Source: ctv.by  "Resolution No. 599 of the Council of Ministers of the Lukashenko regime, dated October 31, 2025, effectively formalizes the isolation of Belarus’s transport network from European carriers and creates a logistical ‘buffer zone’ on the EU–EAEU border. Belarus is turning into a ‘transshipment zone’ with controlled corridors and a system of paid permits" said Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of NAM. Resolution No. 599  introduces a stricter system of restrictions  on the entry and operation of vehicles registered in EU countries — primarily Poland and Lithuania  — within Belarusian territory. It represents an expanded version of the previous regulation  (Resolution No. 247 “On the Movement of Transport Vehicles” of April 22, 2022), now clarifying logistics routes, exceptions, and permit procedures. Key Changes and Consequences: 1. Ban on the movement of EU transport across Belarus Entry and movement of freight trucks, tractors, trailers, and semi-trailers registered in EU countries — mainly Poland and Lithuania — are prohibited. For the first time, restrictions also apply to passenger vehicles engaged in international transport under CMR. Exception:  Such vehicles may move only to designated areas (logistics centers, temporary storage warehouses) for re-coupling, transshipment, or refueling, and back — strictly along the routes listed in Annex 1 to the resolution. 2. Restricted movement corridors For Polish and Lithuanian transport, specific routes and operational zones are defined: Brest-FEZ, Brest-TLC, Bruzgi, Berestovitsa, Kamenny Log, Kotlovka, Grigorovshchina, and others.Movement is allowed only between the border checkpoint and the designated location (TLC, warehouse, waiting area, etc.). Any deviation from these routes constitutes an administrative violation. 3. Permit-based transit system Foreign carriers must obtain a paid transit permit from the Transport Inspectorate — 15 base units. The permit is valid for up to 90 days and issued via an automated system with registration and prepayment. This effectively makes EU–Belarus–EAEU transit paid and bureaucratically restricted. 4. Oversight and penalties Compliance will be monitored by the Transport Inspectorate and the State Customs Committee. Violations may result in a requirement to exit Belarus via the Russian border or have the vehicle placed in temporary storage facilities (TSW). Movement is permitted only under an officially prescribed form. 5. Fuel — only of Belarusian origin Gas stations listed in the resolution may sell fuel produced exclusively by the Mozyr Oil Refinery and Naftan. This guarantees foreign currency revenue for Belarusian refineries and limits refueling with imported petroleum products. 6. Categories of goods exempt from the ban Exemptions apply to humanitarian aid, postal shipments, medical supplies, live animals, oversized cargo (under special permits), car transporters, vehicle recovery trucks, and empty transport returning to the EU after authorized deliveries. 7. Validity period and repeal of previous acts Resolution No. 599 is valid until December 31, 2027. All previous documents — including Resolution No. 247 — are repealed. "As a result of this decision by the Lukashenko government, importers and exporters from both the EAEU and EU will face longer delivery times and higher transportation costs. Belarusian refineries, which are currently struggling, will gain a guaranteed fuel market within the designated zones. At the same time, this decision violates consumer rights",  noted Pavel Latushka. He added that the regime is tightening its control over transport flows, but this move is not an act of sovereignty — it is a tool of self-isolation. "By cutting itself off from Europe, the regime is deliberately dismantling Belarus’s sovereignty. The country loses not only income from direct trade routes but also undermines its transit status".

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council In Belarus, power has long since turned into the personal shop of one man and his inner circle . A country where state borders protect not the interests of the people, but the flow of contraband . A country where the self-proclaimed president is the chief smuggler  — not of drugs, as in Venezuela, but of cigarettes. Today I want to talk about why Lukashenko’s regime resembles Maduro’s , why both survive not on public support but on criminal schemes, and why their days are numbered . When, in 2020, the United States officially accused Nicolás Maduro of drug trafficking, many in Belarus thought: "That’s far away; it doesn’t concern us".  But today we see: Lukashenko follows the same model  — only on a smaller scale and with a different commodity. Maduro cooperated with Colombian drug cartels to "flood the U.S. with cocaine", using planes from military bases. Lukashenko covers up gray business operations to "flood Europe with cigarettes", using trucks, trains, drones, and even weather balloons. The only difference is the product. The essence is the same — state smuggling for personal enrichment. For the recipient countries, such a criminal enterprise means billions in lost taxes , the strengthening of organized crime , and deep corruption  in border and customs agencies. In Belarus’s case, cigarette smuggling under Lukashenko’s protection is also seen as a hybrid threat  designed to destabilize and distract the EU. When U.S. President Donald Trump said,  "Maduro’s days are numbered" , he was speaking about a system where power trades in crime . Lukashenko is next. Because no regime built on lies, smuggling, and corruption can survive long. Lukashenko himself once admitted: "If we need to send cigarettes to Poland — we’ll send a whole wagon" . He said it publicly and proudly, adding: "It’s not nuclear weapons, after all" . That is the logic of a smuggler-dictator . He even acknowledged that border guards "turn a blind eye" because they "were paid". This is a confession of state collusion , an admission that Belarus has become a smuggling factory where corruption is the mechanism of power . But this isn’t just about cigarettes. It’s about a system of personal enrichment  — Lukashenko and his "wallets": Aleksin, Teterin, Topuzidis, and others. Through them, he built an entire tobacco empire . Revenues that should have gone to hospitals, schools, and roads went into the pockets of the dictator’s family and his cronies . Because smuggling is not just a shadow economy — it’s the regime’s survival mechanism . While the country grows poorer, the regime grows richer — stealing from its own people and its neighbors. But times have changed . Sanctions imposed by Europe against Lukashenko’s tobacco business have begun to strangle this system . Closed border crossings, reduced traffic, and transit restrictions have all hit the regime’s criminal economy hard. Look at the numbers: in 2022, Lithuania intercepted 4.4 million packs of Belarusian cigarettes; in 2023 — 2.5 million; in 2025 — only a third of that. Smuggling is falling — and with it, Lukashenko’s income.  As revenues drop, his entire financial pyramid begins to crumble . The closure of the Ukrainian route after the war also cut off one of the largest channels. Now the regime is losing not just money — it’s losing oxygen. In Russia, pressure is also growing. Moscow demands higher excise alignment, which means the end of cheap Belarusian tobacco  and the end of smuggling flows . Russian officials openly expose fake Belarusian excise stamps — showing him: "We know everything"  Lukashenko is trapped between Western sanctions and Kremlin pressure . Even so, according to Poland’s tax service, in 2023 alone illegal Belarusian cigarettes worth over 24 million zlotys were seized. And how many went undetected? Hundreds of millions of cigarettes  still reach Germany, France, and the UK. This is not small-scale smuggling  — it’s an international criminal network , managed from Lukashenko’s palace in Minsk . On November 3, 2025, in Poland, another shipment of Belarusian contraband was found hidden under coal. Why do I say Lukashenko’s days are numbered? Because smuggling cannot be the foundation of a state. It always collapses.  And that collapse is happening now. The West has closed its doors. The East is tightening the screws. The people are turning away.  Every Belarusian sees: we have no real economy — only schemes. No laws. No true state. Only arbitrariness and corruption. We are not doomed to be a nation of smugglers. To change that, we must abolish the smuggling regime . And it can be eliminated not with drones or tanks, but with truth and determination. We must investigate and document every act of smuggling. Every statement by Lukashenko is already evidence . Every train car of cigarettes — proof of a crime . Sanctions are working. Borders are closing. The world no longer looks away. Maduro’s regime is cracking because it fed on narcotics. Lukashenko’s regime will soon crack as well.

