axis of evil". Taking a page from Nikol Pashinyan’s playbook, for example. The exact formula may vary, but the outcome must be the same: a clear demonstration of real agency and independence from Russia. A fantastical scenario? Perhaps. But we have no better scenario for Lukashenko. All the others are far more disastrous — for him personally and, more importantly, for our country, which matters to us far more. My personal assessment is that Lukashenko will never stop the repressions, and even more so, he will never break away from Russia or pursue genuine rapprochement with Europe and the West.  However, these very steps are essential to ensure that Belarus's real interests — democracy, independence, peace, and security — are not only represented in potential negotiations but are genuinely safeguarded and realized. What’s the conclusion? Is all hope lost? No, I don’t think so. I remain convinced that not only ordinary citizens but also the majority of officials in Belarus are just as interested as we are in ensuring that the real interests of Belarus are upheld. The key problem lies with Lukashenko himself. He must go. There are paths to achieve this, and we are ready to discuss them with all interested parties. Belarusians will come to an agreement with Belarusians. And these are the negotiations we must begin with if we want to preserve our country and protect its independence and real interests.

During a meeting with Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAU), Poland's First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Andrzej Szejna , emphasized that during Poland's EU presidency,  the country will continue to uphold its approach of sanctioning the Lukashenko regime and supporting Belarusian democratic forces. The position of Poland's Ministry of Foreign Affairs regarding the Lukashenko regime remains "unchanged and firm". During the meeting, Pavel Latushka handed Andrzej Szejna an aide-memoire prepared by the NAM based on data from Belarusian human rights organizations. The document highlighted the scale of political repressions, which have intensified in Belarus in the lead-up to Lukashenko’s attempt to reappoint himself to the presidency he has usurped. Pavel Latushka stressed that Belarus is essentially implementing a Stalinist approach, with repressions targeting entire families. The First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs also noted that the appointment of Adam Hałaciński as the Special Representative of Poland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs for relations with Belarusian democratic forces is a significant signal of the priority placed on supporting Belarusian democratic forces. Andrzej Szejna stated that there is no reason to expect democratic and transparent elections, as Lukashenko continues his repressive policies against Belarusians. "We see and understand this. Poland does not remain indifferent, — Andrzej Szejna added. The meeting also addressed possible approaches to securing the release of political prisoners in Belarus and discussed options for international mediation. During the discussion, Pavel Latushka appealed to Andrzej Szejna, who also serves as a member of the Polish Sejm, to support the official delegation of the Belarusian Coordination Council. For the first time, this delegation will participate in the session of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) from January 27–31, 2025 . Szejna underscored the importance of Polish Sejm deputy Ryszard Petru’s appointment as PACE rapporteur on Belarus and expressed readiness for Poland's mission to the Council of Europe to assist the Belarusian delegation in their work. Pavel Latushka emphasized that it is crucial for democratic forces to ensure that Belarus is not sidelined  during potential negotiations on Ukraine. This matter, he noted, requires further consultations with Ukraine and the European Union. He also highlighted Poland's potential leading role in this regard, particularly as it assumes the EU presidency on January 1, 2025. "Lukashenko has no right to represent Belarus in these negotiations, as he has lost legitimacy and cannot speak on behalf of the Belarusian people. It is vital for the voice of the democratic majority of Belarusian society to be heard during these talks", —  Pavel Latushka emphasized.

