Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National аnti-сrisis management, Leader of the «Team Latushka and Movement “For Freedom”» faction of the Coordination Council of the 4rd convocation "August 25, 1991 is a defining date for the modern Belarusian state. On this day, the Supreme Soviet gave the force of constitutional law to the Declaration of State Sovereignty, adopted a year earlier. The Belarusian people declared to the world: Belarus is independent," — noted the deputy head of the United Transitional Cabinet, head of the NAM, Pavel Latushka. "Centuries of struggle by our ancestors for independence finally ended in victory, and sovereign Belarus took its place on the map of Europe. Belarusians finally gained their own home. A home in which no one else would have the right to oppress us, determine our path, impose foreign allies on us, or forbid us to speak our native language. Today our common home is occupied by the enemy of Belarus. The dictator has turned independence — sacred to every one of us — into a banal object of trade, simply to hold on to personal power. Our country is once again being handed over to foreign control, and Belarusians are being deprived of the right to their own future. Our main common task is to prevent this crime against the nation. We have no right to hand over to hostile forces what generations of Belarusians fought for. Defending independence is our duty to our ancestors and to future generations, to whom we must pass on a free and sovereign Belarus. Independence is the main, inviolable value of the Belarusian people. More than 97% of Belarusians firmly aspire to live in a sovereign state. And this is our common foundation. A foundation that will help Belarusians reach understanding with Belarusians, join forces, and return the country to its rightful master — the Belarusian people. Long live Belarus!"

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National аnti-сrisis management, Leader of the «Team Latushka and Movement “For Freedom”» faction of the Coordination Council of the 4rd convocation "Russian aggression against Ukraine shows us how the destruction of the sovereignty of one of our countries inevitably creates a threat to the other. That is why it is very important that we, Belarusians and Ukrainians, stand together," — noted the deputy head of the United Transitional Cabinet, head of the NAM, Pavel Latushka, during the solemn celebration of Ukraine's Independence Day in Warsaw. "Allow me today, here in the center of Warsaw, on behalf of the democratic forces of Belarus, on behalf of all Belarusian men and women who stand on the side of Ukraine, to congratulate Ukraine on Independence Day, all Ukrainian men and women, and to express words of great respect and admiration for the heroic feat of the Ukrainian people, who are fighting for independence and freedom — but not only for their own freedom, but also for the freedom of all Europe. 108 years ago, the Ukrainian People's Republic was the first to welcome the proclamation of independence of the Belarusian People's Republic. And with a difference of just one day in August 1991, our countries de jure declared independence, when Russian-Soviet domination over our lands, our countries, finally ended. But this aggressive eastern empire is trying to restore itself again, wants to dominate our peoples, and once again Russia is our common threat. Russia's accomplice Lukashenko betrayed Belarusian statehood and independence, betrayed Belarusian independence, and this betrayal allowed Russia to use Belarus to attack Ukraine. But for this crime of aggression, Lukashenko must be held accountable, and we, the democratic forces of Belarus, are putting all our efforts into this. Lukashenko must also be held accountable for the illegal deportation of thousands of Ukrainian children to the territory of Belarus and their indoctrination in the interests of the "Russian world." Today I would like to bow my head before the Ukrainian people, its warriors, and everyone fighting for Ukraine's independence. And I would like to bow my head before the fighters of the Kalinouski Regiment and the Belarusian fighters in other units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, who are fighting for the freedom of Ukraine and Belarus, paying tribute to the Ukrainians and Belarusians who have died fighting for freedom. The majority of Belarusian society is on the side of Ukraine. Today, in Belarusian concentration camps, Lukashenko is torturing political prisoners who protested against the war, rail partisans who stopped Russian trains, and those who joined the "Belarusian Hajun" initiative to pass on information about the military plans of Russia and dictator Lukashenko. In congratulating Ukraine, I want to emphasize once again — we are together. We support Ukraine, we believe in Ukraine's victory, and we will always be on your side."

In the Archcathedral Basilica of St. John the Baptist in Warsaw, a farewell ceremony was held for Alexander Milinkevich. The ceremony was attended by the deputy head of the United Transitional Cabinet, head of the NAM, Pavel Latushka. "These days I recall that when I was young, back in the 1990s, Alexander Milinkevich became deputy mayor of Grodno, and then, as a young Belarusian, I felt hope. Hope for change. Later, when he was a presidential candidate, I also felt hope. Today I asked myself — does that hope disappear with his death? No, it doesn't disappear. It remains. Such people leave us the strength and power to continue fighting for the realization of our shared hope, the one Alexander Uladzimiravich believed in — a free, democratic, independent Belarus", — noted Pavel Latushka.