The situation of mass repressions in Belarus, the growing number of political prisoners, the torture of political detainees in Belarusian prisons, and the persecution of civil society in Belarus were discussed during meetings of Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), with representatives of the Permanent Missions of EU member states  working at the UN Office in Geneva. Pavel Latushka held meetings with Darius Staniulis , Permanent Representative of Lithuania; Ivars Pundurs , Permanent Representative of Latvia; Katia Solsbek , Deputy Permanent Representative of Sweden; Claire Tude , Deputy Permanent Representative of France; as well as with representatives of other EU Permanent Missions to the UN Office in Geneva. During the meetings, particular attention was paid to the issue of international mechanisms  that could be employed to hold Lukashenka accountable for crimes against the Belarusian people . Pavel Latushka presented information on the steps already taken by the National Anti-Crisis Management  in this regard. He also shared with partners his expectations concerning their possible support for international mechanisms aimed at achieving justice for Belarusians — the victims of repression. Separately, Latushka addressed Lukashenka’s so-called idea of a "big deal" with the U.S. and the EU . The Deputy Head of the Cabinet noted that Lukashenka is seeking recognition and the lifting of sanctions. Pavel Latushka informed the participants of the general position of the United Transitional Cabinet , which is that no deals with the Lukashenka regime are possible . Lukashenka must change his domestic repressive and foreign aggressive policies. He must make a conditional deal with the Belarusian people , which means stopping arrests, detentions, and convictions of Belarusians on politically motivated charges; decriminalizing public and political life; ceasing extraterritorial persecution of Belarusians; and so on. The representative of Lithuania emphasized that Lithuania will continue to promote the issue of Lukashenka’s accountability and that of his accomplices before the International Criminal Court (ICC) . In this regard, on 30 September 2024 , the Lithuanian government submitted documents to the ICC Prosecutor’s Office to initiate an investigation into transnational crimes against humanity , and it continues to support the need to launch such an investigation. The NAM, for its part, cooperates with the relevant Lithuanian institutions to advance the issue of Lukashenka’s accountability. The representative of France stressed that her country will not back down and will continue its policy of sanction pressure  on the Lukashenka regime in connection with ongoing repressions, support for aggression against Ukraine, and the hybrid war against the European Union. France’s position remains consistent and firm. With the representatives of Latvia and Sweden, issues of possible accession of these countries to Lithuania’s referral to the ICC  were discussed in order to ensure accountability. Pavel Latushka’s meetings in Geneva took place on the eve of the session of the UN Human Rights Council’s Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) , which will be held on Monday, November 3 . The session will examine the human rights situation in Belarus . This is already the fourth UPR review for Belarus  under this mechanism. The last session of the Working Group on Belarus took place in 2020. The upcoming meeting will focus on the fact that the Lukashenka regime has not stopped repressions over the past five years , and that Belarus is experiencing a total degradation of its human rights system . According to a report prepared by a coalition of Belarusian human rights organizations , out of 266 recommendations made to Belarus after the third UPR cycle, the regime has fully implemented only two , while 226 remain unfulfilled .

Pavel Latushka. Photo: NAM-media Full textual version of Pavel Latushka’s remarks for Zerkalo — How many threats have there been over the past year, how often do they come? What do they consist of? And were there ever death threats before? Throughout my time in Poland we have counted more than 160 threats of murder, bodily harm, kidnapping and other types. Just since the beginning of this year — dozens… The threats became particularly active in August–September of this year. That can be linked to the fifth anniversary of the events of 2020 and to Lukashenka’s task of destroying and discrediting both the alternative institutions of the democratic forces and the most active organizations and their representatives. The point is that this concerns not only threats of murder, but also real actions aimed at carrying them out. Last year I was informed by the National Public Prosecutor’s Office of Poland about the opening of a criminal case. The investigation in that case is being conducted by the Internal Security Agency (ABW) under the supervision of the National Public Prosecutor’s Office, the department for combating organized crime in Łódź. The criminal case was opened under an article that provides liability for incitement of an identified person to commit my murder on the orders of special services. Subsequently, during investigative actions in which I participated as a victim, I was told that this concerned the activities of the Belarusian and Russian special services. This criminal case this year has been split into two parts. One part is incitement to murder, the second part is espionage. Polish law-enforcement agencies also informally told me that there were two threats to life that were prevented at an early stage. You also know that an attack occurred at the University of Warsaw. We can practically categorize all these threats and actions as follows: there are real actions — the fact of their preparation or execution; there are real threats that arrive via email, social media, as well as from specific people and are transmitted by various messengers or sources from the territory of Belarus; then there is psychological impact, when information-psychological special operations are carried out with the aim of demotivating me, creating an atmosphere of danger to discourage me from my activities. And, of course, some threats are written by so-called concerned citizens who most likely suffer from mental disorders. Specific incidents took place not only on the territory of Poland but also during my stays in Germany, Lithuania and the Czech Republic, when covert photographs taken in various places in those countries later reached me together with corresponding threats. In the Czech Republic there was surveillance of a car, which was also recorded. All these materials were handed over to the law-enforcement agencies of those countries. Pavel Latushka during the Coordination Council election debates. Warsaw, Poland, 2024. Photo: Belsat ​​These threats, of course, concern not only me; they concern other activists of the democratic forces, many of my colleagues at the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) and members of the  "Team Latushka and the ‘For Freedom’ Movement" faction. One vivid example: in August of this year there was an attempt over four days to recruit 12 employees of NAM. Last week there were three more similar attempts against members of the team and the faction. These actions are carried out using messengers. As a rule they contain offers of material reward, blackmail of relatives, threats of discreditation and other methods. I gave testimony to the Internal Security Agency at the instruction of the military prosecutor of the National Public Prosecutor’s Office of Poland concerning a large-scale attempt to exert illegal influence on Polish territory on employees of the team and the faction. An inquiry into this matter is currently underway. — How do you perceive such threats? How much do they worry you? Threats are perceived in different ways. They are large-scale, methodical and constant. There is practically not a week, not a few days, when a threat does not arrive. Of course, each message is perceived differently, and each incident is perceived differently. When I received preliminary information that an unlawful action would be taken against me — right before