The topic of Belarus will be one of the priorities during Poland's presidency of the European Union, as noted by Poland's Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Henryka Mościcka-Dendys , during a meeting with the Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAU), Pavel Latushka . Poland's EU presidency begins on January 1, 2025. The Polish Deputy Minister emphasized that one of the main priorities of Poland's presidency will be supporting the democratic aspirations of the Belarusian people. One of the first major events during Poland's presidency will be the high-level "Kościuszko Forum", organized by initiatives of Poland's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Radosław Sikorski , in early February 2025. The event will invite ministers of foreign affairs from various European countries, as well as the head and representatives of the United Transitional Cabinet, the Coordination Council, and other members of the Belarusian democratic community. Pavel Latushka expressed gratitude to Poland, as an EU member, for organizing the "Belarusian Week" in Brussels, which served as an important signal of support for the Belarusian democratic community. He also highlighted the importance of the fourth meeting of the "Belarus-EU" Consultative Group, an effective tool for cooperation between Belarus's democratic forces and the EU. Pavel Latushka further informed the Deputy Minister about the escalation of repression in Belarus ahead of the so-called elections. Both Pavel Latushka and Henryka Mościcka-Dendys agreed that the regime's staged elections cannot be considered democratic or transparent. Poland will take part in shaping the EU's unified position, which is expected to be announced shortly after January 26, 2025. The meeting also addressed the issue of holding Lukashenko and his accomplices accountable for crimes against humanity against the Belarusian people and war crimes against the Ukrainian people. Pavel Latushka requested support for Lithuania’s referral to the International Criminal Court (ICC) and presented legal grounds for potentially utilizing ICC mechanisms to hold Lukashenko accountable. Henryka Mościcka-Dendys affirmed Poland's political support for this initiative. Mechanisms within the OSCE were also discussed as a means of ensuring accountability for representatives of the Lukashenko regime. In a discussion involving the Director of the Consular Department of the Polish MFA, Justyna Chrzanowska , visa issues and the legalization of Belarusians in Poland were addressed. This included challenges related to issuing visas based on invitations from Belarusians under international protection in Poland. Pavel Latushka thanked the Polish side for supporting the issuance of humanitarian visas for Belarusians forced to leave their country due to the threat of repression.

Pavel Latushka:  Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), and Leader of the "Latushka Team and Movement for Freedom" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council The EU sanctions list has been expanded with new names of "wolves in judges' robes" — the so-called "judges" who issued politically motivated sentences. Proposals with evidence and detailed justification for expanding the EU sanctions list were prepared by the National Anti-Crisis Management team and submitted to the European External Action Service  on October 11, 2024 . A series of meetings was held within EU structures in Brussels to promote these proposals. After a legal review, the sanctions were approved by the Council of the EU .  Today, we see concrete results: the "judges" responsible for fabricating politically motivated sentences against Belarusians have been included in the sanctions lists. Our proposals have been accepted. On December 16, 2024, the EU imposed sanctions on the following "wolves in judges' robes": Vera Filonik  — “judge” of the Brest Regional Court; Irina Pradun  — “judge” and chairperson of the Rogachev District Court in the Gomel Region; Vitaly Sinilo  — “judge” and chairperson of the Mosty District Court in the Grodno Region; Vadim Mozol  — “judge” of the Pruzhany District Court in the Brest Region; Nina Shestak  — “judge” of the Brest Regional Court; Irina Mayko  — “judge” of the Minsk Regional Court; Vasily Begun  — “judge” of the Gomel Regional Court; Yevgeny Bregan  — “judge” of the Brest Regional Court; Alexander Mokhorev  — “judge” of the Soviet District Court in Gomel; Olesya Osipova  — “judge” of the Central District Court in Gomel; Viktor Novik  — chairperson of the Zhabinka District Court. Judge Vera Filonik pronounces the verdict against Abdrei Levoynuk. Source: spring96.org The thoroughly collected evidence contained in the sanction dossiers prepared by the NAM team not only makes those listed persona non grata  in the EU but will also form the basis for future criminal cases. Let the "judges" who chose to serve Lukashenko instead of justice understand, as legal professionals, that the principle of law — the inevitability of punishment for crimes — will be enforced. You can learn more about these so-called judges in our video "Who Will Sit with Lukashenko?"   The new EU sanctions include judges discussed in this video. Sanctions Extended to Prison Torturers of the Lukashenko Regime Those responsible for torture in detention facilities and for inhumane treatment of unlawfully detained individuals — people behind shattered lives and ruined health of Belarusian political prisoners — have also been added to the sanctions list upon NAM’s recommendation . The following individuals are included: Vadim Murashko  — head of Penal Colony No. 13 in Hlybokaye; Sergei Bereishik  — employee of Pre-Trial Detention Center No. 1; Nikolai Mushkarov  — employee of Pre-Trial Detention Center No. 1; Sergei Petrakovich  — head of Penal Colony No. 9 in Horki; Viktor Lutsev  — head of the medical unit of Prison No. 1 in Grodno. "The expansion of the sanctions lists is important evidence that the voice of Belarusians is heard in the EU. The inclusion of ‘judges’ and prison torturers from the Lukashenko regime is the result of NAM's efforts. Everyone committing crimes against Belarusians must remember: we will continue our work. To all criminals in robes and uniforms: accountability is inevitable" , — noted Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management.