Pavel Pavlavich Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka's Team and the 'For Freedom' Movement" faction within the Coordination Council of the 4th convocation "I think each of us, when we woke up this morning, remembered this day — August 9. What he was doing, what he was thinking at that moment, what he was dreaming of. And I am convinced that this day will remain in history, and rightfully so. By right of the fact that on this day the Belarusian people felt themselves to be a free people, a strong people," said Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of the NAM, Pavel Latushka, during the "Dignity Day" event in Warsaw, marking the sixth anniversary of the events of August 9, 2020. "On this day I remember my native — no, forgive me, our native — Kupala, the Yanka Kupala National Academic Theatre. And I remember how, when I was dismissed, the actors and staff of the Kupala Theatre supported me. And that will stay with me for the rest of my life. Their solidarity, their warm words. Today I would like to mention the cultural figures who have suffered greatly. Of course, everyone has suffered, all layers of society, many Belarusians. But the artists who stood up with the people deserve applause, deserve respect and honor. Thank you, people of Kupala! Thank you to all cultural figures for standing with the people to this day. As of today, 61 Belarusian cultural figures remain in prison. This information was published by Belarusian PEN. And we must remember every political prisoner. The old man is dragging us into the past. This mustached old man, I don't know why, has spent his whole life dreaming of the Soviet Union. He wants to drag our country, our native mother Belarus, back into the Soviet past. But he won't succeed, because a young generation is growing up. I see many young faces here. I am convinced these young people, girls and boys in Belarus, also don't want the past. They want to live in a free, democratic, European Belarus. The old man was in shock on August 9, and the 10th, and the 11th. The old man is still in shock to this day. He is afraid of us, which is why he doesn't stop the repression. Let's remember that we are the majority. And that old man who is committing crimes will bear responsibility for everything he has done against the Belarusian people. There has never been anyone in the history of the Belarusian people, born on Belarusian soil, whom I cannot call Belarusian, who has done so much horrific, terrible harm to the Belarusian people. And the Belarusian people will not forget this — it will remain on the darkest pages of Belarusian history," said Pavel Latushka.

Pavel Latushka. Photo from the archive "One of the main tasks of our team is providing concrete help to Belarusians. I'd like to share three of the most recent difficult life situations in which we managed to help Belarusians," said Deputy Head of the Cabinet, Head of the NAM, Pavel Latushka. 1. Overcoming the Dublin Procedure A former political prisoner, deported from Belarus in December 2025, applied for international protection in Poland. However, during the process of determining which state was responsible for her case, it emerged that this country was the Netherlands (since the woman had obtained a Dutch visa before her imprisonment). Together with the "Volnyya" (Free) initiative, we managed to secure the opportunity to submit additional documents, which made it possible to justify the former political prisoner's right to begin the legalization process on Polish territory. This issue was also discussed during Pavel Latushka's meeting with the Head of Poland's Office for Foreigners, Tomasz Cytrynowicz. As a result, an agreement was reached to waive the application of the Dublin procedure — her application was reviewed within Poland. After several weeks of waiting, the former political prisoner received a positive decision granting her international protection in Poland. 2. Reunion with a Child Another former political prisoner, also deported in December 2025, had a minor child left behind in Belarus in the care of a relative. The regime threatened the relative with criminal prosecution if the child were taken out of the country and handed over to the mother. Our team stayed in constant contact with the woman and actively facilitated communication with the diplomatic missions of several democratic states, which joined in resolving this problem. We also appealed to Poland's Ministry of Foreign Affairs requesting a Polish visa for the relative who could accompany the former political prisoner's child, and received a positive response. As of today, the child has successfully left Belarus and is now with the mother. 3. Visas for Relatives Based on Notarized Invitations A Belarusian woman living in Poland under a temporary residence permit granted on humanitarian grounds approached our team. She wanted to invite her parents, whom she hadn't seen in several years. She prepared a notarized invitation and submitted it to the Polish consulate, but the consulate said it could not be used and advised her to contact the Voivodeship Office, where she was told that an invitation could only be processed through them after 5 years of residence in Poland. Finding herself at a dead end, she turned to us. Pavel Latushka sent an inquiry to the Consular Department of Poland's Ministry of Foreign Affairs explaining the situation. In its official response, Poland's MFA emphasized that Belarusians "residing in the Republic of Poland on the basis of humanitarian visas, temporary residence permits (obtained on humanitarian grounds), or subsidiary protection, as well as their immediate family members (parents, children, grandparents, grandchildren), have the full right to apply for visas on the basis of notarized invitations." Having received this official clarification, the Belarusian woman resubmitted the notarized invitation to the consulate — and her parents have already received their visas. Moreover, thanks to the clarification obtained by the NAM, other Belarusians in similar circumstances have also been able to, and can continue to, arrange visas for their close relatives. "For me, it's important not only to be active in the political sphere — accountability, increasing pressure on the Lukashenko regime, which brings our Belarus closer to normalcy, to the return of the rule of law and democracy — but also, for our team and the 'Latushka and the "For Freedom" Movement' faction in the Coordination Council, a priority is helping specific Belarusian men and women who, because of the actions of the Lukashenko regime, have found themselves in a difficult situation. And you know, there is nothing more valuable than simple gratitude from the people our team has been able to help. I am sincerely grateful to Poland and the Polish authorities for their constant, effective communication and openness in resolving the problems of Belarusians who were forced to leave their homeland," summed up Pavel Latushka.