my speech at the University of Warsaw at an official event attended by representatives of the President’s Chancery, the Polish National Security Bureau, and members of the diplomatic corps — I later heard that someone was running up the auditorium stairs. At that moment I realized he was heading toward me, considering the threat I had read that morning. I will not say I had time to feel fear. Rather, I concentrated and understood, when he looked me in the eyes, that he would strike my head. But he stumbled, and the object he intended to hit me with simply fell at my feet. The deputy head of the Polish National Security Bureau reacted instantly, grabbed and threw the bucket aside, fearing there might be an explosive device in it. In early September I received a letter saying "the regime is going to kill you. ‘Going to’ means that if everything remains as it is, you will definitely be killed. It’s only a question of time". The message listed, as the author claims, three kidnapped and killed figures of the Belarusian democratic movement who had been under Polish protection, naming Melnikova, Kasperovich and Kotov. The author of the message claims they are "mid-level figures" and continues that "now they will go after the most important ones. And you are definitely next". The methods by which my liquidation (that exact word is used in the message) could happen include a road traffic accident, infection with COVID (as during the epidemic — it is claimed the KGB used such methods to liquidate regime enemies), poisoning. The same message urged me to leave Poland immediately because, as the author asserts, Polish authorities would not be able to guarantee my safety, and to urgently depart for Western Europe or the USA. "At this very moment, this second you must do it". But let us look at the chronology. On 18 May 2025 I received information from a citizen of Belarus who had come to Poland. I know his surname; BELPOL established his data. He has three prior convictions in Belarus, including for particularly serious crimes. This citizen passed along word that criminal elements on Polish territory had been tasked with my physical liquidation. On 19 May I received a written message in polite wording: "I want to warn you that the regime plans your physical liquidation". By the way, this happened on the day Lithuania filed a case at the International Court of Justice against Belarus for organizing hybrid aggression against Lithuania. A few days later I received information from BYPOL that my kidnapping from Polish territory was allegedly being organized. On 16 June there was an attempt by someone claiming to be a reporter from Novaya Gazeta Europe to request an interview with me and simultaneously with Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. After verification we established that such a person indeed works for that publication, but he had sent no interview requests. It immediately recalled the story when in 2022 Pablo Gonzalez — also known as Pavel Rubtsov, a colonel of the Russian military intelligence of the Ministry of Defense, later detained in Poland by the Internal Security Agency for espionage — came to interview me. I remember during the exchange between Moscow and Washington at Vnukovo airport, Rubtsov descended the airstair and Putin shook his hand. At that moment you realize this person had been a meter from you for a long time. Reuters journalists told me they obtained information during the investigation into Pavel Rubtsov that he had established my place of residence in Warsaw and passed it to the Main Intelligence Directorate headquarters of the Russian Ministry of Defense. On the evening of 1 July 2025 Lukashenka made an absurd public statement that I had planned to burn Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and all opposition leaders alive. Reaction? We laughed and forgot. No — the next day I received a threat. And on 2 July an attack occurred at the University of Warsaw when the attacker shouted that I wanted to make Tsikhanouskaya’s children orphans. After that I received an email from a "collective KGB" saying this was only the first sign and later there would be extermination. These are several addresses from which I permanently receive threats. I call them the collective KGB because they write 24/7 and react to various events in the democratic forces connected with me. Yevgeny Kazantsev, the attacker on Pavel Latushka on 2 July 2025 during the Warsaw East European Conference. Photo: Reform.news The attacker at the University of Warsaw confesses on video that he acted under external pressure. I began to regularly receive messages that my own people will kill me for planning to burn the entire opposition. We immediately hear propaganda calling for violence against me and other representatives of the democratic forces, promising amnesty on the territory of Belarus for those who do so. After that incident the threats significantly intensified. On 9 July the Supreme Court of Belarus recognized the United Transitional Cabinet as a terrorist organization. It should be noted that Prosecutor General Shved as the basis for listing the UTC as a terrorist organization used the thesis that the Cabinet engages in activities directed against the military and political leadership of both Belarus and Russia. After that, on 16 July the KGB added me and Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya to the terrorist list. In the regime’s perception this possibly legalizes their unlawful actions — allegedly under the pretext of combating terrorism. On 16 July a direct death threat was received. On 6 August a film appeared on ONT in which former KGB chairman Valery Vakulchik and Deputy Interior Minister Nikolai Karpenkov claimed I had supposedly prepared this burning. A fake story, but it creates grounds for possible provocations. All of August we were under systemic pressure from the special services — as I mentioned above — recruitment attempts, threats to relatives, evacuations of families from Belarus. At the same time fake stories are published claiming my email accounts were hacked and as a result there are alleged leaks of personal data and mass arrests of Belarusians by the KGB in Belarus. This is already part of an information-psychological operation aimed at discrediting the team and creating psychological pressure. Illustrative photo On 9 August I received from the collective KGB the message "See you soon at home". On 21 August Anatoliy Kotov disappeared — although he had not interacted with our team or communicated with me and members of our team for four years, we still consider this and, I think, everyone who continues the struggle considers it a definite challenge from the regime. On 30 August the Karpushonok case began, aimed at continuing the discreditation of me as a politician. The KGB sends letters to everyone I meet publicly, the content and character of which are designed to discredit me. This is systemic, targeted work. On 1 September I received a letter that "the Belarusian regime is planning an assassination and you will definitely be killed". In September telegram channels published information that $1,000 had been offered to splash red paint on me. The price rose to €1,000. On 9 October information appeared that I and my colleagues at NAM, as well as other activists and representatives of the democratic movement, were added to the list of persons wanted by the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs. On 10 October pseudo-oppositionist Kanopatskaya proposed detaining me in Poland and exchanging me for Andrzej Poczobut. We remember that on 31 March 2023 Lukashenka publicly said he was ready to exchange Andrzej Poczobut for me and NAM. On 2 August 2024 the former Polish Minister of Interior Mariusz Kamiński stated in an interview with Polish television that during closed negotiations with the Lukashenka regime on the release of Andrzej Poczobut the Belarusian regime officially proposed exchanging me for him. Kanopatskaya’s proposal is a continuation of that story, fabricated by Lukashenka and implemented by the KGB. On 20 October the Ministry of Information included the Telegram channel "Team Latushka and the ‘For Freedom’ Movement" in the list of extremist