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  • Lukashenko holds the Keys to Belarusian Prisons

    If Lukashenko wanted to exchange political prisoners for diplomats, they would already be free Lawyer of NAM Mikhail Kirilyuk  commented on the release of political prisoners, Lukashenko's latest statements about the "new president" and the Ukrainian Armed Forces' operations in Russia in his Telegram channel : Relatives of political prisoners, tell them: let them write any petitions they want. Don't listen to anyone. When you are released, leave the country, and let them nail these petitions to the wall. Whoever dares to reproach you for this, let them return and serve out their sentence. Lukashenko Holds the Keys to the Prison where the Innocent are sitting Some high-profile politicians abroad forget about this, calling for dialogue with the dictator and the return of EU diplomats to Minsk. They hope that Lukashenko will release all political prisoners in exchange. But if he wanted to exchange political prisoners for diplomats, they would have been freed long ago. To achieve their goals, such politicians demand that Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya be re-elected. Interestingly, they do not demand that Lukashenko be re-elected. Moreover, they insist that no one call for any action against Lukashenko, citing the safety of Belarusians. They are not worried about Lukashenko in power. Russia's war against Ukraine shows signs of a turning point What is Russia doing after Ukrainian troops began operating on its territory? It is moving troops out of Kaliningrad, digging trenches for defense, and accusing Lukashenko of treason. And this is a country that calls itself a superpower with a nuclear arsenal. Of course, the Russian Federation will still show its "true power" — it can stage another terrorist attack in a school, theater, or hospital. Lukashenko, however, limits himself to words and videos with maps. The dictator in Belarus now has other problems Lukashenko has instructed the "parliament" to adopt laws toughening criminal liability for threats and insults not only to the current  "president", but also to former ones. These steps look like an attempt to cushion the blow before a hard landing from a soft high chair. He even makes gestures to release political prisoners, while continuing daily repressions.

  • Time to change the strategy?

