Belarusians might soon have access to a Belarusian-language version of the mobile application when applying for international protection in Poland In April, the Office for Foreigners of Poland announced the launch of the Refugeebook mobile application, designed for foreign citizens seeking international protection in Poland. The app provides answers to various questions related to the application process, social assistance, document forms, peculiarities of submitting documents together with children, and actions to take after a decision is made. Initially available in Polish, English, Russian, and Ukrainian, the application lacked a Belarusian-language version. Recognizing the significant number of Belarusian refugees in Poland, Pavel Latushka, the deputy head of the United Transitional Cabinet and head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, reached out to Tomasz Cytrynowicz, the head of the Office for Foreign Affairs of Poland, on April 24. In his request, Mr. Latushka stated the following: “Given the large number of Belarusian refugees in Poland, I would like to request you to please add the Belarusian language to this list. The initiative to introduce the Belarusian language would enable Belarusian refugees to have easier access to information and support their national language, which is under tremendous pressure from the regime in Belarus.” In his reply, received by Pavel Latushka on May 9, the head of the Office for Foreigners of Poland noted the following: “I have issued the order to commence work on modifying the application and introducing a version in the Belarusian language”. "We express our gratitude to the Office for Foreigners of Poland for this important decision in support of the Belarusian language. We will continue to strive to protect the rights of Belarusians who are compelled to seek asylum abroad. Additionally, we consider it vital to support our coalition, “Latushka’s Team and ‘For Freedom Movement“, in the Coordination Council elections, as it serves as another platform for fighting for the rights of Belarusians," stated Pavel Latushka in response to Polish officials’ decision.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador "Great nations are never made poor by the extravagance and imprudence of private individuals, but they are often made poor by the extravagance and imprudence of public authority," wrote the esteemed Scottish economist Adam Smith. Belarusians are an incredibly hardworking people. Generations of Belarusians have built our country, with our long-suffering land nourished by blood and sweat as Belarus recovered from devastating wars and disasters. The Belarusian people achieved remarkable success, not only rebuilding our nation but also establishing our own independent state. However, the challenges for Belarusians did not end there. Lukashenko came to power. After 30 years of his uninterrupted rule, our country is now facing a situation where there will soon be a scarcity of individuals willing to work for its betterment. Since 2010, the number of people employed in the Belarusian economy has decreased by 550,000 individuals, surpassing the population of Gomel, our country's second-largest city. Moreover, the total population of Belarus has been declining ever since Lukashenko assumed power. During his reign, the population of Belarus decreased by more than a million people. Lukashenko's inept governance and lack of understanding of economic processes have hindered the hard work of the talented Belarusian nation. His focus on control and personal gain has stifled productivity, limited production expansion, and suppressed initiative. Instead of fostering new enterprises, Lukashenko has invested in extravagant sport complexes inaccessible to many Belarusians, preventing their children from enjoying activities like hockey due to the high costs of uniforms and equipment. Instead of allocating significant funds to support veterans and survivors of Nazi camps, he has squandered resources on parades and fireworks. Rather than constructing centers for ideological and so-called patriotic education, the funds could have been better used to build schools and kindergartens. Alternatively, investments could have been made in Belarusian businesses and the development of alternative energy sources, rather than nuclear power plants or new prosecutor's offices and police buildings. Instead of spending money on acquiring water cannons, batons, and rubber bullets, Belarusian funds should have been directed towards purchasing medical supplies and essential equipment for hospitals and clinics. All of this could have been achieved in the past 30 years if not for Lukashenko. Our current mission is to rectify this three-decade-long mistake, and to do so, we must unite around an alternative to Lukashenko. This entails supporting political prisoners, volunteers, and political institutions. It is crucial to vote for your representatives in the Coordination Council between May 25-27. For the first time in 30 years, we have the opportunity to hold truly democratic elections and establish a genuinely representative institution. We should not appoint representatives like Lukashenko did, but rather choose individuals who truly reflect the voices of Belarusians. Soon, during the transitional period, they will assume responsibility for building an independent and free Belarus. This is the kind of Belarus that the Lukashenko regime has prevented us from building for three decades. As Belarusians, we deserve better. We deserve the freedom to choose the best path forward. It is time to create a better Belarus for all.