materials. Between these dates other messages arrived with threats and attempts at discreditation. Hundreds of pages would not suffice to describe it all. This has continued for five years. We also remember that, thanks to the Cyber Partisans, it was established, among other things, that on the floor below NAM’s office, at Polish language courses, for a month two officers of military intelligence of the Belarusian Ministry of Defense attended, who also attempted to make contact with NAM employees and analyzed the security situation around our team. Last week I testified at the capital police command at the instruction of the Warsaw district prosecutor regarding a direct public death threat against Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and me. Thanks to BELPOL it was possible to identify the person and his personal data. The materials have now been forwarded to the district prosecutor’s office of Poland. Literally today I also handed over, at the request of the Warsaw district prosecutor, additional facts, testimonies and documents of all unlawful actions against me and NAM employees for the adoption of procedural decisions. At the same time NAM employees have also been invited as witnesses in the inquiry into facts of threats to their life and health, blackmail and recruitment attempts. Here I am speaking only a portion of the information, because investigative actions prevent me from disclosing details. — Do such threats affect your work schedule, travel, increased security? Have you ever had to change plans after receiving a threat? I will not say I am indifferent to these threats. Certainly, they have a definite impact. I have thick skin, but even it began to crack in August of this year. By the way, we foresaw this massive attack on our team. I spoke about it in an interview with EuroRadio on 24 May 2025 — it’s easy to find on the YouTube channel. Almost immediately after the disappearance of Anzhelika Melnikova there was information that systematic actions against me would take place and that a decision about me was allegedly approved. Today I cannot quote directly or indicate sources of information because that could put a number of people at risk. My mother and daughter worry most of all. I chose this path of struggle. I understand all the risks. I understand that measures of self-defense and self-protection must be applied for my own safety. This limits my public life to some degree, but it does not affect my principled position or my motivation. Pavel Latushka during the “New Belarus” conference. Warsaw, Poland, 9 August 2025. Photo: LookByMedia From my sources in Belarus I have received a number of recommendations about what to be prepared for and what actions might be taken against me. Unfortunately, some of them have been confirmed, but I also receive advice on how to behave now. According to the information I receive, the threats are not decreasing. I remember Lukashenka’s words he said to me personally: "I will strangle you with my own hands if you betray me". He later repeated this threat in an interview with Vladimir Solovyov, saying he promised to hang me, adding that it was a joke. I have many goals in life, but one of them is a priority — that Belarus be free and that the person who committed a huge number of crimes against the Belarusian and Ukrainian peoples be held accountable for all those crimes. My work schedule has limited access, but all my meetings and movements are certainly recorded. There are also means to determine my location 24/7. Yes, I remember when a message appeared on the dark web offering €30,000 for my life, I had to leave Poland the same day. Sometimes this must be done. When an attack occurred in Lithuania on one of the Russian activists, I immediately received a call from the Lithuanian MFA offering to ensure my security. But at that moment I was already leaving Lithuania. I am grateful to many countries that assist me during my stays outside Poland and take these threats quite seriously. — Do the threats affect your relatives? If so, how? And how do they perceive all this? Speaking about relatives, I would simply prefer that my mother not read this interview, because it would cause her serious worry. At the same time I would like to address all Belarusians who are under threat and are being pressured by special services: it is important, if your safety allows, to report this to the law-enforcement agencies of the countries where you live. Everything the Lukashenka regime commits against us is an extraterritorial crime for which it must bear responsibility under international law. This also constitutes evidence in the investigation of the Belarus situation at the International Criminal Court, which, with NAM’s support, was initiated by the Government of Lithuania. I am aware that the regime will not stop. But I am ready for the blow and despite everything that happens I will continue to do what I must. It is a matter of conscience. We must realize that we are fighting a machine, a system, a huge repressive apparatus — an apparatus of pressure. At least three Belarusian special services are acting proactively, motivated by financial and ideological incentives. Our structures do not have special measures or special means of protection, but despite that the democratic institutions and many active organizations have preserved themselves and continue the struggle. This is unprecedented. I am proud to know so many people who do not give up despite all the risks and threats. I admire them.

Pavel Latushka with Marshal of the Greater Poland Voivodeship Marek Woźniak. Poland, 2025. Photo: NAM Media Issues of support for Belarusian students studying in the Greater Poland Voivodeship and addressing the problems of the Belarusian diaspora were discussed during a meeting between Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, delegate of the Coordination Council Pavel Latushka , and Marshal of the Greater Poland Voivodeship Marek Woźniak , which took place in Poznań. During the meeting, Pavel Latushka  requested an increase in the number of scholarships to support Belarusian students who were forced to leave Belarus due to repressions. The Deputy Head of the Cabinet emphasized that, as of the 2023/2024 academic year , 1,291 Belarusian students  were studying in Poznań. In total, over 12,200 Belarusian students  are currently studying in Poland. Pavel Latushka noted that, despite the forced departure of young people from Belarus, he hopes that the knowledge they acquire at Western European universities will be used to rebuild the country and develop the economy in a New Belarus . The Marshal expressed his readiness to discuss the possibility of increasing the number of scholarships for Belarusian students with the financial support of the Marshal’s Office and the Rector of the Adam Mickiewicz University . Pavel Latushka also initiated the introduction of internships for members of the Coordination Council  to study the functioning of local self-government bodies. Marek Woźniak  expressed his willingness to consider the possibility of accepting two representatives of the Belarusian democratic forces  for a two-week internship  at the Marshal’s Office of the Greater Poland Voivodeship. During the meeting, Pavel Latushka  also requested support for the Belarusian diaspora in Poznań  in organizing events dedicated to significant dates of Belarusian independence — March 25  and August 9 . The Marshal expressed his readiness to assist in organizing such events involving the Belarusian diaspora, including providing venues at the Marshal’s Office. The Deputy Head of the Cabinet also presented information about the situation of political prisoners in Belarus  and human rights violations , and separately focused on Lukashenka’s attempts to make a “deal” with the United States and the European Union  without implementing any meaningful changes to the country’s internal repressive policies. Pavel Latushka  continues to hold meetings with representatives of regional authorities in Poland to address the issues faced by Belarusians residing in the country. Recently, meetings have been held with the voivodes of the Pomeranian, Podlaskie, Lower Silesian, and Warmian-Masurian Voivodeships .