"New Belarus is not a geography. It is what happened to all of us, to the entire country, in 2020," said Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of the NAM, Pavel Latushka, in his opening remarks on the second day of the "New Belarus" Conference. "Six years ago, all of us — without exception — made a discovery and opened our eyes: we are a people, we are a nation, we have agency. The regime has committed a horrific crime — it unleashed a war against Belarusians and wants to divide us. There will inevitably be accountability for this crime." In his remarks, Pavel Latushka also addressed European partners: "Support the investigation into the 'Belarusian situation' at the International Criminal Court, related to the deportation and forced deportation of hundreds of thousands of Belarusians, which constitutes a crime against humanity. Not a single sanction has been imposed against the regime for human rights violations since March 2025. We have sent corresponding requests to the European Commission for the introduction of new sanctions, because repression in Belarus is not stopping." Photo: NAM Media Pavel Latushka outlined what needs to be done in the near term to achieve our shared goal: Strengthening democratic institutions. Protecting the rights and interests of Belarusians abroad. It is important to meet the serious challenge posed by changes to migration policy in EU member states. Support for former political prisoners must continue, and very important work in this area is being carried out by human rights organizations and initiatives. Supporting national revival, culture and education. A nation lives for as long as its culture and language live. Countering the erosion of sovereignty and pro-Russian propaganda. "Sanctions must be introduced against the structures of the so-called 'Union State,' which Russia uses to dismantle our independence." It is important that EU-allocated resources be increased to effectively counter the powerful pro-Russian propaganda machine. Threats of Belarus being dragged into the hot phase of the war are growing today. That is precisely why the United Transitional Cabinet has decided to establish a Situational Headquarters. Continued support for Ukraine and our volunteers. Continued work on accountability for crimes against humanity committed against the Belarusian people, for the unlawful transfer of Ukrainian children at the International Criminal Court, and for the crime of aggression within the framework of the Special Tribunal being established for the crime of aggression against Ukraine. "We understand each other well. We understand how hard this is for us. How, over these years, exhaustion, pain, a sense of uncertainty and sometimes burnout have built up. Do we have another option? The other option is to give up. That option does not exist for us. We simply have no right to stop. It's hard for us, but we must keep going. Because no one but us will do this. Windows of opportunity for the start of negotiations on transit can open suddenly. One of them could be the start of peace talks following the end of Russia's war against Ukraine. We must also be ready for this and clearly convey our position: First: the situation in Belarus and its transformation must be a mandatory subject of these negotiations. The agency and interests of Belarusian society must be taken into account in them. Second: the start of an internal dialogue in the format of a Round Table between the current authorities and the democratic forces must be a condition for Belarus's participation in the peace negotiations as one of the parties. Photo: NAM Media We have gone through colossal trials. But we have preserved the main thing — an awareness of ourselves and of our own agency. We will reclaim our home, return to our loved ones and relatives, and restore justice. Because Belarusians will always be able to agree with Belarusians. We must remember. We have one home. Our fate is shared. Let's not forget that. Because we have one Belarus. And because we are one people!"

Photo: NAM Media "The recorded information available allows us to confidently assert that Lukashenko's actions contain all the elements of the crime of aggression that fall under the jurisdiction of the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine," said Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of the NAM, Pavel Latushka, during a special event held as part of the "New Belarus" Conference — "The Role of Belarus in the Aggression against Ukraine: Holding the Top Leadership of the Lukashenko Regime Accountable" — organized by the NAM and the Cabinet's Office for the Transfer of Power. As part of the special event, a discussion panel was held — "Accountability for Aggression: Legal and Political Aspects" — with the participation of Pavel Latushka; Minister-Counsellor, Deputy Ambassador of Lithuania to Poland Jurgita Dapkutė; Ambassador-at-Large of Ukraine's Ministry of Foreign Affairs responsible for liaison with Belarusian democratic forces Yaroslav Chornohor; as well as senior expert of the Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova Department at the Centre for Eastern Studies (OSW) Kamil Kłysiński. During his remarks, Pavel Latushka presented a detailed assessment of the actions of Lukashenko and representatives of his regime from the standpoint of international criminal law, as well as the efforts of Belarusian democratic forces to hold those responsible for the crime of aggression against Ukraine accountable. Photo: NAM Media "It follows from the statements and the actual consequences that Lukashenko directly discussed with Vladimir Putin the deployment of Russian troops in Belarus; ensured the preparation and transfer of military infrastructure to Russia; initiated and carried out the deployment of Russian troops in Belarus. Was Lukashenko aware that the actual circumstances related to providing Belarusian territory for Russia's aggression against Ukraine were incompatible with the UN Charter and constituted its manifest violation? Judging by his own statements, it turns out that he fully was. From the very beginning of the aggression against Ukraine, the NAM and the Belarusian democratic forces have been systematically gathering evidence and advocating on international platforms for those responsible to be held to international criminal accountability. In particular, the NAM drafted a number of formulations on the accountability of representatives of the Lukashenko regime, which were incorporated into resolutions of the European Parliament. In my view, the most important result on our part is the inclusion of an amendment in the PACE resolution "Russia's aggressive war against Ukraine: the need to ensure accountability and avoid impunity" of April 9, 2025. Amendment No. 5 was drafted by the NAM and lobbied for by me as the Coordination Council's delegate to PACE, with the support of colleagues from the delegation. This resolution became the