University of Warsaw May 7, 2024 For me, Stanislav Shushkevich will always be the first leader of Belarus, regardless of Lukashenko's attempts to prove otherwise. Stanislav Shushkevich holds great significance for Belarusian statehood. He played a crucial role in the declaration of our country's independence and in establishing Belarus as an independent, democratic, and free nation. I vividly remember when Stanislav Shushkevich, as the first leader of independent Belarus, received the 42nd President of the United States of America, Bill Clinton, in Minsk in 1994. I was a young man at the time, and I stood at Victory Square when Clinton and Shushkevich laid flowers. They came close to the people, and I saw two heads of state just a meter away from me. Over the years, I have had the opportunity to meet and greet many presidents and heads of state, but that visit left a lasting impression on me as a student. Shushkevich, as the inaugural leader of independent Belarus, established the first official relations between our newly independent country and numerous nations worldwide. Diplomats who served during the 90s will always recognize Shushkevich as the first leader of Belarus. Meanwhile, Lukashenko has consistently attempted to erase his memory. I distinctly recall how in 2011, Lukashenko proposed the idea of opening the Museum of Modern Statehood of Belarus in the administration building on Karl Marx Street in Minsk. The sixth floor housed an exhibition that initially included a significant section dedicated to the early 90s, highlighting the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus, the country's name, the national flag, and numerous documents signed by Shushkevich. However, the infamous deputy head of the Main Ideological Department of the Lukashenko Administration, Iryna Dryga, later took control of the museum. Under the orders of the deputy head of the administration at the time, Natalia Petkevich, she removed all the materials. Only one document remained—the Constitution signed by Stanislav Shushkevich. There were attempts to get those artifacts back into the exposition, but they were unsuccessful, as regime representatives insisted that the museum should solely focus on one individual who has held power for the past three decades. While it may be possible to "cleanse" an exhibition, it is impossible to change or rewrite history, and it is certainly impossible to diminish the immense contribution made by Stanislav Shushkevich to the independence of our country. I recall a story from my time as a young vice consul that still perplexes me. It happened when I was seeing off my mother and mother-in-law at the bus station in Bialystok as they were returning to Minsk after visiting us. It was there that I saw Stanislav Shushkevich. He stood confidently, wearing a good coat and carrying a bag over his shoulder. I couldn't help but wonder why the first leader of our independent state was traveling on a regular bus, waiting in those enormous border queues. Once, Witold Jurasz, a former Chargé d'affaires of Poland in Belarus, suggested that the neighboring state could have taken better care of Stanislav Shushkevich, the first leader of independent Belarus. However, it was not anyone's fault. Such circumstances were a result of Lukashenko's and the regime’s attitude. It was unacceptable that he received a symbolic one-dollar pension. Nevertheless, it should be acknowledged that despite this treatment, Stanislav Shushkevich never compromised his principles or wavered in his beliefs and worldview. He remained a true patriot of Belarus. I remember that my first father-in-law, may the earth lie light upon him, personally knew Shushkevich. He once told me that Stanislav Shushkevich collected playing cards from different countries, which many people brought back for him from their business trips. It was an extraordinary collection for a nuclear physicist and corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences. Overall, during both Soviet times and the period of Belarus' independence, he represented the scientific elite—a man with a challenging destiny who never gave up. Shushkevich was well aware of the regime's repressive nature. It's worth mentioning his father, also named Stanislav, who was a writer and poet. In 1937, he was arrested and sentenced to eight years in the camps. In 1949, he faced another conviction. It wasn't until 1975 that he was finally fully rehabilitated. Perhaps it was these events in his family's life that shaped Stanislav Shushkevich into a resilient individual. In the first and unfortunately, the last democratic elections in Belarus, I cast my vote for Stanislav Shushkevich. However, I firmly believe that the time will come when we can elect a representative of the Belarusian people through fair and transparent elections. A few months before his departure, I had the privilege of speaking with Stanislav Shushkevich. We had a conversation about constitutional reform—discussing what the constitution should entail and the importance of establishing checks and balances that would prevent a recurrence of the situation we have witnessed over the past 30 years in our country. It was an incredibly meaningful discussion. I must admit that it was a great honor for me to have a personal conversation with an exceptional figure in the fight for Belarusian independence like Stanislav Shushkevich, the first leader of independent Belarus.