    I came across an article by Andrei Yahorau, who is probably already well-known to many Belarusians who are involved in the democratic forces’ agenda This article was recently published in the journal “IPG International Politics and Society”, which is published by the German Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Foundation. Quite an authoritative journal, which, however, has repeatedly published another, shall we say, ambiguous character — Yauheni Preiherman, known for his pseudo-neutral and, in fact, pro-regime “analytics”. Last October, we already drew attention to him and analyzed his article published on the platform “Minsk Dialog”. You can watch this video on our channel, it is called “Lukashenko is flirting with the West”. Preiherman also talked about the need for the West to change its strategy with regard to Lukashenko's regime, to abandon sanctions and resume cooperation with him. Now the former speaker of the Coordination Council Andrei Yahorau made almost identical proposals. The same one who recently proposed to recognize Lukashenko's legitimacy and send European ambassadors to him. Yahorau's article is called “Time to change the strategy”. And what does Mr. Yahorau suggest in it? Yahorau, as they call it, immediately comes up trumps. He declares that the Belarusian democratic forces (apparently, he doesn't include himself to them any more) apply insufficient diplomatic efforts to solve the issue with the release of political prisoners.  Well, that is, he is blatantly lying. Because not a single meeting, not a single international conference, not a single speech of representatives of democratic forces, the Coordination Council, the United Transitional Cabinet, personally Sviatlana Tsihanouskaya at a high level, including the European Parliament, the Consultative Group with the European Union, the Strategic Dialogue with the USA — not a single such event ignores the topic of Belarusian political prisoners. On the contrary, the issue of their release is always a priority topic, the number one issue.  However, Andrei Yahorau argues, the democratic forces do not give the West, as he puts it, “pragmatic tools”. What he understands by them, in general, he outlined at the New Belarus conference — it is the recognition of the legitimacy of Lukashenko's regime.  Yahorau considers “non-pragmatic” tools to be “pressure and international isolation of the Belarusian regime, deprivation of its international recognition, bringing it to international legal responsibility for violation of human rights, limitation of diplomatic contacts, expansion of sanctions, including harmonization of the sanctions regime with Russia”. Let me remind you that these are sanctions for the military aggression against Ukraine, in which the Lukashenko regime is a coaggressor. So, developing his thought, Yahorau unhesitatingly states that “The general strategy of the Office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and her Cabinet, relying on the fact that the pressure of the West would collapse the political regime in Belarus, did not bring the desired results” And this is interesting. However, for some reason Yahorau ignores the fact that nobody ever said that the pressure of the West would bring down the regime by itself. It is impossible to abolish the Lukashenko regime without the participation of the Belarusian society, and we always emphasize this. But at the same time, the pressure of the West weakens it, deprives it of resources, markets, subjectivity, status, authority, if you want. All the things that Yahorau proposes, on the contrary, to return to the regime. Yahorau also ignores the obvious fact that the pressure of the West, in particular sanctions, is a punishment of the Lukashenko regime for its massive crimes, for violation of international law, for the seizure of the airplane, for the migration crisis, for the war against Ukraine. And this is the main result of the pressure - the criminal actions of the regime do not go unpunished, they are not ignored.  But Mr. Yahorau suggests “ to change the strategy”. How? Start doing the opposite? Election fraud. Mass repression. Several hundred thousand crimes against humanity, murder, torture, rape. Co-aggression, war crimes. What are you talking about? It's nothing, it's insignificant, it's not a big deal. Let's not punish the regime for it, but encourage it!  Let's send ambassadors to him, lift sanctions, cancel all international documents, where it is stated that it is necessary to apply the instruments of criminal and legal accountability. Let's cancel all the proposals of democratic forces, for example, two-part communication to the ICC with the justification of the need to issue an arrest warrant for Lukashenko and the evidence of the war crime committed by him — deportation of Ukrainian children. Let's cancel the issuance of international arrest warrants, including in relation to the leadership of “Okrestino” and “Zhodino”, etc. This is not pragmatic and does not work, as Yahorau claims. Perhaps the West doesn't need to put pressure on Russia either. So what if Russia started a war? It happens to everybody. Moreover, as Yahorau claims, “economic sanctions did not undermine the regime's resources” and “it has not yet been brought to justice”. I only wonder what the first statement is based on. Yahorau does not give any facts, figures, or anything of the sort. Simply — sanctions do not work. Just like they say on Belarusian TV. Why then is it important for the regime to lift them? Or is it not important? You have to make up your mind, Mr. Yahorau. You're confused. As for “the regime has not yet been brought to justice” — this is a strange indicator of the “ineffectiveness” of pressure. Yes, there is no warrant for Lukashenko personally yet. But there are already European warrants for a number of his henchmen. There are hundreds of personal sanctions. For crimes against Belarusians. For war crimes against Ukrainians. The other day I also testified in a criminal case brought by the Prosecutor General's Office of Lithuania, related to the deportation of Ukrainian children from the temporarily occupied territories to Belarus.  