Photo: OL On October 23, 2025, the European Union approved a new package of sanctions aimed at the financial system serving the Lukashenka regime. The new 19th EU sanctions package against Russia includes three major Belarusian banks with Russian capital: Alfa-Bank , VTB Bank , and Sber Bank . Earlier, in a letter dated June 6, 2025, to the European External Action Service, we substantiated and requested the imposition of blocking sanctions against banks with Russian capital operating in Belarus that possess financial infrastructure for sanctions evasion. We also submitted an analytical memorandum titled "Opportunities to Reduce the Effectiveness of Russia’s War Economy through Sanctions on the Financial Sector of Belarus" , which provided justification for such measures. On October 11, 2024, we sent a separate letter with similar reasoning to the Directorate-General for Financial Stability, Financial Services, and Capital Markets Union  of the European Commission. In our communications, we warned our European partners that Belarusian banks are connected to the Financial Messaging System of the Bank of Russia (SPFS) , which allows them to circumvent existing restrictions, including those imposed on the Russian banking system. Now, our proposals have been heard. According to the decision published in the Official Journal of the European Union , starting December 2, 2025 , a ban will come into force on all financial and business transactions with Alfa-Bank , Sberbank , and VTB Bank . These banks have been added to Annex XLIV of EU Regulation No. 833/2014 , as they utilize Russian financial systems — SPFS , Mir , and the Fast Payments System . Previously, BelVEB Bank  and Belgazprombank  had already been included in this restrictive list. This means that all natural and legal persons within the European Union will be prohibited from conducting transactions through these banks, opening accounts, or making payments. The EU’s decision is aimed at preventing sanctions evasion through Belarus and at blocking financial channels that support aggression against Ukraine. For existing contracts, a transition period until April 25, 2026 , has been established. As noted by Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of NAM, Pavel Latushka : "These sanctions are not just a financial restriction. They are a direct reaction from Europe to the fact that the Lukashenka regime continues to serve the military and economic interests of the Kremlin, helping Russia circumvent international restrictions and supporting its aggression against Ukraine. The EU has also confirmed that the measures do not affect humanitarian supplies — food, medicines, or medical products. This means that the pressure is directed against the illegitimate authorities, not against the people. Belarus and Belarusians are not the same as the regime. The international community sees the difference between those who fight for freedom and those who help the aggressor. These sanctions are a signal that dictatorship will not go unpunished". Additionally, the 19th EU sanctions package against Russia introduced other amendments to the EU sanctions decision and regulation concerning Belarus. Under the new measures, the following entities and individuals have also been sanctioned: Horizon Holding , Scientific Research Unitary Enterprise “Institute of Digital Television Horizon” , CJSC Holographic Industry , Ilya Ikan , Chairman of the Belneftekhim  concern, Yury Predko , General Director of OJSC Managing Company of the Horizon Holding .

Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) Pavel Latushka, Speaker of the Coordination Council Artsiom Brukhan, the new representative of the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs for relations with the Belarusian democratic forces, Ambassador Patrik Svensson, and Head of the Eastern Europe Department of the Eastern Europe and Central Asia Division of the Swedish MFA Tove Wennergren. Warsaw, Poland, 2025.Photo : NAM Media Issues related to actions aimed at the release of political prisoners, sanctions policy against the Lukashenka regime, and the activities of Belarusian democratic institutions were discussed during the meeting between Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of the NAM Pavel Latushka, and the new representative of the Swedish MFA for relations with the Belarusian democratic forces, Ambassador Patrik Svensson, as well as Tove Wennergren, Head of the Eastern Europe Department of the Eastern Europe and Central Asia Division of the Swedish MFA. The meeting took place in Warsaw and was also attended by the Speaker of the Coordination Council, Artsiom Brukhan. During the meeting, Pavel Latushka presented information about the work of the National Anti-Crisis Management and the Cabinet aimed at holding Lukashenka accountable for crimes against humanity committed against the Belarusian people, for the war crime of deporting Ukrainian children from the occupied territories of Ukraine, and for the act of aggression against Ukraine. The Deputy Head of the Cabinet appealed to the Swedish side for support of efforts to bring representatives of the regime to justice and emphasized the importance of such support from EU member states. When discussing the issue of political prisoners, it was particularly noted that the current situation resembles a continuous conveyor belt: despite the release of a small group of political prisoners, Lukashenka’s regime continues to expand the scale of repressions in Belarus. The Swedish diplomat noted that the goal of his work would be to continue Sweden’s support for the democratic forces of Belarus. He emphasized that the Swedish government proceeds from a long-term strategy of supporting the democratic aspirations of Belarusians. He specifically underlined that Sweden has always taken and will continue to take steps to keep the focus on the Belarusian agenda at the highest possible level within the European Union. "Sweden has always played a particularly leading role in supporting the democratic aspirations of Belarusian society. We highly value the position of the Swedish government and its readiness to strategically support Belarusians in their pursuit of democratic changes in our country. I hope for fruitful cooperation with the new representative of the Swedish MFA for relations with the Belarusian democratic forces", — noted Pavel Latushka.

Pavel Latushka at the Berlin Belarus Future Forum 2025. Photo: NAM media Theses of the speech by Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, at the Berlin Belarus Future Forum 2025 20.10.2025 Madam Vice-Chair of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Kristina Kampmann,Dear colleagues in the democratic movement,Mr. Director for Eastern Europe, Caucasus and Central Asia at the Federal Foreign Office, Dr. Niklas Wagner,Ladies and gentlemen, First of all, let me thank you for the opportunity to speak at the Berlin Belarus Future Forum 2025. I would like to thank Germany for its steady support for democratic change in Belarus and for the democratic future of an independent Belarus. I would also like to express my gratitude to the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, the Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung, the Heinrich Böll Stiftung, as well as the German Federal Foreign Office, for organizing this Forum. This Forum is about the future of Belarus. And I want to start with a question: What will Belarus have no future without? Without independence, Belarus has no future.  And yet, it is Lukashenko’s policy that has damaged Belarus's independence, making it dangerously close to a Russian region. It has transformed our country’s territory into a Russian military base and a permanent threat to the safety of Belarusians and our neighbors. Without security, Belarus has no future. It is the Lukashenko’s policy that brought war to the doorstep of Belarus and the European Union, into our airspace. It opened the doors to the Russian army and brought war to Ukraine, where the regime is a co-aggressor. And his hybrid aggression against Europe has built a wall on the border with the EU. Yes, Europe built the wall to defend itself from aggression, but the architect of that wall is Alexander Lukashenko. And until his policy changes—until we force Lukashenko to change it—security will not return to Belarus, to Ukraine, or to Europe as a whole. Without national identity, Belarus has no future.  And it is Lukashenko's policy that has led to the ongoing destruction of everything national—from the language, books, and publishers to symbols and holidays—all to turn Belarus into a mini-Russia for his Kremlin boss. Without civil society, Belarus has no future.  And it is Lukashenko's targeted policy that has wiped out nearly two thousand NGOs in Belarus. Just think: he simply destroyed every organization inside the country that you, democratic nations, and the citizens of Belarus supported. Will he allow these organizations to return to Belarus? Never. He has called all of them extremist or terrorist, and opened criminal cases against all members. In place of these organizations, the state is actively creating militarized organizations. These groups stand strongly against all democratic and European values, calling them hostile. At the same time, the door is wide open for pro-Russian organizations. Belarus has no future without independent media, bloggers, and new media.  