On April 19, the US State Department imposed sanctions on the Minsk Wheel Tractor Plant (MZKT) for its role in assisting Pakistan's development of long-range ballistic missiles In its statement, the State Department confirmed that the Minsk Wheel Tractor Plant has been supplying special vehicle chassis to Pakistan's National Defense Complex for use in its launch equipment. Alongside the Minsk Wheel Tractor Plant, three Chinese enterprises were also included in the list of American sanctions, as they were accused of transferring missile equipment to Pakistan. MZKT has already been subject to EU sanctions since December 2020 for human rights violations, as well as US sanctions since 2022 for supporting the Russian intervention of the Lukashenko regime in Ukraine. Now, additional sanctions have been imposed on MZKT for its involvement in the transfer of products used in Pakistan's ballistic missile development program. Background material on the 30th anniversary of Belarusian-Pakistani relations reveals that Belarusian exports to Pakistan increased by 1.5 times in 2023 compared to 2022. The document highlights the recent "strengthening of military cooperation" between Belarus and Pakistan. "These entities engaged in activities or transactions that materially facilitated, or created a risk of materially facilitating, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction or their means of delivery," stated the US State Department. In addition to MZKT, the following Chinese companies have also been subjected to sanctions: Xi'an Longde Technology Development Company Limited Tianjin Creative Source International Trade Co. Ltd. Granpect Co. Ltd. All three companies are based in China. Washington believes that these companies, along with MZKT, supplied products to Islamabad “for Pakistan's ballistic missile program, including its long-range missile program”. The State Department asserts that they participated in activities or transactions that “materially facilitated or created a risk of materially facilitating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction or their means of delivery”. The imposition of these sanctions aims to strengthen the non-proliferation regime of weapons of mass destruction, to which the United States is committed, according to the State Department. MZKT specializes in the production of on-road and off-road heavy-duty vehicles, wheeled chassis with high cross-country ability and load-carrying capacity, as well as vehicles of other categories. As of July 2019, 84% of the company's products were exported. Under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), Pakistan is prohibited from possessing such weapons. However, Pakistan did not sign the treaty and conducted its first nuclear tests in 1998. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), as of January 2023, Pakistan possessed 170 nuclear warheads on various carriers. Lukashenko's actions represent a new level of violation of international rules and obligations, as he becomes involved in activities that pose a potential threat of weapons of mass destruction proliferation. These actions have been officially documented. The primary objective should be to strengthen the regime of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. This goal can be achieved either by depriving Lukashenko of the opportunity to engage in such activities or by removing him from power in Belarus.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador At the beginning of May, the Health Care Index for 2024, which ranks healthcare systems worldwide, was published. Belarus ranked 88th out of 94 countries. The Lukashenko regime often propagates the idea of a social state, with healthcare being an essential component. However, instead of genuinely improving the efficiency of the healthcare system in Belarus, the regime focuses on creating a propaganda image of exceptional medical care that is the envy of the world. Let's examine the prospects that the Lukashenko regime is envisioning for the healthcare system, particularly in terms of attracting and retaining healthcare professionals. Are young people in Belarus motivated to pursue careers in medicine? Will the healthcare system be able to replenish its workforce with new personnel? The answers to these questions can be found in the new version of the Law "On Health Care," which was published in November of last year. The law introduces several changes, including an extension of the medical residency and mandatory postgraduate work assignment duration. The duration of the postgraduate work assignment has been increased from two to five years, even for future specialists studying through distance learning. Additionally, doctors who stop their medical residency or are expelled will have to repay more than double the amount of their training costs. The system of postgraduate work assignment for medics, similar to many other young professionals, resembles an improved form of slavery. This does not create an environment conducive to increasing the number of doctors in the country or improving the quality of healthcare. After completing their studies at a university and medical residency, graduates who are assigned to work in a local clinic for a low salary, particularly during the initial stages, essentially become trapped: the inadequate salary leaves them unable to generate sufficient funds to reimburse their training costs in case of dismissal, and specialists find themselves bound to their workplace without the freedom to choose. Will specialists be motivated to work effectively when they lack autonomy in their career decisions? Rather than creating favorable conditions to attract qualified professionals to the medical field, the dictator proposes to address the shortage of medical personnel by increasing the workload on already overburdened doctors. The dictator's solution to address the shortage of medical personnel in hospitals, clinics, and healthcare institutions is to increase the workload on doctors. However, instead of creating favorable conditions to attract qualified specialists to the medical field, the approach involves placing even greater burdens on already overwhelmed healthcare professionals. The healthcare system in Belarus is a crucial area of the state's social policy. The well-being and life expectancy of the population, including our parents, grandparents, and children—essentially the future of our country—depend on the effectiveness of the healthcare system. Belarusian doctors have made significant contributions to medical research and have dedicated their work to the benefit of the Belarusian people. However, this has been achieved despite the regime's policies, not because of them. Instead of making tangible improvements and creating conditions to attract specialists to the healthcare system, the regime focuses on intensifying propaganda rhetoric to convince doctors that their lives are good. Lukashenko's concern lies primarily with his own health and the health of those close to him. He prioritizes personal health over public health, and he believes that propaganda can resolve all other issues, rather than taking concrete actions. The healthcare system in Belarus is a critical aspect of the state's social policy. The well-being and longevity of the population, including our own health and the health of our parents, grandparents, and children—the very future of our country—depend on the effectiveness of our healthcare system. Belarusian doctors are a source of pride for our nation. The countless research endeavors and dedicated work of thousands of healthcare professionals have led to remarkable medical advancements in Belarus. However, it is important to note that these achievements are not a result of the regime's policies, but rather happen despite those. Instead of actively improving the situation and creating favorable conditions to attract healthcare specialists, the regime resorts to intensifying its propaganda rhetoric, attempting to convince doctors, through mere words rather than actions, that their lives are great. Lukashenko's primary concern lies solely in his own health and the well-being of those in his inner circle. Public health takes a backseat to his personal interests, and he believes that propaganda can resolve all other issues.