Yahorau was not engaged in the formation of a dossier for the imposition of these sanctions, prosecution, collection of evidence, legal justification. What for? It is easier to just talk.  In addition, our team, the National Anti-Crisis Management, is preparing a third addendum to the Communication on the deportation of Ukrainian children, which we have already submitted to the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. And this already concerns Lukashenko personally. At the same time, we are also working on his prosecution for crimes against humanity against Belarusians: for murders, for torture of women, men, children, for deaths of political prisoners, for political sentences, for deportation of hundreds of thousands of Belarusians, for robberies, deprivation of property, for the most large-scale repressions in Europe for the last 50 years.  Yes, it is time consuming, hard and even life-threatening work. But it is not hanging in the air. Communication with the justice system is ongoing and the dynamics are encouraging. Yes, I wish it was faster. But to say that there is still no result — and therefore everything is lost — is irresponsible, and maybe immoral to the victims of numerous crimes. There will be no result if you don't do this difficult, meticulous work. And instead, for example, write unsubstantiated articles like Andrei Yahorau. Crimes have been committed. And accountability for them is a matter of principle. Pages in such cases are not turned. They are folded into volumes, put into the basis of criminal cases, and the criminal is put on the wanted list. Lukashenko will not be an exception.  I have no idea what “pragmatic interests” Mr. Yahorau is suggesting that we should proceed from when he says that this strategy should be changed. That is, in essence, he proposes to leave the most serious crimes in the understanding of international law - crimes against humanity and war crimes — unpunished.  The only thing that can be achieved by lifting responsibility from Lukashenko, lifting sanctions against him, recognizing his legitimacy is not a “thaw”, as Mr. Yahorau writes in his article, but the loss of all instruments of counteraction to further crimes. Further repression and terror.  A sane person, and Andrei Yahorau is such a person, analyzing the current situation, can't help but see that in parallel with pardoning several dozens of political prisoners (although the term “pardon” is inappropriate here — you can't pardon people whom you yourself imprisoned for nothing), Lukashenko's regime, again, imprisons dozens of others for nothing.  The level of repression that we observe today, which is confirmed by researchers, for example, Henadz Korshunau, author of the third report “Barometer of Repression in Belarus”, has not simply NOT decreased or reached a plateau. It has increased.  By all indications, Lukashenko's regime is not just NOT moving towards “liberalization”, it is actively transforming from authoritarian to totalitarian. And mass repressions are the basis of the existence of such a regime, the basis of its power. To recognize the legitimacy of such a regime is to recognize its right to function in this way, and not to create the prerequisites for a “thaw”, which is the main threat to it. The regime has learned the lesson of 2020 perfectly well. Yes, it would gladly return to 2019 — to those comfortable conditions for ITSELF. But NOT for Belarusians. He will not return 2019 to Belarusians for anything. He is returning Belarusians to 1937.  Therefore, the proposal expressed in Mr. Yahorau's article is a proposal to accept the status quo. And not to influence it. And it fully meets the interests of the regime. To recognize it, to recognize the legitimacy of what is happening in Belarus, to send ambassadors, to lift sanctions, to stop the international law machine that has already been launched - it means to return the regime's subjectivity, resources and to agree that it will use them to build totalitarianism. It means to agree to the destruction of civil rights and freedoms in Belarus even at the level of an idea, just the very thought of them. Because this is a question of the regime's survival. And yes, as Mr. Yahorau points out, this survival really depends on whether the West will recognize the regime’s subjectivity, whether it will recognize its independence from Russia (all signs of which Lukashenko himself has destroyed), whether it will be included in independent international relations, whether the West will resume these relations with it.  Here is the answer. This is the change of strategy that Andrei Yahorau proposes in his article. Democratic forces must step aside. And the West must ensure the survival of Lukashenko's regime. That is — not just to allow, but to assist, to contribute to the survival, construction and strengthening of totalitarian dictatorship in Europe. Ignoring mass repressions and terror and being content with the fact that the regime simply shuffles political prisoners from time to time, as if they were not living people, but a deck of 1,500 playing cards.  Yahorau claims that political prisoners are not a priority for anyone. But with his own speculative article he only confirms that they are not a priority for him. He suggests changing the strategy from pressure on Lukashenko's regime and its collapse — to its survival.  “It's time to look at things soberly,” Yahorau says. Indeed, it is high time. It is time to take a sober look at the activity of such “Yahoraus” and give it a sober assessment. This is not pragmatism. This, Mr. Yahorau, is cynicism and collaborationism.