Prison. Source of photo: lrt.it "The dark walls of Belarusian prisons and penal colonies hold countless testimonies of the suffering of people who dared to raise their voices against the dictatorship. Their spirits are broken in confinement, and their bodies are tortured before the indifferent eyes of prison guards. Those who wear epaulets and issue orders for torture remain symbols of the regime’s impunity. But their time is coming to an end. For every scream, every drop of blood, and every broken life, they must be held accountable",  — stated Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM). As early as 2023, NAM submitted to the EU a list of prison and colony leaders for inclusion in the sanctions list. Since then, some of them have already been subjected to European personal sanctions, and their names have been etched into the history of international disgrace: Andrei Palchyk  — a pathological sadist and former head of Novopolotsk Penal Colony No. 1, as well as Ruslan Mashadiev  — his deputy and now the new head of this colony; Yevgeny Bubich  — head of Penal Colony No. 2 in Bobruisk; Alexander Kornienko  — head of Penal Colony No. 17 in Shklov; Pavel Kazakov  — head of Prison No. 1 in Grodno, and Vasily Koleda  — his deputy; Viktor Dubrovka  — head of Penal Colony No. 11 in Volkovysk; Denis Tolstenkov  — head of Women’s Penal Colony No. 4 in Gomel; Andrei Tsedrik  — head of Pre-Trial Detention Center No. 1 in Minsk. Thanks to the efforts of the NAM team, the following individuals have already been placed on the international wanted list: Yevgeny Shapetko  — head of the Akrestina Detention Center; Gleb Dril  — deputy head of the Akrestina Detention Center; Dmitry Strebkov  — head of Prison No. 8 in Zhodino. The names of these individuals are already known to the world. However, many prison staff responsible for torture have, unfortunately, not yet been subjected to EU sanctions, but they may soon face restrictions as well, including: Vadim Murashko  — head of Penal Colony No. 13, a maximum-security facility in Hlybokaye, one of the strictest and most secretive colonies in Belarus, where politician Mikalai Statkevich  is held, as well as a political prisoner who was shot in the knees by security forces during his arrest; The Petrakovich Brothers : Sergei Petrakovich  — head of Penal Colony No. 9 in Horki, where Nobel Peace Prize laureate Ales Bialiatski  is imprisoned. Previously, this colony held an entrepreneur who ended up in detention straight from intensive care after being beaten by security forces following one of the Sunday marches, as well as a political prisoner from Kazakhstan and many others. Andrei Petrakovich  — head of the state-owned production enterprise “IK 9,” operating at the colony, where political prisoners are exploited under conditions that violate all safety norms and regulations. Staff of Pre-Trial Detention Center No. 1: Nikolai Mushkarov , Sergei Bereishik , and several other individuals responsible for crimes against innocent Belarusians. Why is this important? Every name on these lists represents a story of violence and pain. These individuals embody the lawlessness of a system that destroys the lives of thousands of Belarusians. But international sanctions are not just a punishment — they are a signal that their crimes will not go unanswered. This is a step toward justice, a step toward a future where no one can hide behind epaulets or a state position. "Each signature under a sanctions list is a blow to impunity and a step toward freedom for all those imprisoned for political reasons. Belarus will no longer be a place where torture remains in the shadows and sadists rule, believing they will never face retribution. The day will come when all these names are spoken in a courtroom, and none of them will be able to claim they did not know what they were doing. On December 16, we await the announcement of a new sanctions package, in which we hope to see as many regime enforcers as possible" , — emphasized Pavel Latushka.