I would like to extend my congratulations to the Polish people on the occasion of the national holiday of the Republic of Poland – 3 May Constitution Day. The histories of the Belarusian and Polish peoples are deeply intertwined and rich. One of the significant milestones in our shared heritage is the first Constitution in Europe, which has direct relevance to the history of Belarus. During my tenure as the ambassador of Belarus to European countries, I used to congratulate the Polish ambassadors on May 3rd, acknowledging our joint historical event - the declaration of the Constitution of 3 May 1791. I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to the Polish authorities and Polish society for their solidarity and support during this crucial turning point in our history. This support not only contributes to the Belarusian society's pursuit of democracy but also paves the way for a new chapter in our shared history. I firmly believe that an independent and democratic Belarus aligns with the national interests of both Belarusian and Polish societies. We aspire for Belarus to become a reliable and responsible partner for Poland and Europe. For us, Belarusians, Poland will serve as a strategic ally, opening up European prospects for our homeland. On this national holiday, I extend my sincerest wishes for prosperity and success. Pavel Latushka, representing the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, has been invited by President Andrzej Duda to participate in the official celebrations of Poland's National Day, taking place at the Castle Square in Warsaw. Additionally, he was invited to the diplomatic reception held at the Palace of the President of Poland. The regime's embassy was not invited to these events.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Currently, Russia is attempting to occupy Ukrainian territories through military means. However, there are also non-military methods of seizing territories and even entire states. In the case of Belarus, Russia is employing precisely these methods. One of the official instruments of Russian "soft power" has become the organization known as "Rossotrudnichestvo." This structure is the Federal Agency for International Humanitarian Cooperation and was created to implement Russia's policy by promoting the ideas of the "Russian world" abroad, including in Belarus. Rossotrudnichestvo is a government body that serves as the primary driver for promoting the Kremlin's hybrid influence. It has representative offices in 134 countries around the world, and personnel from the FSB and SVR work within Rossotrudnichestvo. For many years, “Rossotrudnichestvo” has acted as an umbrella organization for a network of Russian influence agents. It also provides funding for various public diplomacy and propaganda projects, consolidating the activities of pro-Russian actors and spreading Kremlin narratives. The actions of “Rossotrudnichestvo” in numerous countries are viewed as dangerous, posing a threat to national interests and security. On April 2, 2024, the fourth representative office of “Rossotrudnichestvo” in Belarus, known as the "Russian House," was established. "Russian Houses" are also operational in Minsk, Brest, and Gomel. The illegitimate authorities of Belarus fully support these "Russian Houses," while they have nothing to offer instead of those. While representatives of civil society in Belarus face repression and are forced underground, engaging in any activity that could lead to imprisonment, pro-Russian figures receive significant financial support from “Rossotrudnichestvo”, relative to local standards. Lukashenko, having been saved by Russia in 2020, continues to express gratitude to the "Russian world" and allows Russia to exert its influence over Belarus through "soft power" methods. Representatives of the "Russian world" infiltrate all spheres of Belarusian society, seizing leading positions. They work towards eradicating Belarusian identity, imposing their own rules, and promoting the “Russian world” ideology. Through the activities of “Rossotrudnichestvo” in Belarus, Russia and its "Russian World" aim to present themselves to Belarusians "not as a goal, but as a method," based on three pillars: "cooperation, security, and sovereignty." Under the guise of "cooperation," they seek to exert control and influence over Belarus. By exploiting the concept of "security," they have dragged Belarus into a war against Ukraine, posing a genuine threat to the lives of the entire Belarusian population. And by manipulating the notion of "sovereignty," they are stripping Belarus of its basic state independence. This represents a non-military, gradual absorption of Belarus using the "soft power" method. Lukashenko and his associates actively contribute to all of this. Lukashenko has committed and continues to commit these criminal actions against the Belarusian people and the nation solely to maintain his own power. Russia is occupying Belarus using “soft power” Today Russia is trying to occupy Ukrainian territories through military means. But there are also non-military methods of seizing territories and even entire states. In relation to Belarus, Russia acts using exactly these methods. One of the official instruments of Russian “soft power” has become the so-called. "Rossotrudnichestvo". This structure is the Federal Agency for International Humanitarian Cooperation and was created to implement Russia’s policy through the introduction of the ideas of the “Russian world” abroad, including in Belarus. This is a government body that is the main engine for promoting the Kremlin’s hybrid influence. Its representative offices are located in 134 countries around the world, and personnel employees of the FSB and SVR work “under the roof” of Rossotrudnichestvo. For many years, Rossotrudnichestvo has acted as an umbrella organization for a network of Russian influence agents, and also finances various public diplomacy and propaganda projects, consolidating the activities of pro-Russian actors and spreading Kremlin narratives. The actions of Rossotrudnichestvo in many countries of the world are assessed as dangerous, creating a threat to national interests and national security. On April 2, 2024, the so-called "Russian house". It