political foundation for signing the Agreement on the establishment of the Special Tribunal," said Pavel Latushka. "In addition to the need to investigate Belarus's role in the aggression against Ukraine and hold those responsible accountable, it is also very important to properly investigate the alleged crimes against humanity linked to the forced deportation of the Belarusian people. That is precisely why, in 2024, the Government of Lithuania referred the 'Belarusian situation' to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court under Article 14 of the Rome Statute, requesting an investigation into alleged crimes against humanity committed by the Lukashenko regime. The referral was backed by documentary evidence of the systematic persecution, forced displacement, and deportation of Belarusian civilians, which the ICC Prosecutor deemed sufficient to open a formal investigation in March 2026," said Deputy Ambassador of Lithuania to Poland Jurgita Dapkutė. Photo: NAM Media "I want to thank Ambassador Pavel Latushka for the materials provided. I would like to say that the most recently submitted materials have already been put into work. They were first forwarded to the Department of International Law of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and are now being processed. And I believe they will be used in our fight against the Lukashenko regime. The latest materials, apart from those previously handed over during direct meetings, were submitted through our embassy in Warsaw, through Ambassador Vasyl Bodnar. This request was duly received, forwarded with a covering letter, and has gone through the proper bureaucratic channel that obliges state bodies to act on it," emphasized Yaroslav Chornohor. "There is no doubt whatsoever about Belarus's status as a co-aggressor. Minsk's attempts to position itself as a mediator in this war should be dismissed as unambiguous disinformation and a deceptive game that has nothing to do with reality. Accordingly, if Belarus wanted to have a seat at the peace negotiation table — which I hope will one day take place — it would have to be there as a co-aggressor, not as a mediator, not as a facilitator, and not as an organizer of peace talks. If we are consistent, that is precisely the capacity in which it would end up there. Therefore, Lukashenko's Belarus cannot play the role of an impartial mediator, because it is not one, and in its current form it cannot be one," said prominent Polish expert Kamil Kłysiński. Representatives of the foreign ministries and embassies of Austria, the USA, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Ukraine, and Estonia, Polish experts, and Belarusian independent and international media were present at the event.

"I think the transit of power began on August 9, 2020, and it began because at that moment the Belarusian people felt their own political agency," said Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of the NAM, Pavel Latushka, during the discussion panel "Don't Wait — Create a New Window of Opportunity. Challenges, Strategy, Priorities"as part of the 5th "New Belarus" Conference. The discussion also involved President-elect of Belarus, Head of the United Transitional Cabinet Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya; Belarusian civic and political leader Viktar Babaryka; co-chair of the Belarusian Christian Democracy party, writer, and former political prisoner Pavel Sevyarynets; and Coordination Council speaker Artsiom Brukhan. During his remarks, Pavel Latushka stressed the importance of Belarusian democratic forces being a genuine party in any potential negotiations between the Lukashenko regime and the EU, citing the experience of EU–Lukashenko negotiations in 2014–2016, when Lukashenko released all political prisoners while the EU, for its part, moved toward an unprecedented rapprochement with the Lukashenko regime. "But even so — for the fifth time, I stress, the fifth time — Lukashenko betrayed his European partners. He lied to them, he deceived European partners and deceived the Belarusian people. That was exactly the window of opportunity back then. Why did that happen? Because the opposition was not a party to those negotiations. Our strategy must be based on the agency of the democratic forces. We need to have a clear position for the negotiations. Our task is to prevent European partners from making a deal with the regime along the lines of 2016, when the democratic forces were excluded. Nothing about us without us. We are a subject, not an object. The West believed Lukashenko back then, and Lukashenko betrayed that trust. And we got the horrific years of 2020 and 2022 as a result." Photo: NAM Media Pavel Latushka underlined an important difference in approaches within the democratic forces toward negotiating with the regime: "Today there are two positions within the democratic forces. I hear one position: start talking to Lukashenko without the involvement of Belarusian society, and drag the European Union into the American-led negotiations. In effect, this is being done to drag the EU by every possible means to lunch with Lukashenko, where the main dish will be the Belarusian people. And there, they will cook us. I don't know about you, but I don't want to be the dish. I'm against it. In this situation, I want to be a subject, and to work toward the agency of Belarusian society. That's why our goal is a national dialogue — negotiations between the nomenklatura and democratic institutions, facilitated by the European Union, which has enormous tools at its disposal." Pavel Latushka outlined 4 conditions for a transit of power in Belarus: The presence of a strong, multidimensional crisis — which exists in Belarus today. The presence of a foundation, a basic unifying ground for exiting the crisis — namely, independence, since 97% of Belarusians want to live in an independent country. Pragmatists within the Lukashenko regime coming to understand that change is necessary. "And I believe in this, because I know many of today's ministers, deputy ministers, and officials whom we spoke with before, and they are pragmatists. Of course, they cannot express their views today, but they exist." 4. Weakening of donor number one. "Who is donor number one? The Russian Federation. And right now we're seeing long-range Ukrainian sanctions. We're seeing the cumulative effect of American and European sanctions. And once the donor is no longer able to sustain its proxy, that will be the fulfillment of the fourth condition. And that situation is approaching." During his remarks, Pavel Latushka drew a historical parallel with Poland's transformation, when the communist authorities categorically refused dialogue with society but were nonetheless forced into it: "We insist that pressure on the Lukashenko regime continue, that sanctions increase, and that the worst possible conditions be created for it to function. Because this window of opportunity is approaching."