"Lukashenko cannot pull Belarus out of Putin's embrace and will continue to secure Russia's military-political interests, which guarantees his hold on power. He has definitively chosen Russia and will not act independently in foreign policy" , — stated Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), during the fourth meeting of the "Belarus-EU" consultative group . The session included participation from the Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, members of the Cabinet, the Coordination Council, representatives of Belarusian civil society, and the European Union. During the consultative group session on the political situation in Belarus, regional prospects, strategies of democratic forces, and EU actions, Pavel Latushka emphasized that Lukashenko does not facilitate dialogue. Dialogue is possible only with a partner who adheres to agreements, but Lukashenko cannot ensure their implementation. Dialogue requires tangible steps toward improving relations, which Lukashenko is neither willing nor able to take independently. The NAM leader noted that Lukashenko can no longer return to the conditions of 2019. He will not restore independent media, opposition parties, or NGOs, nor will he release all political prisoners, annul thousands of unlawful verdicts, or allow the return of hundreds of thousands of Belarusians exiled from the country. He cannot bring back the lives of those killed or the health of those tortured in prisons — including those suffering as we speak. "This is unrealistic! He suffered a severe psychological trauma in 2020 when Belarusians refused to support him. The fear of a repeat of 2020 will dictate his policies. We need to soberly assess the situation in Belarus, and I am convinced it does not favor any change in the strategy toward the regime", —  Pavel Latushka stated. The Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet proposed a way out of the situation: strong, systematic, and targeted support for Belarusian society, whether medium- or long-term.  In the event of change, it is the Belarusian people who will bear responsibility for the transformations. It is necessary to support democratic society and alternative institutions created by Belarusian democratic forces. Pavel Latushka highlighted that one of the dictator's most cynical tactics is attempting to legitimize his actions both domestically and internationally through sham elections. However, the real situation is as follows: Potential genuine presidential candidates are either in prison or exile. All 11 opposition parties have been dissolved. Over 1,700 civil organizations (more than 50% of those existing) have been liquidated. Independent media outlets have been eradicated. Belarusians living abroad have been stripped of their voting rights. Pavel Latushka called on the EU not to recognize this charade orchestrated by Lukashenko under the guise of elections and not to allow him to regain his political subjectivity. "We are on the verge of so-called elections planned by Lukashenko. But this process can only be described as a farce. This farce cannot become a basis for revising the policy toward Lukashenko" . Europe must not turn a blind eye to Lukashenko's crimes "Even now, as Lukashenko releases individual political prisoners, he simultaneously continues repression, and the number of new political prisoners exceeds those released. Therefore, halting repression must be a key condition for dealing with the regime. All sanctions imposed should be strengthened until practical changes occur in the regime’s behavior. Increasing sanctions pressure must send a clear and unequivocal signal that Europe will never turn a blind eye to Lukashenko's illegal actions and crimes" , — stated Pavel Latushka  during the panel discussion “Human Rights and Accountability”  at the fourth meeting of the "Belarus-EU" consultative group in Brussels. Today, the main expectation of Belarusians is the demand for justice. This is even more relevant in the case of hundreds of thousands of victims of crimes against humanity committed by Lukashenko’s regime. Recent research by key human rights organizations in Belarus confirms this conclusion: Belarusians need justice . Pavel Latushka stated: "Achieving real accountability for the main perpetrators of atrocities in Belarus today is existential. The key word here is ‘real’. Real accountability means recognizing the perpetrators of these crimes as criminals and the survivors as victims in the framework of criminal proceedings, in line with the rule of law. It also means that our actions today cannot rely on pathways to justice that depend on changes within Belarus. Accountability must come based on legal norms, not political interests. Protecting the rights of victims requires a proactive approach, not a passive one" .