became the fourth representative office of Rossotrudnichestvo in Belarus. “Russian Houses” also operate in Minsk, Brest and Gomel. The illegitimate authorities of Belarus give carte blanche to the “Russian Houses”, in contrast to which they have nothing to offer. While representatives of civil society in Belarus are being repressed and driven underground, and any activity threatens them with prison, pro-Russian figures have inexhaustible financial support from Rossotrudnichestvo by local standards. Lukashenko fully thanked for his salvation in 2020 and continues to thank the “Russian world”, allowing Russia to take over Belarus with Russian “soft power”. Representatives of the “Russian world” penetrate into all spheres of activity of Belarusian society. And they not only penetrate, but also seize leading positions, work to eliminate the Belarusian identity, dictate their own rules and impose Russian-world ideology. Russia and its “Russian World,” through the activities of Rossotrudnichestvo in Belarus, are trying to present themselves to Belarusians “not as a goal, but as a method,” based on three pillars: “cooperation, security and sovereignty.” Under “cooperation” they are implementing a banal takeover under their leadership and influence over the whole of Belarus. By speculating on “security,” they dragged Belarus into a war against Ukraine and created a real threat to the lives of the entire population of our country. By speculating on “sovereignty” they are depriving Belarus of elementary state independence. This is the non-military gradual absorption of Belarus using the “soft power” method. And Lukashenko and his associates contribute to all this. Lukashenko did and continues to do all these criminal actions against the Belarusian people and against Belarus only for the sake of maintaining his own power.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Let's clarify the situation and put an end to speculation on this topic. Almost immediately after the election campaign for the Coordination Council kicked off, a narrative began circulating in the media, suggesting that Pavel Latushka would take the place of Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya. I must confess that I feel flattered by the high regard given to our political work, our team, and our coalition with the "For Freedom" Movement, which has led to the emergence of such scenarios in people's imaginations. However, it is disheartening to see that even individuals who consider themselves analysts are entertaining these scenarios. The upcoming elections for the Coordination Council, scheduled for May 25-27, are intended to elect representatives for a collective representative body. The aim is to select eighty deputies, each entrusted with a mandate to fulfill their role within this capacity. It is crucial to understand that these elections are NOT for the presidency. Consequently, the essence of this election campaign can not be focused on challenging Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya's position, as she emerged as the winner in the PRESIDENTIAL elections of 2020. Now, let's address the unpleasant aspect. Such speculation, to be frank, is highly detrimental. Presenting the participation of different candidates in the elections for the Constitutional Court as an attempt to create divisions within the democratic movement and provoke conflicts is a manipulative act that only fosters divisions. It is challenging to conceive of a more ideal gift for propaganda and a demotivating factor for voters on the eve of the elections. Therefore, I wish to clarify that Pavel Latushka has no intentions of competing for Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya's position or attempting to replace her in any manner. Firstly, it is important to note that instead of some kind of “presidential privileges” there is a significant amount of work and areas of responsibility that need to be addressed with limited resources. The elections for the Constitutional Court also present an opportunity to address personnel matters within the democratic forces. Through these elections, we can incorporate 80 elected deputies who are dedicated to addressing the concerns of Belarusians across various available platforms. Secondly, the driving motivation for me and our team throughout this entire journey, which fuels our round-the-clock efforts and underlies our decision to participate in the elections for the Constitutional Court, is the desire to bring about a political change in our country. Our aim is to create a free, independent, European, and democratic Belarus. Therefore, it is important and necessary for all of us, not just Pavel Latushka or the Latushka and "For Freedom" Movement coalition, but for all Belarusians to participate in the Coordination Council elections. For the past 30 years, our votes have been disregarded, uncounted, and unheeded. They were simply stolen and manipulated. Those who were meant to represent our interests were merely appointed, rendering elections a meaningless formality. Throughout this time, we have never had a positive experience of participating in election campaigns. On May 25-27, we have the opportunity to gain this experience for the first time. It is the first time we can truly feel the value and impact of our voices. Together, we can establish a genuinely elected body that will represent and safeguard the interests of voters, to the extent currently possible. The principle of "Nothing about us without us" is one of the fundamental principles underlying our electoral program. Rather than merely complaining about decisions made arbitrarily abroad, we can actively participate through elections and directly influence policies. Neither I nor our coalition aim to replace Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya. Our goal is to strengthen, develop, and foster effective collaboration among the political institutions established in 2020. The only chairs and positions we aim to vacate are those unlawfully seized by the Lukashenko regime and his accomplices. We will strive to hold them accountable before the law. Vote, choose, and make an impact. The Coordination Council elections will take place on May 25-27. Our number on the ballot is No 9. Long live Belarus!