Artsiom Bruchan: Coordination Council Speaker since May 2025, Analyst, Deputy Head of the NAM. Photo: NAM Media "It was precisely the invasion of Russian troops from Belarusian territory that made possible the fighting near Kyiv, and the large-scale crimes against civilians in Bucha, Irpin, Hostomel, and other towns of the Kyiv, Chernihiv, Sumy, and Zhytomyr regions," said Deputy Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Artsiom Brukhan, during a special event held as part of the "New Belarus" Conference — "The Role of Belarus in the Aggression against Ukraine: Holding the Top Leadership of the Lukashenko Regime Accountable" — organized by the NAM and the Cabinet's Office for the Transfer of Power. As part of the event, a presentation was held — "Factual Circumstances: Documenting Belarus's Role in the Aggression" — with the participation of Artsiom Brukhan; Executive Director of iSANS Uladzimir Kobets; BELPOL representative Uladzimir Zhygar; Head of the International Security Programme at the Polish Institute of International Affairs Anna Maria Dyner; and Rochan Consulting analyst Konrad Skarupa. "In light of the establishment of the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine, comprehensive documentation of information is especially important, as it will allow for an objective legal assessment of the actions of those responsible for this crime." In his remarks, Artsiom Brkchan spoke about the work the NAM is doing to document information on the Lukashenko regime's commission of an act of aggression, outlining the methodology of the work, the structure of the documented information, as well as the chronology of events and actions by Belarus's leadership that led to aggression against Ukraine being launched from Belarusian territory. "The documentation is based on an open-source investigation methodology adapted to international standards for collecting and preserving digital evidence used in international criminal justice. Each episode is compiled as a separate case file, including the source material, its preserved copies in independent formats, and a documentation protocol." The protocol records information confirming the origin and manner in which the information was obtained. The presentation noted that particular attention is paid to sources such as: legal and regulatory acts adopted by Russia and Belarus, including within the framework of the Union State; official statements by the top political and military leadership of Belarus and Russia; public statements by military personnel; independent commercial geospatial imagery. "The purpose of the documentation is not only to record facts, but also to establish a causal link between the documented circumstances and specific officials." The structure of the documented information was also presented separately. The corresponding case files can be divided into 7 categories. Artsiom Brukhan: Coordination Council Speaker since May 2025, Analyst, Deputy Head of the NAM. Photo: NAM Media Artsiom Brukhan also presented a chronology of Belarus's aggression against Ukraine: "The facts we have gathered and documented today give grounds to believe that the starting point in planning Belarus's act of aggression against Ukraine was the meeting between Alexander Lukashenko and Russian President Vladimir Putin on December 29, 2021." During that meeting, Lukashenko for the first time and unexpectedly floated, as his personal proposal, the holding of exercises that were later named "Union Resolve 2022" and that ultimately culminated in the invasion of Ukraine by Russian troops from Belarusian territory. Putin, for his part, presented these exercises as already agreed upon and named the timeframe for their conduct — February–March 2022. The next recorded event took place on January 18, 2022, when Belarus's Ministry of Defence officially announced for the first time a readiness check of the Union State's response forces, stating it would take place in two stages: troop redeployment and force buildup until February 9; and the joint exercise "Union Resolve 2022" from February 10–20. The main training grounds and airfields were named. "I would like to state that the chronology of actions by Belarus's top military-political leadership, the recorded information and statements, leave no doubt as to the deliberate and conscious nature of the actions taken by the leadership of the Lukashenko regime in providing Belarusian territory for Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine."