And it is Lukashenko's targeted policy that has led to their complete shutdown inside Belarus. The situation is exactly the same as with NGOs. Without a new generation, Belarus has no future.  Lukashenko saw his real support level in 2020. Since then, his targeted policy has actively focused on the brainwashing and militarization of children. From early years, children are forced into military-patriotic clubs, groups, and other paramilitary events to raise a generation that hates democracy and is ready for violence and war to defend the dictatorship. Right now, the Lukashenko regime is stealing the future from the country and the Belarusian people, blocking the nation from building a civilized, European civil society, even years from now. Belarus has no future without a political alternative. This targeted policy of Lukashenko has lasted over 30 years. From the start of his rule, he has used every method to destroy his political rivals. He killed them. He murdered Gonchar, Zakharenko, Krasovski. He broke up the democratically elected Supreme Council. He has always thrown every potential opponent in jail just for trying to run in an election. And right now, he persecutes all those he could not catch—those forced to leave since 2020—even here: he plans assassination attempts, issues hundreds of absentee verdicts, adds us to wanted lists, and constantly threatens our health and lives. This affects not just direct political rivals, not just the political institutions of the Belarusian democratic forces—the United Transitional Cabinet and the Coordination Council—but also any active person who opposes the regime. More than 600,000 people have been effectively forced or deported since 2020. And even after this, the repression against all of us—now cross-border persecution—has not stopped. Here are a few examples: Since the start of this year alone, the Lukashenko regime has opened at least 970 criminal cases  against Belarusians abroad, mostly those living in Poland and Lithuania. The United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus has been named a terrorist group by the regime. Lukashenko’s Investigative Committee has opened criminal cases against all 257 candidates who ran in the Coordination Council elections. The Committee charged every single candidate with four sections of the Belarusian Criminal Code. Nevertheless, despite the pressure, the elections took place, for which I am grateful to every participant and voter. It is important for me to emphasize this as the leader of the faction that received the highest number of votes in the Coordination Council elections. Sentences given in absentia, searches and seizing of property in Belarus, pressure on family members, massive campaigns to discredit politicians and activists, constant threats, planned assassinations, organized attacks, abductions, and disappearances—this is the reality faced by Belarusians in forced exile, the reality faced by the democratic forces. But we are withstanding this attack, we have stood strong for 5 years, and we will keep standing strong. We continue to fight. Because we know: Our country does not and cannot have a future without justice.  Lukashenko's policy aims to totally destroy the rule of law in Belarus and turn legislation into a tool for state violence. Lukashenko claims there are no political prisoners in Belarus because there are supposedly no "political articles" in the law. But over 1,220 people are officially recognized as political prisoners and are in the regime's jails right now. More than 4,200 people have been called political prisoners since the 2020 presidential campaign began. Over 8,400 people have faced political criminal charges, about 7,120 people have been convicted, and over 4,000 people have been or remain imprisoned for long terms. We must not be fooled by so-called "pardons" and "releases," thinking the regime’s policy has changed. The root problem—the repressive legislative practices—has not gone away. That is why Lukashenko has locked up even more people to replace those he "released." In total, no fewer than 100,000 Belarusians have gone through different forms of the punitive system for political reasons—we cannot call it a law enforcement or justice system. Think about it: that is 100,000 documented cases of state violence since 2020: searches, interrogations, short-term and long-term detentions. I repeat, because of political persecution and the political situation in Belarus, about 600,000 people were forced to leave Belarus. This was due to a targeted state policy to create an atmosphere of terror and fear for anyone who disagreed. And for none of them has justice and fairness been achieved yet. This is true even though international tools and ways to ensure justice can help, at least in part. The situation with the cross-border persecution of Belarusians has reached a scale unseen in Europe. Thanks to the Government of Lithuania, this issue is under the first review of the International Criminal Court’s Prosecutor's Office. Support for Lithuania's action from other countries is essential because the scale of the Lukashenko regime's cross-border crimes is huge, and getting justice for the victims and holding those responsible to account is an urgent need. Today, we will talk about the future. I have just highlighted the conditions without which this conversation makes no sense. I hear voices saying, "Let's just agree with Lukashenko. Let's admit defeat. Let's give him everything he wants, and in return, accept the minimum he will agree to." The language of deals and bargaining has been heard often lately. I ask: can a deal be called good if its foundation is the denial of a future for Belarus? The future is not about tactics; it is about strategy.  Lukashenko’s regime's strategy is completely clear. What’s more, this strategy is an integral part of Russia’s strategy. So, I ask again: can a deal be called good if it is based on turning Belarus into a mini-Russia and an anti-Europe? The Lukashenko regime is not only unable to create anything else, but it has no intention to. All his policies and actions prove this. Was he provoked? This opinion also exists. But this is called victim-blaming. It is the same as saying that a robber was provoked by someone's riches, a rapist by someone's beauty, and a murderer by someone's will to live. Belarusians are a people who are truly rich and beautiful in spirit, morality, and values. And we truly want to live—in a free, independent, democratic, and peaceful country. No one can blame us for this. But this is exactly what Lukashenko accuses us of. He lacks all these qualities and pathologically hates everyone who possesses them. He pathologically hates the people who carry the values commonly called European, even though these values are universal. But hatred can never be the way out. And everything I have listed—all the necessary conditions for Belarus to have a future—all of this completely aligns with the desires of the majority of Belarusians, with our values, and with our definition of Belarus as the state where the Belarusian people want to live. And all of this is the subject of a national dialogue.  This dialogue is necessary for our country, for our people, to escape this... this is no longer just a crisis, but a political dead-end—a dead-end of terror, degradation and hatred for dissent, that Lukashenko has driven our country into with his policy. Changing this policy is the goal of the national dialogue. I am sure that Belarusians as a people are ready for it, because they have all the qualities of a party that is ready for negotiation and honesty, which are needed for a true dialogue. Belarusians proved this in 2020 by holding massive, but purely peaceful, protests against election fraud. In 2021, when they voted for a national dialogue to overcome the crisis. In 2022, when despite the ongoing state violence and terror, they still came out for peaceful protests against the war. But Lukashenko had no other answer to any of society's demands except to make the repression even harsher, create an even greater divide between the government and society, and lead the country into an even deeper dead-end: dragging it into war and pushing Belarus's sovereignty to the very brink of being lost. Today, Lukashenko says he is ready for a Big Deal with the United States. And he wants Europe to be part of this deal. His envoys, as we know well, are knocking on Europe's doors. He wants a Big Deal with the West. But he has no Big Deal for Belarusians! A deal, in his mind, is a deal with him, where he seeks to solve his own problems, and only his own, without any real change in policy or solving the internal Belarusian crisis. He wants sanctions lifted, to escape accountability, gain international recognition, and return to business as usual. What is he trading in this deal? Hostages. Political prisoners. His false rhetoric of peacekeeping, hoping to sell "Minsk-3" to the U.S., Europe, and Ukraine. In exchange, he wants what I said above. At the same time, he openly shows that:– His internal policy—that is, terror and dictatorship—cannot be a subject for any discussion.