Pavel Latushko Original article: de.euronews.com "Europe needs to wake up" , warns former Belarusian Minister of Culture Pavel Latushka. Pavel Latushka served as Belarus’s Minister of Culture. In 2020, he joined the protests against Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko. In a conversation with Euronews, Latushka explained why it is dangerous to abandon Belarusian society. The former Minister of Culture, Pavel Latushka, joined the Belarusian democratic movement after the brutal suppression of protests in Belarus in 2020. He is currently the Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, a political body representing Belarusian democratic forces. From exile, he fights for a free Belarus. In an interview with Euronews, he spoke about what the policies of the new U.S. President Donald Trump mean for Europe and the war in Ukraine, as well as why abandoning Belarusian society is dangerous. Euronews:  As Minister of Culture, you worked with dictator Alexander Lukashenko. Now, you support the Belarusian opposition. What caused this change? Pavel Latushka:  It was always an internal conflict. At a certain point, you start compromising. You try to justify yourself. Euronews:  Ukraine is engulfed in war. Can Belarus act as a mediator between Russia and Ukraine? Pavel Latushka:  Lukashenko is Russia's most important ally in the war against Ukraine. Not North Korea, not China, not Iran, but Lukashenko. He provided Russia with Belarus as a strategic and territorial "balcony." In 2020, a mistake was made. Back then, one million Belarusians took to the streets for several months in villages, small towns, and large cities. If our Western partners had listened to us then and imposed tough sanctions on Lukashenko, it could have changed the situation. Most likely, there would have been no war between Russia and Ukraine, or at least it wouldn’t have had such devastating consequences. Euronews:  In previous interviews, you mentioned that Ukraine's potential victory and the democratization process in Belarus are closely interconnected. Pavel Latushka:  Ukraine's victory would undoubtedly have a significant impact. However, it would be wrong to rely on one situation to resolve all our problems. Belarus’s future depends solely on the Belarusian people. To hope that someone in Berlin, Brussels, or Washington will solve our problems is pure utopia. Nonetheless, the restoration of Ukraine’s territorial integrity will lead to Russia’s defeat. This, in turn, could give us a chance for real change in Belarus. Belarus’s future depends solely on the Belarusian people. To hope that someone in Berlin, Brussels, or Washington will solve our problems is pure utopia. Euronews:  Donald Trump won the U.S. presidential election in 2024. He previously announced significant cuts in defense funding for Europe and Ukraine. How will his policies affect security in Europe? Pavel Latushka:  Europe needs to wake up. Responsibility for Europe’s security lies primarily with European politicians. This means more resources for our own security, more resources to combat propaganda [from Russia and Belarus], and, as a result, strengthening Europe. A strong Europe is in the interests of Belarusian democratic forces. Euronews:  Does this mean Trump’s policies could benefit Ukraine? Pavel Latushka:  Germany is one of the most powerful economies in the EU and can make a significant contribution to financing Europe’s defense potential. If Germany moves in this direction, it will encourage many European countries to follow suit and fund defense in Europe on a much larger scale. Almost all heads of state and government in European countries speak of the need to increase defense funding. And we’re not just talking about 2%, but more than 2%, as President Trump initially called for during his election campaign. Euronews:  Trump stated that he would "quickly" end the war in Ukraine and "force" Ukraine to come to the negotiating table. Pavel Latushka:  Even if we imagine a ceasefire, it will likely have the opposite effect. Russian propaganda and Lukashenko’s propaganda will portray this so-called peace or ceasefire as their victory, as proof that they managed to force the West to capitulate and retreat from its positions. This will motivate Russian society for further aggression. It will only be a temporary pause before a much larger war, which will again unfold in Ukraine and possibly in neighboring countries. Russian propaganda and Lukashenko’s propaganda will portray this so-called peace or ceasefire as their victory [...]. Euronews:  The "traffic light" coalition in Germany has collapsed. Right-wing and left-wing populist parties are gaining more support. What does this political instability in Germany mean for Europe? Pavel Latushka:  A strong Germany is a guarantee of a strong Europe. Germany is a leader in upholding international law, respecting human rights, freedom of speech, and all other international standards. If Germany abandons this role, it would spell disaster — namely, the continuation of an even more massive war. This could lead to societal division and the escalation of social conflicts within Europe, which is in Russia’s interests. After all, Russia is investing enormous resources to demotivate the European community from helping Ukraine. Euronews:  Why should Germany support Belarusian democratic forces and the democratic movement in Belarus? Pavel Latushka:  From Berlin to Minsk is a very short distance. This short distance carries a serious threat. It won’t take long [if support for Belarusian democracy-oriented society ceases] before soldiers in Russian or Belarusian uniforms stand on the EU’s border, ready to penetrate European territory. This is a real scenario. Dictators survive only when they expand their territories, when they restore their empires. We must wake up. We must understand that this will happen. Dictators survive only when they expand their territories, when they restore their empires. Putin’s current goal is to restore the Soviet Union. Euronews:  The next presidential elections in Belarus are scheduled for January 26, 2025. Do Belarusian democratic forces have any chance of participating in them? Pavel Latushka:  There are no elections in Belarus. The atmosphere of fear and terror has led to the departure of an estimated 500,000 to 1,000,000 people from Belarus. How can we talk about elections under such conditions, when arrests and detentions happen daily? Euronews:  What opportunities does the Belarusian opposition have to resist? Pavel Latushka:  The National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), which I lead [the creation of the NAM was supported by the Coordination Council ], has gathered evidence of crimes against humanity [ and the Belarusian people ]. The Lithuanian government has already approached the International Criminal Court (ICC) with a request to investigate crimes against humanity committed by the Belarusian regime under Lukashenko and has submitted the relevant materials. I ask German politicians: what is stopping you from taking this step and supporting Lithuania’s appeal to the ICC? What is preventing the Greens, who lead Germany’s foreign policy, from taking this step today? The answer does not satisfy me.