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador An interesting observation and analysis that I would like to share with you is regarding the Vitebsk clan coming to power in Belarus. For the first time in Belarusian history, Alexander Lukashenko, who has usurped power in our country, has decided to introduce the position of his deputy. Aleksander Kosinets was appointed deputy chairman of the presidium of the so-called All-Belarusian People's Assembly. It's worth noting that there are references to the CPSU Central Committee and the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee. Who is Alexander Kosinets? He is the former rector of Vitebsk Medical University and, more importantly, the former chairman of the Vitebsk Regional Executive Committee. In 2014, Kosinets was appointed head of Lukashenko's administration. Then, in 2016, Natalya Kochanova, who hails from the Vitebsk region and was formerly the mayor of Novopolotsk, was appointed head of Lukashenko's administration. Now, who invited Kochanova to the capital and facilitated her rise to the position of Deputy Prime Minister in Lukashenko's government and later to the post of head of his administration. It was Kosinets. We can observe a connection here: Kosinets invites Kochanova to the position of Deputy Prime Minister for Social Affairs. Subsequently, Kosinets is removed from the post of head of the Presidential Administration, and Kochanova assumes his position. In turn, Kochanova opens the door for the next representative, let's call it, from the Vitebsk school - Igor Sergienko, who succeeds her as the head of Lukashenko's Administration. Who is Igor Sergienko? He is a career KGB officer, a former first deputy chairman of the KGB, and a KGB general. In 2019, he assumed the position of head of Lukashenko's administration, replacing Natalya Kochanova. We can observe a pattern of continuity: Kosinets, hailing from the Vitebsk region, served as the head of the administration; Kochanova, also from the Vitebsk region, held the same position, and now Sergienko, also from the Vitebsk region, has taken over. Each of them took turns advocating for their successor. It is evident that in the highest positions in the country (with the concept of high-ranking positions and senior officials, introduced by Lukashenko himself), representatives of the Vitebsk school hold prominent roles. For instance, Igor Sergienko serves as the Chairman of the House of Representatives, which is the lower house of Lukashenko’s parliament, while Natalya Kochanova is the Chairman of the Council of the Republic, the upper house of Luukashenko’s parliament. Alexander Kosinets holds the position of Lukashenko's deputy as the chairman of the All-Belarusian People's Assembly. If we carefully analyze the Constitution and determine the rights and responsibilities of different entities, even a cursory examination provides grounds to believe that these three key figures can play a significant role in the event of Lukashenko's incapacity due to health problems or his eventual death. Whether Lukashenko was aware of this when he established a triumvirate of Vitebsk individuals in the most influential positions in the country is a substantial question. Only the dictator himself can answer it. However, it is evident that this group holds considerable influence during times of emergency or crisis in the country. Who is Alexander Kosinets? He is quite an active and ambitious individual, as well as someone who, during my time in the government, reportedly caused the Vitebsk region to accumulate significant debts. It was stated during government meetings that around half a billion US dollars were spent on various projects initiated by Kosinets. Consequently, the entire Vitebsk region became burdened with debt. I believe that these debts still exist. They have either been written off or the Vitebsk region simply has not paid them to the republican budget. Kosinets sought to establish his success as the chairman of the Vitebsk Regional Executive Committee, viewing it as a stepping stone to a higher position. I recall a conversation with him at the Vitebsk Regional Executive Committee. Every high-ranking official has a personal room for rest  adjacent to their office. Therefore, this conversation took place in Kosinets's personal room in 2011. During this conversation, which lasted several hours, Kosinets outlined his vision for the development of the Vitebsk region and the country as a whole. He made me an offer, expressing his desire to become the prime minister and inviting me to join his team. You can imagine my state upon hearing this proposal. We were in the chairman's office, fully aware that all these premises were under constant surveillance by the KGB and other agencies. Belarus has six services authorized to intercept conversations of both citizens and foreigners within its territory. I understood that if I were to accept his offer and say, "Yes, I agree to join your team," it would undoubtedly result in us leaving the office together in handcuffs, escorted by KGB officers, or I would be taken away in handcuffs alone. Naturally, I declined his offer, stating that I was content with my current work. However, the very fact of Kosinets' ambition was already apparent. Subsequently, he was appointed as the head of the administration. I later learned that my refusal influenced certain governmental decisions regarding my career. Yet, that is all in the past, and it doesn't bother me at all. What I want to stress here is that Lukashenko appointed a highly ambitious individual to the position. He surely remembers that, as the head of the administration, Kosinets assumed more responsibilities and powers than the role typically entails. This was one of the key reasons why Kosinets was swiftly relieved of his position as the head of the administration. And now Lukashenko appoints him as his deputy - marking the first time in history that Lukashenko has had a deputy. There is an interesting anecdote from Aleksander Kosinets' biography. Even before assuming the position of chairman of the Vitebsk Regional Executive Committee, Kosinets held the role of Deputy Prime Minister of Belarus and served as the chairman of the organizing committee for the international film festival "Listapad." Alas, this festival can no longer be called international