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National аnti-сrisis management, Leader of the «Team Latushka and Movement “For Freedom”» faction of the Coordination Council of the 4rd convocation The European Union is changing its approach to sanctions against the Lukashenko regime For a long time, the European Union's sanctions policy toward the Lukashenko regime resembled a heavy medieval battering ram. To land a single blow required gathering the will of 27 states, spending months on diplomatic haggling, packing hundreds of restrictions into one giant package, and ceremonially presenting it to the public. However, while Brussels' bureaucratic machinery slowly turned its gears, the Lukashenko regime acted swiftly. Internal repression in Belarus has long since turned into a continuous conveyor belt, while hybrid aggression on the EU's external borders — from artificial migration waves to the deep integration of Belarus's military-industrial complex into the Kremlin's war machine — changes shape faster than diplomats manage to agree on the agenda of the next summit or sanctions measure. The analysis shows: the traditional model of European sanctions is running out of steam. To stop the dictator, the EU must abandon cumbersome mega-packages and shift to a strategy of flexible, rapid, and even unpredictable pressure. The main enemy of European effectiveness on sanctions is the right of veto, through which a single country can block a decision by all the others. When the European Commission puts together another large-scale sanctions package, it tries to fit everything into it at once — from restrictions on banks and raw material exports to personal bans on judges and security officials. At that moment, a fundamental vulnerability of the whole system emerges — the veto right of any one of the 27 EU member states. Here's how it works in practice: Blackmail and concessions: individual states start delaying the adoption of the entire package, demanding personal exemptions for their own businesses — be it national companies, importers, or financial institutions. Dilution of restrictions: in an effort to save the package and achieve unanimity, Brussels makes concessions. As a result, the document emerges from negotiations looking like "Swiss cheese" — full of holes and stripped of its original force. Loss of the element of surprise: six months of negotiations give the Lukashenko regime and its intermediaries in third countries an ideal window of opportunity to reassign assets, change logistics routes, and open new shell companies. In pursuit of loud political PR and outward unity, Brussels has been building sanctions monoliths that require enormous effort to agree on but are often circumvented in practice. It's clear that this approach is losing its effectiveness. And a new approach to sanctions pressure policy has matured. The EU needs a fundamentally new sanctions strategy toward the Lukashenko regime. Its key principle is narrow thematic focus and speed. Illustrative photo. https://x.com/kajakallas/header_photo Instead of launching exhausting negotiations over a compromise mega-package once every six months, the EU should switch to a continuous stream of targeted decisions. What are the advantages of this concept? 1. Neutralizing the veto power: Vetoing a large-scale package under the pretext of protecting the national economy is easy. But when a one-page targeted decision is put on the table — concerning, say, 3–5 specific intermediary firms or 3 Belarusian judges handing down sentences to political prisoners — vetoing it becomes politically toxic and practically impossible for any EU capital. 2. Rapid response: For any harsh move by the regime — another repressive trial, a border provocation, handing an enterprise over to serve Russia's military-industrial complex — the EU should respond with an instant, thematic decision, without waiting for the formation of another large package. 3. Automatic "mirroring": Belarus is still used as an offshore loophole for evading restrictions imposed against Russia. The new approach will make it possible to build chains of sanctions: once a Russian entity is added to the ban list, shortly afterward, a targeted decision blocks its Belarusian twin or logistics partner. The era of unwieldy, sluggish sanctions packages has come to an end. Attempts to tie together, in a single document, the interests of shipowners, farmers, and the security of the whole of Europe sometimes discredit the very instrument of restrictions. The future of effective foreign policy belongs to targeted, fast, and continuous action. A strategy of "a thousand pinpricks," implemented through rapid thematic micro-packages, will deprive the Lukashenko regime of its main resource — time to adapt — and will force it to pay a real and immediate price for every act of repression and aggression.

The image is illustrative in nature The issuance of Polish humanitarian visas for former political prisoners and their family members, repressed Belarusians, as well as the legalization of former political prisoners and their family members on the territory of Poland, became one of the main topics of discussion during a meeting between the deputy head of the United Transitional Cabinet, head of the NAM, Pavel Latushka, and the director of the Consular Department of the Polish Foreign Ministry, Justyna Chrzanowska. The NAM's lawyer and Coordination Council delegate, Mikhail Kirylyuk, also took part in the meeting. During the meeting, the parties discussed: the issuance of Polish humanitarian visas for former political prisoners and their family members; the legalization of former political prisoners and their family members on the territory of Poland; inviting close family members of Belarusian citizens who hold a residence permit in Poland on humanitarian grounds; matters related to granting international protection to citizens of Belarus on the territory of Poland, taking into account new approaches to migration policy in Poland. During the meeting, solutions were found, with the support of the Polish Foreign Ministry, for a number of complex individual situations related to providing humanitarian assistance to citizens of Belarus. Photo: Archive Separately, Pavel Latushka presented detailed information on the human rights situation in Belarus. Specifically for this meeting, the political prisoner support initiative "Dissidentby" prepared information reporting that in July 2026, 78 new criminal cases of a political nature were recorded. In a broader context, since the beginning of 2026, 694 new cases of politically motivated persecution have been recorded. The meeting was also presented with information from the human rights center "Viasna", according to which, in July 2026, 38 people were recognized as political prisoners. Pavel Latushka particularly drew attention to the fact that the human rights situation in Belarus has not changed.Political sentencing continues, and sentences in criminal cases opened in previous years are being finalized. At the same time, the so-called "list of extremist organizations" is significantly expanding. As an example, the most recent decisions by the regime's courts were cited on including Euronews and the Polish Press Agency (PAP) on the so-called list of "extremist materials," as well as recognizing the European Humanities University as an "extremist organization." Pavel Latushka noted that hundreds of Belarusian initiatives, registered both in Belarus and on the territory of Poland and other European countries, have been designated "extremist organizations." Representatives of the Polish Foreign Ministry agreed that there was and is no basis to believe that the Lukashenko regime is reducing repression in Belarus. Regarding travel to Belarus by persons holding dual citizenship — Belarusian and Polish — representatives of the Polish Foreign Ministry noted the importance of taking into account that "Polish citizens who also hold Belarusian citizenship are, under Belarusian law, regarded exclusively as citizens of Belarus. As a result, in a crisis situation, a Polish consul will not be able to provide consular assistance to a Polish citizen who also holds Belarusian citizenship. This also applies to minors." Pavel Latushka thanked the leadership of the Consular Department of the Polish Foreign Ministry for the effective working meetings. He expressed gratitude for the assistance provided by Poland's foreign affairs agency in obtaining humanitarian visas for citizens of Belarus, as well as for help in resolving various complex individual situations. An agreement was reached that informational materials on the repression inside Belarus will continue to be shared with the Polish Foreign Ministry on an ongoing basis. Separately, Pavel Latushka reported on the recent increase in transnational repression against citizens of Belarus living on the territory of Poland, linked to in-absentia sentences, attempts at recruitment, blackmail, and pressure exerted on activists through relatives and family members living on the territory of Belarus.