  • Switzerland hits the dictator

    On August 14, Switzerland imposed sanctions against representatives of the Lukashenko’s regime At the suggestion of the National Anti-Crisis Management, a number of individuals responsible for internal repressions and other crimes against Belarusians were included in the latest sanctions package. In particular, the following were subject to Swiss restrictions: Propagandists: BELTA Director General  Irina Akulovich , member of the Council of the Republic and editor-in-chief of the "Belarus Segodnya" publishing house Dmitry Zhuk , chairman of the so-called Youth Parliament Nikita Rachilovsky , as well as ONT correspondent Alexei Kryakvin . These individuals are responsible for inciting hostility and discord on political, national and social grounds, disseminating deliberately false and defamatory information. 13 "judges": 1.  Tuleiko Vyacheslav  — judge of the Minsk Regional Court; 2.  Ananich Elena  — judge of the Minsk City Court; 3.  Sotnikov Anatoly  — judge of the Gomel Regional Court; 4.  Mlechko Andrey  — judge of the Frunzensky District Court of Minsk; 5.  Shvedov Igor  — judge of the Mogilev Regional Court; 6.  Shotik Tatyana  — judge of the Leninsky District of Minsk; 7.  Skok Vasily  — judge of the Grodno Regional Court; 8.  Ivanyutenko Stanislav  — judge of the Rechitsa District Court; 9.  Khlyshchenkov Aleksey  — judge of the Gomel Regional Court; 10. Zemtsov Igor  — judge of the Mogilev Regional Court; 11.  Dubovik Olga  — judge of the Molodechno District Court. These werewolves in robes handed down unjust politically motivated sentences against protesters and other people who disagreed with the Lukashenko’s regime. Also under Swiss sanctions were regime enforcers from the GUBOPiK Andrei Ananenko , Mikhail Bedunkevich  and Dmitri Kovach , responsible for torture and abuse of power, as well as the so-called prosecutor Mikhail Kovalev . Also under Swiss sanctions were regime security officials from the Main Directorate for Combating Organized Crime and Corruption Andrei Ananenko, Mikhail Bedunkevich and Dmitry Kovach, responsible for torture and abuse of office, as well as the so-called prosecutor Mikhail Kovalev. The restrictions were imposed on the head of colony No. 11 in Volkovysk Viktor Dubrovka , the head of colony No. 4 Denis Tolstenkov , the head of the prison in Grodno Pavel Kazakovand  his deputy Vasily Koleda , the head of pretrial detention center No. 1 in Minsk Andrei Tsedrik . All of them are responsible for the torture of political prisoners. The businessman close to Lukashenko, Viktor Shevtsov , who was involved in one of the recent investigations by the BRC, also fell under restrictions. The facts that formed the basis for the justification of the introduction of sanctions will later form the basis of the evidentiary base of criminal cases against persons responsible for committing crimes against Belarusians. Responsibility is inevitable.

  • "Let's bring Lukashenko to justice"

    Pavel Latushka on BBC News Original interview in English: bbc.co.uk "Since 2020, Lukashenko has committed numerous crimes, including crimes against humanity against the Belarusian people. Lukashenko is a co-aggressor in the war against Ukraine. Lukashenko is organizing a migration crisis on the border with the EU, hijacking a civilian plane. I appeal to our partners: let's bring Lukashenko to justice",  said Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, in an interview with BBC News . Pavel Latushka gave an interview to the British television company BBC News for the program "HARDtalk". Among the topics discussed were: Possible direct participation of Lukashenko in Russia's aggression against Ukraine: "I am 100% sure that Lukashenko does not want to send an army to Ukraine. Not because he loves Ukraine and Ukrainians, but because he is afraid of an internal crisis, since 85% of Belarusians are against the entry of the Belarusian army into the war". Attitude to the Regiment of Kalinouski and Belarusian volunteers in Ukraine: "For me personally, they are Belarusian heroes. They are fighting for the liberation of Ukraine, but they also dream of the liberation of Belarus". The President of Lithuania stated the lack of subjectivity of Belarus in the current reality: "We are fighting for freedom, but at the same time for the restoration of our independence. This is a challenge for all Belarusians — to fight for our independence, but we have a strategy: support for independent Belarusian media; support for cultural identity;  support and recognition of our democratic institutions,    mobility for Belarusians; holding Lukashenko and his accomplices accountable for their crimes". Problems of the sanctions policy: "It is important to distinguish between Belarusians and Russians. Most Russians support the war and Putin, while Belarusians do not support the war and Lukashenko. Sanctions should be aimed at the regime. I support economic pressure on the regime, but mobility for Belarusians must be maintained". Threats from the regime: "Once he personally told me that he would kill me if I was against him. Lukashenko organized repressions against my daughter, my family, sentenced me to 18 years in prison. I received more than 100 signals about a threat to my life. In 2020, I made a conscious choice and I do not regret it". To what extent does the fate of Belarus depend on the results of the war in Ukraine: "Ukraine's victory creates the preconditions for changing the situation in Belarus. Changes in the country depend on the Belarusians themselves. The future of our country is in the hands of Belarusian society. But, of course, if we look at the situation in Europe, it becomes clear that Ukraine’s victory is necessary". Are you disappointed with the lack of support from Western countries for the Belarusian democratic forces: "Yes, I am disappointed. Four years ago, I received a letter that said something very important: if you want to win your battle, you must base it on the rule of law, and it is essential to hold Lukashenko accountable. For four years, I, my team and the democratic forces of Belarus have dedicated ourselves to this mission. Since 2020, Lukashenko has committed many crimes: crimes against humanity against the Belarusian people — and what about accountability? Lukashenko is a co-aggressor in the war against Ukraine — and what about accountability? Lukashenko orchestrates a migration crisis on the border with the EU, hijacks a civilian plane - and what about accountability? So I appeal to our partners: let's hold Lukashenko accountable". Separately, the head of the NAU in an interview with BBC News noted the importance of the role of Western democracies in decisive actions to hold the dictator accountable for his crimes: "Let's start with Lukashenko. This is my strategy for our European and American partners. Let's use Lukashenko as an example to show Putin how effective the tools of international partners can be against such dictators. However, the issue of the subjectivity of the Belarusian people is important. We want to restore the subjectivity of the Belarusian people again".