nowadays. Kosinets had set the task of inviting foreign movie stars to the festival's opening ceremony in Minsk. Can you guess whom he wanted to invite? Schwarzenegger! It's a true story. After a few weeks, the organizing committee of the "Listapad" film festival reconvened, and Kosinets inquired, "So, what about Schwarzenegger? Did he agree to come to the festival in Minsk?" Everyone hesitated, shrugged their shoulders, and Kosinets declared, "You don't know how to do it, you can't do it. Just give me Schwarzenegger's phone number, and I'll invite him myself! I'll call him and invite him personally." Such is the story. Naturally, there may be many more anecdotes like this one. So that’s how Belarus has found itself under the rule of the Vitebsk clan. I also recall a story related to my initiative to erect a monument in Kyiv dedicated to Uladzimir Karatkevich. I drafted a memo on this matter and submitted it to the Lukashenko administration, which was headed by Vladimir Makei at the time. I received a negative response, but I persisted, believing it was important to have a monument honoring Uladzimir Karatkevich in Kyiv. He had graduated from the Faculty of Philology at Kyiv State University, and he had several  works written in the Ukrainian language. Karatkevich is the person who unites us, Belarusians and Ukrainians. So I continued to insist on commemorating Uladzimir Karatkevich in Kyiv. After receiving a negative response from Vladimir Makei, I decided to directly address Lukashenko by writing a report. I still remember the resolution that came back to me from Lukashenko: "Support the proposal of the Minister of Culture to erect a monument to my fellow countryman." Uladzimir Karatkevich was born in Orsha, and Lukashenko himself was born in the Orsha region. Although we often associate Lukashenko with the Mogilev clan or the Mogilev part of the Belarusian establishment, it is true that he was born in the Vitebsk region. I believe that this Vitebsk triumvirate will have an impact on the current situation in Belarus and, more importantly, on its future when Lukashenko is no longer capable of governing the country.

In response to the inquiries received by NAM regarding the security of personal data for Belarusians who have obtained  the status of international or additional protection in Poland, we would like to highlight the following points. In our assessment, there is currently no justification to suggest any systematic transfer of personal data of Belarusians who have experienced political persecution in Belarus and are currently in Poland to representatives of the Lukashenko regime. We would like to emphasize that the Polish authorities are taking every possible measure to ensure the protection of Belarusian refugees and individuals in need of protection. Through numerous bilateral meetings, it has become evident that the Polish competent authorities are continuously working towards enhancing the protection of these individuals and their data, as well as improving their status and living conditions. Relevant matters are regularly discussed between representatives of the competent Polish departments and representatives of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, NAM, and civil society. Specialized working groups have been established for this purpose and are actively functioning. We firmly believe that Poland serves as a reliable haven for hundreds of thousands of Belarusians who have been compelled to leave their homeland. Poland provides the most favorable regime for entry, residency, and social support, along with the right to work and social integration programs. Furthermore, special measures have been developed for issuing international travel documents. These efforts represent only a fraction of the comprehensive actions undertaken.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador What are the five main elements of possible support for the Belarusian people by democratic states? In 1991, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, several nation states emerged and gained independence. How did Europe respond to this? For some reason, Western politicians regarded Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia as falling within Russia's sphere of interest. Decades later, it is evident that this decision was a strategic mistake. In 2014, nobody could have anticipated that Belarus would play a significant role in Russia's aggression against Ukraine in 2022. All of this stems from strategic mistakes made in 1991 and 2014. Granting territorial concessions to the aggressor and attempting appeasement have consistently resulted in negative consequences. Even the Lukashenko regime, which has consistently supported Russia, reached the same conclusions after 2014. The dictator was not concerned about the country or the state, but rather his own power. Then, between 2014 and 2015, Lukashenko managed to convince Western partners of a favorable narrative: that only he could save Belarus from Putin and guarantee its independence. Lukashenko manipulated the West, fully aware that he had no intention of implementing reforms or relinquishing power. His inclination towards the West was merely an excuse to extract more resources from both the EU and Russia. We frequently emphasize to our partners that it is only a matter of time before Russia non-militarily annexes Belarus. Lukashenko will be unable to prevent this, but the worst-case scenario is if the Belarusian people are also unable to prevent it. Our Western partners have a choice: Support Lukashenko, believing that he will protect Belarus. Support Belarusian society and assist the Belarusian people in reclaiming their agency. Only a free, independent, European, and democratic Belarus can guarantee that Russia will no longer be able to carry out aggression, not only against Ukraine but also against the EU. As a politician, I wholeheartedly endorse all actions taken by our partners to strengthen national security and defense. However, it is crucial for our Western partners to understand that the Belarusian people are the primary force and the main weapon. In a situation where the Putin and Lukashenko regime decides to once again employ Belarus as a base for aggression against Ukraine or any EU member states, the Belarusian people, who endure daily repression, will be our foremost weapon.