More than 7 years in prison for comments from a 68-year-old pensioner ; a politically motivated sentence for a mother of five ; a refusal to reconsider a case, which became "deadly" for political prisoner Nikolai Klimovich ; over fifty politically motivated court rulings ; a politically motivated sentence for a  mother and father from a large family ; a prison sentence for a 54-year-old woman for a sad "smiley"  on a post about Lukashenko on social media. Dozens of years of imprisonment for ordinary Belarusians — for our relatives, neighbors, and acquaintances... Behind all these cases, behind every illegal decision, there are the names of specific perpetrators. The individuals who handed down illegal sentences, hiding behind judicial robes and the status of "judge" — in their case, the status of a so-called judge. Today, we will name some of these people. We, the NAM’s team, will send them a clear message — no one will forget their crimes and the broken lives. And for every illegal decision, for every politically motivated sentence, responsibility will inevitably follow. Today we remind you of the "judges": Vera Vyacheslavovna Filonik  — no less than 73 politically motivated decisions, including 40 political sentences in just 1 year — she even sentenced children. She sentenced a woman for a video of military equipment, and sent a 68-year-old disabled man to his death; Anastasia Pavlovna Popko  — no less than 85 politically motivated decisions, sentences of decades for activists, mothers of large families, and independent trade union leaders; Irina Ramizovna Lantcheva  — no less than 51 politically motivated court rulings, including a sentence for a mother of three children — 4.5 years in prison for "insulting" Lukashenko and aiding so-called extremist activities; Irina Vasilyevna Pradun  — no less than 21 politically motivated decisions, a judge who "sentences" for "likes." Two years in prison for comments on social media, one year for a sad "smiley" under a post about Lukashenko; Gennady Alexandrovich Mazaylo  — no less than 20 politically motivated court rulings, including sentences for workers of "Grodno Azot". These people destroy the lives of the innocent. They take away freedom, health, and sometimes — lives. They issue sentences that divide families, silence the voices of people who oppose the arbitrariness and lawlessness in Belarus. Their work is politically motivated persecution. These "judges" think they will be able to remain unpunished. They hope their crimes will go unnoticed. And if they are noticed, they can justify themselves by saying they were simply following orders. No, such justifications will not pass. And no, they will be remembered. Today, their cases are under development by our team. We will do everything to ensure these individuals are added to the sanctions lists. The dossiers on 40 judges, including the "figures" in our video, have been submitted by the NAM team for inclusion in the upcoming EU sanctions packages.  Preparing dossiers on these individuals with substantiated illegal actions they are responsible for is an essential part of our work. Since sanctions are imposed by law-abiding states, clear justification is required for sanctions. The dossiers prepared by the NAM team contain evidence of repressive actions. "Sanctions are just the first step. It must be understood: any legal decision is based on evidence — individuals are not added to the list by order, this is the result of NAM's diligent work in gathering evidence, preparing and submitting documents and confirmations to the institutions that impose sanctions. Sanctions dossiers on judges involved in politically motivated persecution are meticulously and thoroughly collected testimonies. Each figure has their own case. And these cases are a foundation for the future. In the future, they will be used for criminal proceedings" , —said Pavel Latushka. All those involved should remember: today — sanctions, tomorrow — criminal cases. Justice will catch up with the guilty.