V. Putin and A. Lukashenko. Photo: Dmitry Astakhov / Sputnik / Reuters For years, propaganda hammered the same myth into Belarusians' heads This is the myth that Russia is our main sponsor, ally, and savior. Supposedly, without the Kremlin the Belarusian economy would collapse, factories would shut down, and people would freeze. We were told that surrendering sovereignty was merely a modest price for cheap gas, endless loans, and a guaranteed market. But let's look at the reality of the summer of 2026. Today this myth has finally fallen apart. Selling out sovereignty has not brought Belarus wealth. It has brought isolation, toxic sanctions, military threat, and… plain and simple swindling. The Lukashenko regime didn't just drag us into someone else's war of aggression — it managed to do so on terms where Belarus pays for everything and gets nothing but empty promises in return. Falling under harsh European or American sanctions for contracts with the military plants of an aggressor state is, in itself, a crime against our country's future. But there's a cynical rule in business: high risk should be compensated by high profit. And what do you call a situation where you incur every possible international sanction, lose European markets, end up isolated, but don't get paid by the partner you did it all for? That's not called a "strategic partnership." That's called complete, absolute being a loser. And dozens of Belarusian enterprises now find themselves in this humiliating loser status. Our industrial giants were assured: "Russia's military-industrial complex is running at full capacity, there are mountains of gold there, an endless stream of money!" And what was the result? In the end, that money ran out. The systemic economic crisis in Russia, compounded by the collapse in the fuel sector, has now reached Russia's "defense industry" too. Look at the courts. For the first time in history, Belarusian enterprises — both state and private — have started massively filing lawsuits in Russian arbitration courts against the "elite" of Russia's military-industrial complex. If last year conflicts could still be smoothed over "amicably" — when the sums were relatively small and giants like Rostec paid their bills — in 2026 the dam broke. Booth of the company "Peleng" at MILEX–2023. Source: voennoedelo.com The flagship of Belarusian optics, the enterprise "Peleng," is now forced to sue the Saratov Aggregate Plant over a debt of nearly 1 million US dollars. And this plant is part of the "High-Precision Systems" holding of the state corporation Rostec, and produces the vaunted "Khrizantema-S" anti-tank systems. The leader of our military-industrial complex, "Volatavto," a manufacturer of chassis for electronic warfare systems and missile complexes, filed a lawsuit in June of this year against "Motovilikha Plants" — Russia's only full-cycle artillery and "Grad" rocket launcher manufacturer. The claim amount is again around 1 million dollars. The first hearing is already scheduled for August. Private business has also been caught under this steamroller. The Smolensk-based company "Avtotekhinmash," a major distributor of BelAZ equipment, is suing the "Ilyushin Aviation Complex" (the very same UAC holding within Rostec, manufacturer of the Il-22 flying command posts). Belarusian enterprises supplied products, risking their reputations and incurring lifelong sanctions, while Russian military giants simply shrug and don't pay. A Belarusian worker finishes his shift, but there's no money to pay his wages, because the "ally" turned out to be bankrupt. Why don't Russian defense giants pay our factories? Is this just a coincidence? Not at all. The answer lies in the catastrophic state of Russia's financial system. Just recently, Russia's Ministry of Finance announced it is temporarily halting the placement of federal loan bonds (OFZ). The official wording sounds laughable: "in order to help stabilize the market situation." But we all understand what's really happening when officials start talking about "stabilization." Simply put, no one is lending Russia money anymore. Even Russia's own banks refuse to buy into this gamble. Last week an OFZ auction was cancelled due to a complete absence of buyers. And that's already the third failed auction since the start of summer! Out of the 1.5 trillion rubles planned for the third quarter, Russia's Finance Ministry managed to scrape together a symbolic 10 billion. Russian authorities have built a classic financial pyramid scheme. In 2023, they borrowed 2.8 trillion rubles through OFZ bonds. In 2024 — 4.4 trillion. In 2025 — already 7.2 trillion! For 2026 they had planned to pull another 6.5 trillion out of the market. But the financial bubble has burst. Bond yields have soared to an insane 13–17%. Today, servicing the government debt eats up 9% of all of Russia's budget expenditures. Have you thought about that figure? Russia spends more on interest payments on its debts than on the entirety of its healthcare and education combined! The hole in Russia's budget will soon reach 6 trillion rubles, and expenditures were quietly increased by another trillion in recent days. Where is the money for the war supposed to come from? The National Wealth Fund has only 3.6 trillion rubles in liquid assets left. That's not even enough to cover the current deficit, let alone the need to repay 3 trillion in old debts. What way out does the Kremlin have? A well-known historical way out — internal default. Robbing its own banks and freezing payments, as it already did in August 1998. And only a few weeks remain until a new potential default. The alternative