  • Lukashenko has problems with smuggling

    Pavel Latushko: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador The dictator recently held a meeting on the development of the tobacco industry. According to the usurper, the conditions in this area have now changed and "today's trends cannot but be alarming". Things are bad for the dictator: income from cigarette sales is falling. People in Belarus have started smoking less cigarettes, and for some reason the dictator, who in words advocates a healthy lifestyle, does not like this. In connection with the decline in his income from cigarette sales in Belarus, he even thought about banning vapes that compete with his business or even taking this area under the control of Lukashenko's "family". In addition, on the day of the meeting, Lukashenko received news that Polish customs had discovered 5,400 packs of Belarusian cigarettes in tanks with resin transported across the border of Belarus and Poland. For the purpose of personal enrichment, Lukashenko built a real tobacco business empire with the help of his pocket businessmen like Topuzidis and Aleksin. The latter was even given a near-monopoly on domestic trade in tobacco products through a retail network of kiosks, popularly known as "tabakerki". Lukashenko simply took and transferred the state's right to some private individual, shifting budget revenues intended for all Belarusians into the pocket of his personal "wallet". And he does this for the sake of personal enrichment and the enrichment of his entourage. That is why Lukashenko asks his appointees "how are things with cigarette exports?" And with exports, both legal and black, which is more simply called smuggling, things are getting sadder and sadder every year. And why is that? Because the dictator is having serious problems both in the western and eastern directions.

  • A criminal case is being investigated in Lithuania regarding the crimes of the Lukashenko regime

    Pavel Latushko: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Today, August 14, 2024, Pavel Latushka testified for the National Prosecutor's Office of Poland upon a request for international legal assistance from the Prosecutor General's Office of Lithuania in a criminal case related to the deportation of Ukrainian children from the territories of Ukraine temporarily occupied by Russia to Belarus. This criminal case was initiated by the Prosecutor General's Office of Lithuania. "I described in detail the facts and context of the illegal movement of Ukrainian children, which potentially constitutes a war crime. In particular, data was provided that more than 3,500 Ukrainian children were moved from the territory of Ukraine to Belarus, about their social status (orphans, children from low-income families, children from single-parent families, including children who have parents). Separately, information was provided about the system created by Lukashenko, which provides organizational, financial, transport and other assistance in committing a war crime. We place great hope in the investigation of these crimes at the national level, primarily for the purposes of criminal prosecution of persons occupying lower positions in the organized system of moving Ukrainian children to Belarus. We express hope that the efforts of the justice authorities at the national level will complement the efforts of the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, which is focusing on the highest ranks in Belarus in the organized hierarchy of persons who committed the corresponding war crime. We thank the Prosecutor General's Office of Lithuania and the Criminal Police of Lithuania for their efforts to effectively investigate these crimes, for their willingness to act in the interests of international justice". The National Anti-Crisis Management continues to collect, summarize, analyze and provide materials on this and other crimes committed by the Lukashenko regime and its accomplices against the Belarusian people, Ukraine and the Ukrainian people.

  • Lukashenko — a fighter on the invisible front?