Pavel Latushka , head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), discussed with NAM deputy head Artsiom Brukhan  the Warsaw conference "Paths to Resolving the Political Crisis in Belarus Using the Example of Poland's Round Table",   where various options for the power transition in Belarus were discussed. "One of the key and fundamental conditions for a power transition in Belarus is the absence of Lukashenko as a subject. He will never engage in negotiations with representatives of the democratic forces, the democratic society. The elites under Lukashenko will also be afraid to communicate with representatives of the democratic forces. Therefore, our strategy is to eliminate this subject as a political institution that currently exists in our country. Belarusians will always reach an agreement with other Belarusians if it is not controlled by a dictator who has usurped power and is committing international crimes," said Pavel Latushka. During the discussion, Artsiom Brukhan outlined four main options for the power transition: " 1. Classical democratic transition  – This is when elections take place, as in the United States. A corresponding document is signed, and the outgoing president completes their term, after which power is handed over to the new president. This is an example of a classical democratic transition. 2. Revolutionary path  – This is when the masses take to the streets, seize administrative buildings, proclaim themselves as the authorities, and new leaders emerge. This scenario is often accompanied by violence, arrests, or the expulsion of the current authorities. 3. Nomenklatura transition  – In this scenario, internal forces surrounding the ruler may push him to step down from office. For example, this happened in the Soviet Union with the removal of General Secretary Khrushchev. For the regime’s enablers, this scenario could literally be life-threatening. 4. Dynastic transition  – This is when power is passed from father to child. Lukashenko has repeatedly stated that he would like to see his younger son, Nikolai, as his successor. However, according to the constitution written by Lukashenko, such a transfer of power is only possible after 20 years, when Lukashenko will be 90. At present, the last scenario seems unrealistic. Nevertheless, the regime may attempt to combine the nomenklatura and dynastic transitions: in the event of Lukashenko’s deteriorating health, he could transfer power to a controlled figure, who would rule until his son Nikolai reaches the required age to assume the presidency" .

"Poland’s example demonstrates that a round table can be an effective mechanism for transferring power. However, certain conditions must be met to implement such a scenario, and these conditions are shaped not only by the opposition but also by the regime itself. It is important for the regime to independently realize the benefits of a round table and be ready for negotiations" , — said Dr. Jan Malicki , Director of the Centre for East European Studies at the University of Warsaw, former opposition activist during communist-era Poland, and organizer of underground publishing, during the event “ Paths to Resolving the Political Crisis in Belarus Using the Example of Poland's Round Table "Paths to Resolving the Political Crisis in Belarus Using the Example of Poland's Round Table" . The event, held on November 26, was organized by the Representative Office for the Transition of Power of the United Transitional Cabinet , the National Anti-Crisis Management, and the Juliusz Mieroszewski Dialogue Center . Dr. Jan Malicki delivered a keynote address. Drawing on his practical experience, Dr. Malicki outlined the conditions necessary for holding a round table in Belarus: Motivation of the regime:  Poland’s experience showed that the communist regime agreed to negotiations only when it recognized the inevitability of change. Presence of a mediator:  Successful negotiations require an independent mediator trusted by both sides . In Poland, this role was played by the Catholic Church. However, as Dr. Malicki noted, Belarus currently lacks a figure or institution respected by both the regime and democratic forces. Readiness of both sides to compromise:  Dr. Malicki emphasized that, as shown by Poland’s experience, the ideal outcome of negotiations is a situation where neither side is fully satisfied with the results . "It is important to ensure a sense of minimal justice for society" , — Dr. Malicki noted. He stressed the need for basic mechanisms of justice for those responsible for repressions while avoiding extremes, such as mass purges or reprisals, as these could undermine public trust in the next stage of the country’s development. During the event, Dr. Malicki highlighted the importance of guaranteeing personal safety for regime representatives involved in such processes. In Belarus, it is also essential to ensure the security of negotiation participants to reduce their fear of future reprisals and provide them with an incentive to voluntarily engage in the process of power transition.