Pavel Latushka: Will Lukashenko come to Poland? Currently, the National Prosecutor's Office of Poland is conducting criminal proceedings against Alexander Lukashenko and officials under his command for crimes committed against national and political groups, as well as other individuals. The National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) is actively working to thoroughly investigate the crimes committed by Lukashenko and his accomplices against Belarusian and foreign citizens. We are providing relevant materials to the Prosecutor's Office of Poland, the International Criminal Court in The Hague, and the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine. In line with the agreements reached in November 2023, Marcin Wiącek, the Commissioner for Civil Rights of Poland, has updated Pavel Latushka, the head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), on the progress in reviewing the applications submitted by Belarusians regarding the crimes committed against them. In his letter to the NAM, the Ombudsman of Poland mentioned that the Department for Combating Organized Crime and Corruption of the National Prosecutor's Office of Poland in Lublin is currently examining the following cases: The crimes against humanity committed by Alexander Lukashenko and other identified officials of the Republic of Belarus, against both Belarusian and foreign citizens, including multiple instances of murder, serious manslaughter, infliction of serious bodily and mental harm, and the deliberate creation of living conditions with the aim of physically destroying, either completely or partially, a national or political group. These acts were carried out by an organized armed criminal group, which included Alexander Lukashenko and other named officials, as part of a state policy that constitutes political terrorism supported by state terrorism. The hijacking of a Polish aircraft, involving the illegal act of forcing Ryanair flight FR4978 to land on June 21, 2021, at Minsk airport in the Republic of Belarus. This action, carried out by officers of the Belarusian KGB following the orders of Alexander Lukashenko and other individuals, posed a direct threat to the lives and health of many people, causing harm to both private interests and the interests of the Republic of Poland. The trafficking of persons, exploiting citizens of Iraq and other nationalities, involving the recruitment, transportation, delivery, transfer, harboring, or reception of individuals from outside the territory of Belarus for a fee, with the purpose of forcing them to illegally cross the border of Belarus with European Union countries (Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland). This was committed by Alexander Lukashenko as the leading executive using the state administration subordinate to him, along with Belarusian travel agencies acting on behalf of the state administration. Instances of violence and threats against groups and individuals based on their national and political affiliation, particularly those associated with the democratic white-red-white national symbols of Belarus. These acts, carried out by Alexander Lukashenko and other identified officials, involved the use of illegal and punitive threats through media information, internet portals, and messengers, indicating the potential commission of crimes against the health and lives of threatened individuals and their families. A joint investigation team, consisting of Poland, Lithuania, and Germany, has been established to investigate these crimes. The investigation is being conducted based on a decision by the Deputy Prosecutor General of Poland for Organized Crime and Corruption. Marcin Wiącek assured Pavel Latushka that he will continue to monitor the progress of the investigation to ensure the respect for rights and civil liberties. Pavel Latushka, head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, commented on the prospects of legal prosecution, stating, "The continued work of the Polish prosecutor's office on the possible involvement of Lukashenko and his accomplices in committing crimes against citizens of Belarus and other countries is crucial to achieving justice for the grave and especially grave crimes committed by the regime in Belarus. We have provided evidence and given testimony in all of the aforementioned cases. We will continue to take all possible actions to ensure the legal prosecution of Lukashenko, including through five international mechanisms such as transferring the situation in Belarus to the ICC for consideration of crimes against humanity, as well as for the war crime of illegally transferring Ukrainian children from the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus, committed by Alexander Lukashenko and his accomplices. I believe that Lukashenko can only come to Poland in handcuffs."