    Pavel Latushka : Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Lukashenko's "heroic defense" against UFO drones looks like pure staging. Thus, the monitoring group Belaruski Gayun reported that on August 9, no drones or missile launches to shoot them down were detected. Lukashenko — a fighter on the invisible front? Today he is fighting UFOs, and tomorrow he will be repelling attacks by ghosts? Although the ghosts of the past probably haunt him every day. But let's look at reality. Lukashenko loves to fantasize. And in his lies, he has already openly reached the point of making tin soldiers out of the military. This is exactly what he did with the air defense forces, who were shooting down who knows where and what. After all, the previous imitations of his vigorous military activity and this one are incomparable. You can't hide from the air defense radars that there were no Ukrainian drones over the territory of Belarus. And the air defense knows this very well. So how are they supposed to look at this performance now? How did the commanders explain this to them, if they explained it at all? And what do they now think about their command, which, under Lukashenko's bait, made them extras? Maybe someone saw Lukashenko's words confirmed by his "older brothers" in Russia? After all, he said that some of the targets were shot down by the Belarusian military, and some were allegedly shot down already on Russian territory... Ukraine also denied Lukashenko's statements about drones. So who are all these old-timer tales aimed at? I think that most of the military are still sane. We hope so. So why are you allowing some guy who is playing war games to make tin soldiers out of you? And tomorrow he will tell you how the border troops repelled the Ukrainian Armed Forces offensive on the border with Ukraine? And he will show you a map. Four positions. And the directions from which the attack was being prepared. Apparently, this is why the regime urgently wants to add an article to its Criminal Code for "unauthorized dissemination of information about the location or movement of units, weapons, military equipment and ammunition" — so that people would be afraid to refute its fairy tales? Or maybe the military wants to wait until, in a fit of yet another desire to show where the attack on Belarus was being prepared from, and to repel this invisible attack, he actually sends them to fight? Let it not be to Ukraine, but, for example, to Kursk — to fulfill their allied duty in accordance with the Military Doctrine of the so-called Union State. Or he himself will stage a provocation on the border, with casualties among the military, so that his tales will look more convincing. Like Hitler in 1939 with the staging of a "Polish attack" on the Gleiwitz radio station. Meanwhile, Lukashenko's Foreign Ministry is already saying that the regime is ready to take "retaliatory steps to protect the territory", close the Ukrainian embassy and threaten not only Ukraine, but all of Europe with an expansion of the conflict. Today, Lukashenko is making soldiers out of the military. Are you, military men, ready to wait until he decides to make cannon fodder out of you?

  • Muraveika under Canadian sanctions

    On August 9, 2024, not only the United States and Great Britain, but also Canada imposed sanctions against the Lukashenko’s regime. The sanctions affected the so-called judges and military personnel of the regime, as well as a number of defense industry enterprises, which, together with justifications and other necessary data, were offered by NAM to the Canadian side. In particular, NAM submitted to the Government of Canada justifications for imposing sanctions on the following enterprises involved in the production of weapons and components for them, which were used by Russia to continue its aggression against Ukraine: JSC Display Design Bureau, JSC Minsk Research Instrument-Making Institute, JSC Research Institute of Electronic Computers, JSC Planar, JSC Gomselmash. The sanctions, based on the information transferred from the NAU to the Canadian side, also affected the "judges" of the regime guilty of unjust sentences: Sinila Vital  — Chairman of the Mostovsky District Court of the Grodno Region, Pradun Iryna  — Chairman of the Rogachev District Court of the Gomel Region, Novikava Valyantsina  — Judge of the Mozyr District of the Gomel Region, Mazol Vadzim  — Chairman of the Pruzhany District Court of the Brest Region, Abashyn Alyaksandr  — Judge of the Criminal Cases Collegium of the Vitebsk Regional Court. Canada's restrictions have deservedly caught up with war criminals guilty of aggression against Ukraine, namely: Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces Pavel Muraveika , who had previously threatened to cut a window through the Suwalki Gap by military force, First Deputy Head of the State Military Industrial Committee Aleg Mishchanka  responsible for the production of weapons for the needs of the Russian army, as well as Deputy Minister of Defense  Andrei Fedzin . In addition, the usurper's youngest son, Mikolai Lukashenko , was also subject to Canadian sanctions. But let's be honest, of all those who were subject to sanctions, we did not propose this young man, since, in our opinion, children are not responsible for the crimes of their parents.