is simply printing unbacked rubles. But that's a different problem — inflation. And it is to this sinking financial pyramid that Lukashenko has tied the Belarusian economy for good! What does all this mean for the citizens of Belarus? Finance Minister Uladzislau Tatarynovich proudly talks of a transition to a "deficit-free budget." But at what cost? In 2025, the deficit of the republican budget was 4.5 billion rubles (about 1.6% of GDP). At the same time, the regime took out another 1.2 billion dollars in loans from Russia, finally hooking the country onto the needle of credit dependency. But now the credit source has dried up. There's no money in Moscow. And how does Lukashenko respond? In the 21st century, with a nuclear power plant in the country, Lukashenko calls for switching heating in Belarus to… pellets, firewood, and biofuel! And proposes leaving natural gas as a mere "reserve source"! A country that was promised to become a "technological hub" is, through the regime's efforts, being thrown back into the Middle Ages — to stoking furnaces with wood and sawdust. Because gas has to be paid for, and soon there will be nothing to pay with! But that's not all. The moment the slightest friction arises in relations with the Kremlin, Russia doesn't hesitate to strike at Belarus's most painful spot — our industry and agriculture. Rosselkhoznadzor is once again massively imposing restrictions and special laboratory controls on Belarusian meat and dairy products this year. In 2026, restrictions were imposed on 11 Belarusian enterprises, and another 15 were placed under enhanced monitoring. Rosselkhoznadzor has never really been about veterinary matters — it's a tool of economic blackmail that Russia uses to protect its own producers and pressure Minsk. Belarus finds itself in a vicious circle: Dependence on the Russian market has cost it trade with the European Union. Sanctions have blocked our banking sector and cut off access to modern technology, equipment, and logistics chains. And the Russian market itself is now deflating, refusing to pay its bills, and strangling Belarusian exports with duties and barriers. But the most terrifying thing isn't the economic losses. The most terrifying thing is what the regime is turning our land into. Belarus has been turned into a military staging ground for the Kremlin. Our infrastructure has been placed at the disposal of a foreign army, provocative military exercises are being held on our territory, and foreign military facilities are being deployed. Just recently, in June 2026, Lukashenko signed a law ratifying yet another protocol to the Agreement on Military-Technical Cooperation. In July, Russia ratified this document as well. They have made the procedure for mutual military deliveries and procurement even simpler. Specifically, the list of Belarusian enterprises and organizations entitled to directly participate in military-technical cooperation with the Russian side is being expanded. This allows more factory and research sites to cooperate without complex intermediary schemes. The procedure for drawing up contract documentation has also been streamlined and sped up. The mechanism for approving and forming lists of military-purpose products to be supplied has been revised, which shortens the time needed for agencies to review applications. Cooperation in research and development work is being simplified. Time spent on administrative procedures for supplying the security agencies of the Union State with equipment, components, and ammunition is being reduced. Thus, Belarusian factories are being turned into a free repair shop for Russian military equipment, and Belarus itself into a direct participant in the regional military confrontation. The MZKT-7930, manufactured at the Minsk Wheel Tractor Plant, in service with the Russian army. Source: abw.by Look at the map. We've ended up in complete isolation from our neighbors — Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Ukraine. We are on the brink of direct involvement in a military conflict with the NATO bloc. And for what? So that Kremlin generals can wage their senseless war for a few more months, all while not paying Belarusian factories for the equipment supplied? For a long time we were told there was no alternative to an alliance with the Kremlin. We were told that "friendship with Russia" was a guarantee of stability. Today we see the price of this "stabilization": It's the default that the ally's economy is hurtling toward; It's millions in unpaid debts owed to our enterprises; It's the switch from gas to firewood and pellets; It's the constant fear of war and the complete loss of international standing. Belarus should not be held hostage to someone else's imperial adventure. We don't need war. We don't need someone else's debts and someone else's defaults. A Belarusian worker should not be working for free for a foreign country's army! Not working for an army waging a war of aggression against our neighbor and a hybrid war against our other neighbors. Our path is the restoration of Belarus's state sovereignty. We must immediately withdraw from this military adventure, revoke all the protocols turning us into a staging ground, and declare strict neutrality. We must diversify our economy, regain European and global markets by lifting sanctions through a return to democratic norms and the release of all political prisoners. We must build pragmatic, equal, and mutually beneficial relations with all our neighbors — both West and East — rather than serve as vassals of a bankrupt empire. Belarus deserves to be a modern, prosperous, secure European state.