– He has no intention of talking with the democratic forces, who represent the aspirations of the majority of Belarusian society. And I return to the language of deals. Can a deal be considered good when its foundation is the Lukashenko regime denying a future for Belarus? Because if the status quo is kept, and his policies don't change, Belarus has no future. And most importantly: can you really make any global deal with someone who is unable to make a deal inside his own country? If Lukashenko refuses a national dialogue, refuses to talk with democratic forces, and refuses to solve the internal Belarusian crisis—can he be trusted as a partner in a bigger crisis-solving dialogue? The answer is clearly no. Without an agreement with society, there can be no external deals. Because one of the main causes of the global crisis is actually located in Belarus. Without changing the situation inside Belarus—and that means without changing the regime's repressive internal policy—any solution to the global crisis will not be lasting. It will not be strategic. Because strategy is about the future. The West has already tried tactics many times with Lukashenko. And we can see the result of those tactical choices. It is, to put it mildly, unsatisfactory. The only way to ensure a strategic solution to the crisis is a national dialogue.  A real national dialogue, not a fake one. And in this dialogue, the democratic forces must be the subject, not the object.  Otherwise, the internal Belarusian crisis will not be solved. Without the pro-European democratic forces taking part in the country's political life, there will be no policy change. Crucially, there also will be no checks and balances, nothing to counter Russian influence in Belarus. Simply put: if there is no internal, Belarusian deal, there will be no guarantee for the success of any Big Deal you make. It is important to remember that only the Belarusian people can act as the guarantor for the execution of any deal, the guarantor of peace and security. The anti-war stance of Belarusian society—this national consensus—is the first line of defense for Europe against the direct aggression of the Lukashenko regime. To leave Belarusian society out of the Big Deal, to leave it alone with Lukashenko and the Kremlin, means giving up this guarantee of security. A deal without strategic guarantees is an empty deal. And there have been enough such deals with Lukashenko throughout his history of relations to know how they end. What should be done? There is the path offered by those who call themselves "pragmatists"—to enter a tactical deal. That means: a deal on Lukashenko’s terms. There is another way. To remember the strategic interests and tools that Europe and the US hold. And to use these as the basis for communication with the Lukashenko regime. Communication from a position of strength, when  both Europe and the US clearly state the conditions for concluding any Big Deal. And I hope that our Western partners—both European and American—and we ourselves, remember the importance of real, not cosmetic, change to the current policy of the Lukashenko regime . And that the following is necessary: An immediate end to repressions; Release of all political prisoners; Guarantees for the safe return of Belarusian exiles and guarantees against subsequent prosecution; Security guarantees for opposition politicians and their supporters; Legalization of political and civic activities in Belarus, legalization of independent media and their activities in Belarus; Stopping the repressive law enforcement practices against politicians and civil society representatives, canceling the “extremist” and “terrorist” labels assigned to politicians, activists, organizations, and media; Abolishment of laws and decisions that limit the rights of Belarusians abroad (such as the decree on passports, notary requirements, foreign polling stations); Final resolution of the migration crisis and end to hybrid war against Europe; Stopping all support for Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Otherwise — pressure on the Lukashenko regime must remain and grow stronger, not the opposite. And secondly, that real dialogue, not its imitation, is necessary—with democratic forces, our political institutions: the President-elect, the Cabinet, and the Coordination Council, and the most engaged actors of the democratic movement—leading to a Round Table to conclude the "Belarusian Deal."  Without democratic forces—not the dictator's "pocket opposition"—dialogue is impossible and can not be accepted. And it is vital that in the upcoming European Parliament Resolution—which I hope will be adopted tomorrow, and which is a truly strong resolution—the European Parliament plans to recognize the role and agency of our institutions.  Lukashenko must receive this signal: without the "Belarusian Deal," there will be no Big Deal.  There will be no lifting of sanctions, no end to the isolation, and no bridges to the West. It is important to remember that the main sanction tools are in Europe’s hands. A huge share of Belarus's economic interests, which are currently lost, are in Europe. And the border with Europe is exactly where the line of isolation for the Lukashenko regime runs today. This is why it is so important for him to include Europe in the Big Deal. And this is exactly why Europe's position is strong enough to dictate the terms of the deal. And to turn it from a tactical one into a strategic one. It is Europe that will soon decide whether it is acceptable to negotiate about us without us. Thank you for your attention.

At the reception hosted by the German Embassy in Warsaw, in the framework of the Weimar Triangle, on the occasion of a meeting with the Belarusian democratic forces in connection with the OSCE Human Dimension Conference. Photo: The NAM media Theses of the speech by Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, at the reception hosted in the framework of the Weimar Triangle on the occasion of a meeting with the Belarusian democratic forces in connection with the OSCE Human Dimension Conference 15.10.2025  Your Excellency Miguel Berger, Excellencies, Belarusian colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen! Allow me to thank you for the invitation and the opportunity to speak here, at the German Embassy in Warsaw .  We, Belarusians, are grateful to Germany, Poland and France for your consistent support of the democratic aspirations of the Belarusian people, standing firm in defense of our rights, dignity, and hope for a free and just Belarus. Since the very beginning of the brutal suppression of peaceful protests in Belarus in 2020, your countries as all our democratic partners have taken a principled and courageous stand. You extended a hand of solidarity to the victims of the regime’s atrocities — to political prisoners, those forced into exile, and those who remained in Belarus and suffered for their commitment to freedom and democracy. And we will never forget this solidarity in our most difficult times. Since 2020, the situation in Belarus has changed profoundly. The Lukashenko regime has systematically expanded its repressive practices, reaching into new areas of society and extending far beyond Belarus’s borders. Around 600,000 Belarusians have been forced into exile.  Those who have left Belarus continue to face persecution by the regime even abroad — through absentia trials, threats of violence, intimidation of relatives remaining in Belarus, arrest of property. Belarusians abroad are also deprived, on discriminatory grounds, of access to essential consular services, including passport renewals and notarization of documents. Today, the growing evidence absolutely allows us to assert that the external dimension of Belarusian repression is not just large, but immense and unprecedented.  The number of potential victims of these repressions is measured in hundreds of thousands. Hundreds of thousands of victims outside Belarus whom the regime continues to persecute.  These large-scale transnational repressive practices of the Lukashenko regime represent a serious threat to regional security in Europe. Thanks to the Government of Lithuania , these developments are under preliminary examination of the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court . Support for Lithuania’s actions by other countries is extremely important because the scale of the Lukashenko regime’s cross-border crimes is overwhelming, and accountability for this is a critical necessity. At the same time, as Deputy to Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya , I would like to underline the continued relevance of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). In 2023, the OSCE established the Group of Friends of Democratic Belarus , and it is symbolic that the Permanent Mission of Germany to the OSCE serves as one of the two members of the group’s secretariat. This group has become a unique platform for advancing the interests of democratic Belarus and for developing effective measures to address the security threats from the Lukashenko regime. In particular, the Belarusian democratic forces see an auxiliary role of the OSCE Moscow Mechanism  in monitoring the situation of transnational repression and in developing appropriate responses to these challenges. By sharing common European values and continuing the struggle for democracy in Belarus, we count on the continued support of Germany, Poland and France and the Group of Friends of Democratic Belarus within the OSCE. Belarusians continue their struggle — for a free, democratic Belarus, for a common European future. Supporting this struggle by our partners, holding the Lukashenko regime accountable for crimes against Belarusians, is a fight for justice. And justice must prevail. Thank you.