  • There will be no return in 2019

    The deputy head of NAM, Artsiom Brukhan, argued with the ex-speaker of the Coordination Council, Andrei Yahorau, about the value of recognizing Lukashenko The proposal to recognize the regime, which was made during the "New Belarus" conference in Vilnius, is unrealistic. This thesis can be used as a criticism of the activities of the democratic forces of Belarus, but the question arises, why was the proposal not heard earlier? The call to recognize Lukashenko appeared only after the adoption of rather strong sanctions, which seriously affected the regime's policies. We always called for even stronger pressure and reached that point: Lukashenko began to release political prisoners, withdrew the troops, and introduced a visa-free regime. Such actions of the regime began after the work of democratic forces, which demonstrates our subjectivity. Lukashenko reacts to all this. It is impossible to talk about any liberalization in Belarus The level of repression is increasing, there are thousands of criminal cases against Belarusians. Meanwhile, there are calls for the recognition of Lukashenko and the legitimacy of what is happening in Belarus. We see how the latest sanctions have influenced the change in Lukashenko's policy. This means that our strategy against the regime is working. Then we will be able to achieve our goals, and the regime may be the first to make concessions.

  • Do we recognize Lukashenko's legitimacy and capitulate?

    Pavel Latushka:  Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador At the New Belarus Conference, a proposal was made that was enthusiastically supported by... propagandists of the Lukashenko’s regime. And its author was even praised. What are we talking about? We are talking about the proposal of the former speaker of the Coordination Council of the 2nd convocation Andrei Yahorau, who proposed to return European ambassadors to Belarus in exchange for the release of a certain number of political prisoners. Egorov calls this "partial legitimization" of Lukashenko. However, the appointment of an ambassador is not "partial legitimization" at all, but recognition of Lukashenko as president. But this is not the most surprising thing about this proposal. Much more interesting is how it coincides with the theses of the same propagandists, who quite straightforwardly continue the logic of this idea and openly say what this recognition should lead to. To the self-dissolution of the institutions of democratic forces. That is, to the elimination of a political alternative to the Lukashenko’s regime. And then, supposedly, the Lukashenko’s regime would be ready to release a certain number of political prisoners. Propagandists even name this number — up to 100 people. But if the democratic forces "behave badly" — then no more than 10. That's the framework. From 10 to 100 people. Actually, this is the "negotiating" position of the regime: its international recognition, the appointment of ambassadors, the termination of the political activities of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and her Office, the dissolution of the Cabinet and the Coordination Council. Since the conference where Egorov voiced this proposal, additional conditions have emerged. Thus, answering Zmitser Lukashuk's question on Euroradio "what else can the West offer Lukashenko in exchange for political prisoners?", Yahorau answered — a lot. This includes improving the conditions for the movement of goods, and the implementation of banking transactions (which, translated into understandable language, means the lifting of sanctions), and the financing of "humanitarian programs" through Western funds. Do appetites grow while eating? And today, the faction of the same Yahorau (as well as Knyrovich and Prokopyev) in the Coordination Council issued a statement on non-recognition of the powers of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya after August 9, 2025. That is, in the end, their formula is: legitimization of Lukashenko and delegitimization of Tsikhanouskaya, along with the current institutions of the democratic forces. They beautifully call all this "a change in the strategy of the democratic forces". Lobby for the recognition of the regime, lifting of sanctions and disband. And maybe someone will get out of prison. After all, the "humane" regime of Lukashenko only wants to turn the page. And to be precise, several hundred thousand pages of crimes against humanity and war crimes. And, probably, it is just a coincidence that all this is happening against the background of Lukashenko's already ongoing "election" campaign, his preparation for the "elections". And then, when, under pressure from the new package of sanctions of the European Union, the regime was already forced to release some political prisoners. It's high time to give up, isn't it, comrade Yahorau and company? Well, let me ask you a couple of questions: Why didn't you make such a proposal when Yahorau was the speaker of the Coordination Council, but are doing it now, when you lost the elections to this body, and at a time when the key institutions of the democratic forces, including the Coordination Council, which you previously headed, contrary to the expectations of the regime and, apparently, yours too, demonstrated unity and signed a protocol on interaction? Why did you start talking about this when the EU is pushing Lukashenko to the wall with new sanctions, when Poland is threatening to completely shut down trade communications, and he is preparing to "re-elect" himself in such unfavorable conditions? And how do you feel about the fact that your proposals are enthusiastically met by regime propaganda? Do you want to give up? It's your right. But I do not intend to give up with you. I will continue to fight.