At the request of, and in cooperation with, members of the European Parliament delegation for relations with Belarus, which is preparing the resolution on Belarus , the faction "Latushka Team and the Movement For Freedom" worked over Saturday and Sunday on submitting proposals to the draft resolution of the European Parliament. Our faction initiated several important amendments concerning both the current situation inside Belarus and the situation of democratic forces outside Belarus. We proposed that Members of the European Parliament, when adopting the resolution, take into account the PACE resolutions of 24 June 2025, "Legal and Human Rights Aspects of the Russian Federation’s Aggression Against Ukraine" , which holds Lukashenko responsible for the illegal deportation of Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine to/through Belarus, and the PACE resolution of 9 April 2025, "Russian war of aggression against Ukraine: the need to ensure accountability and avoid impunity" , which emphasizes that the jurisdiction of the Special Tribunal on the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine should extend to acts of aggression committed by the highest military-political leadership of the Lukashenko regime. We also proposed that the resolution  call on the EU and its member states to support the Lithuanian government’s referral to the International Criminal Court  regarding the investigation of the Belarusian situation in connection with transnational crimes against humanity committed by representatives of the regime against the Belarusian people. Furthermore, we stressed that the most important conditions for normalizing relations between the EU and Belarus, in addition to ending repression and releasing all political prisoners, must include full decriminalization of socio-political life in the country and the launch of a national dialogue to overcome the deep domestic political crisis in Belarus. Our faction proposed that the European Parliament include in the draft resolution support for key institutions of the Belarusian democratic forces : the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and the Coordination Council, as well as Belarusian civil society organizations. We emphasized the importance of financial support for democratic institutions, independent media, and civil society organizations, taking into account the cessation of support from the United States. The discussion and possible adoption of the resolution by the European Parliament is planned for this week during a session of the Parliament.  The document is expected to provide a broad and substantive assessment of the current situation in Belarus and to include a number of proposals for the EU’s further strategy regarding Belarus . "Our faction has also submitted other proposals, which we hope will receive positive consideration. We have always noted the principled position of the European Parliament regarding the assessment of the unprecedented level of repression in our country and the importance of continuing pressure on the Lukashenko regime, as well as support for the democratic aspirations of the Belarusian people" , said Pavel Latushka , member of the Coordination Council.

Source: Kuba Atys / Agencja Wyborcza.pl The Office for Foreigners of Poland continues to accept applications for international protection from citizens of Belarus and to review applications that have already been submitted — this was confirmed today by the head of the Office for Foreigners, Tomasz Cytrynowicz, during a meeting of the working group on the legalization of Belarusians under the Ministry of the Interior of Poland. On the Belarusian side, the meeting was attended by Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) Pavel Latushka , legal advisor to Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya Leanid Marozau , Chair of the Legal Commission of the Coordination Council Mikhail Kiryluk , Head of the Legal Aid Department of the Belarusian Solidarity Center Volha Dabravolskaya , and a representative of the initiative "Partyzanka". Due to a significant increase in the number of applications for international protection, the provision of the law that establishes the time limits (6–15 months) for case review has been temporarily suspended. This measure was taken in order to reduce the amount of formal correspondence and allow employees to focus exclusively on examining cases concerning the granting of international protection , explained Tomasz Cytrynowicz in response to a question from Pavel Latushka. During the meeting, representatives of the Office for Foreigners noted that the MOS portal is planned to be launched in the first quarter of 2026 . Its goal is to increase the processing capacity of applications, and once the portal is fully operational, to return to the standard timeframes for consideration . The Belarusian representatives raised the issue of the possibility of short-term travel outside Poland during the period of waiting for a decision on international protection , provided that the applicant has a valid residence permit and a Polish travel document. Following the meeting, a written confirmation of such a possibility from the Polish side is expected. Pavel Latushka and Leanid Marozau also raised questions regarding the application of the Dublin Regulation and the situation with political prisoners who are being forcibly deported to Lithuania. The Polish side expressed understanding of the problem and a willingness to consider possible solutions based on the general provisions of the document . In addition, the problem was discussed that arises in cases of passport loss, as well as when applicants run out of pages in their Belarusian passports and Polish authorities refuse to issue a Polish travel document. Representatives of the Office expressed their readiness to work on this issue and to consider possible administrative solutions.

Pavel Latushka with the French Minister of Justice, Gérald Darmanin. Photo: NAM Media. As part of his working visit to Paris , Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), held a meeting with the Minister of Justice of France, Gérald Darmanin. During the meeting, Pavel Latushka presented to the French Minister of Justice information on the human rights situation in Belarus , drawing particular attention to the ongoing repressions inside the country , as well as to extraterritorial crimes committed against Belarusians  residing primarily in the EU member states. The Deputy Head of the Cabinet also outlined the situation of political prisoners  and informed the Minister about possible approaches to facilitating their release , including through the involvement of the European Union and France , as a leading EU member state. A separate part of the meeting was devoted to the issue of Lukashenka’s accountability within the framework of the International Criminal Court (ICC)  and to France’s potential support for Lithuania’s referral  regarding the consideration of the Belarusian situation by the ICC  for crimes against humanity committed against the Belarusian people. The parties also discussed the issue of responsibility for the unlawful transfer of Ukrainian children  from the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus, facilitated by Lukashenka , who personally authorized the corresponding financial and administrative decisions  enabling the illegal transfer and indoctrination  of Ukrainian children. During the meeting, the sides also addressed the activities of the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine , in particular the collection of evidence and the transfer of the accumulated evidentiary base  to the relevant authorities, confirming the responsibility of the so-called top military and political leadership of Belarus  for its participation in the act of aggression against Ukraine. Pavel Latushka informed Gérald Darmanin about the activities of the Belarusian democratic institutions  — the United Transitional Cabinet  led by Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya , and the elected representative body, the Coordination Council. He also highlighted the massive and unprecedented persecution by the Lukashenka regime  of members of the Coordination Council and democratic activists , noting that this persecution has an extraterritorial character  and is being carried out outside the borders of Belarus.