  • III conference "New Belarus" in Vilnius on August 3-4

    At the conference, the democratic forces of Belarus adopted a number of documents related to both the internal agenda of Belarus and foreign policy perspectives. A separate point of the conference was the signing of the protocol on the interaction of key democratic institutions of Belarus. We suggest you read these documents to understand their meaning: The protocol on cooperation, which records the powers of the parties: the President-elect , the United Transitional  Cabinet and the Coordination Council . This document outlines the decision-making procedure within the Belarusian democratic forces. On the initiative of the National Anti-Crisis  Management and the coalition in the Coordinating Council "The Latushka’s team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" two declarations were adopted: Declaration on Accountability and Restoration of Justice  — we will strive to ensure the inevitability of responsibility for Lukashenko and his associates for repressions against the Belarusian people, restoration of justice and rehabilitation of victims of repressions. We call on the international community to use the available international accountability mechanisms to punish Lukashenko and his associates for crimes against humanity against Belarusians, for committing an act of aggression against Ukraine and war crimes against the Ukrainian civilian population. Declaration on the Foreign Policy Priorities of Democratic Belarus — we confirm our commitment to the European choice for Belarus. We are in favor of expanding and strengthening cooperation with our key partners, namely the European Union, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Ukraine. And we also support the restoration of the nuclear-free status of our country. "Platform 2025"  has been developed, which unites the approach of all democratic forces of Belarus regarding the so-called "elections" in 2025. The goals of our approach are non-recognition of the upcoming "elections" by the international community, ensuring the openness of the EU and the world towards Belarusians, unifying all our efforts to release political prisoners. At the conference, President-electSviatlana Tsikhanouskaya announced the appointment of new persons to the United Transitional Cabinet: representative for international and European cooperation — Uladzimir Astapenka , representative for defense and national security — Vadzim Kabanchuk , representative for youth policy and students — Margaryta Vorykhava .These appointments will strengthen the executive body of the democratic forces. The democratic forces of Belarus do not stand still: we respond to the challenges of the times and continue the struggle to achieve justice and freedom for all Belarusians.

  • Sanctions for Ales Pushkin and Belarusian partisans

    Pavel Latushka:  Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador The deaths of Ales Pushkin  and Igar Lednik  in captivity, the torture of Palina Sharenda-Panasyuk , Marya Kalesnikava , Ekatsiaryna Andreeva, Andrzej Poczobut , 25-year sentences for Belarusian partisans who prevented aggression, incitement to hostility, calls for violence — the perpetrators of these crimes have become defendants in the new EU sanctions. The team of the National Anti-Crisis Management gathered evidence and formed a dossier on persons involved in politically motivated persecution, and lobbied for the adoption of new EU sanctions. Among them: Dzianis Talstenkou , the head of the women's colony No. 4 (where Belarusian women political prisoners were tortured and are being tortured, including Palina Sharenda-Panasyuk , Marya Kalesnikova , Ekaterina Andreeva  and others), the head of the pre-trial detention center No. 1 — the well-known Volodarka — Andrei Tsedrik  and others.  Pavel Kazakou , the head of prison No. 1 in Grodno, and his deputy Vasil Kolyada , responsible for the torture of Belarusian political prisoners, including Andrzej Poczobut , journalist Dzianis Ivashyn  and other political prisoners, were placed under sanctions restrictions. It was in this prison in Grodno that Ales Pushkin  was held and died. The new sanctions list 13 "judges" who have hundreds of sentences for political prisoners. Among them: "judge" of the Leninsky District of Minsk  Tatsiana Shocik , who has sentenced at least 15 political prisoners . On her conscience is the sentence against Igar Lednik , who died in custody; "judge" of the Gomel Regional Court Anatol Sotnikau  and "judge" of the Mogilev Regional Court Igar Shvedau , who have sentenced dozens of political prisoners, including the Belarusian partisans  who stopped the movement of the aggressor's trains towards Ukraine at the beginning of the invasion of Russian troops to huge prison terms. It is important for any representative of the regime to remember: each of those who participate in political persecution and repression, who commit crimes against the Belarusian people — will be held accountable for their actions. Today — persons on the sanctions lists. Tomorrow — persons in criminal cases. The team of the NAM will continue its efforts and will continue to work to ensure justice for all who have fallen victim to this regime.

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