Source: Forum Dialogu M. Pendzivol interviews Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: You are the deputy head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus. Is it a Belarusian government-in-exile? Pavel Latushka: We have established institutions in exile that represent Belarusian society within the country and the diaspora. We have a president who legitimately won the 2020 election—a fact widely recognized—although Svetlana Tikhanovskaya was prevented from assuming her rightful position. Lukashenko forcibly clung to power, blocking her from taking office. During the Congress of Democratic Forces in August 2022, we formed the United Transitional Cabinet as an executive body—in essence, a government-in-exile. We also have a Coordination Council, and we are preparing to hold its inaugural elections. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: Is the Council equivalent to a parliament? Pavel Latushka: It's a proto-parliament. We are also in the process of creating a second chamber, which will include representatives from non-partisan, non-governmental organizations. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: Are we talking about a body akin to a Senate? Pavel Latushka: Not quite. It's more accurately described as an advisory body, a platform for civil society and NGOs that have been banned within Belarus. Over 1,500 NGOs have already been dissolved by the authorities, and another 900 are facing liquidation. Their representatives were forced to flee Belarus, and some have since resumed their activities from abroad. This is how we've been able to establish these Belarusian state institutions in exile. We do face some opposition from those who disagree with our actions and question the legitimacy of creating such bodies. But as a politician, I understand that institutions are fundamental to a system's longevity. This is crucial because we must safeguard the interests of Belarusians both abroad and within the country, ensuring they have representation on the international stage. This also has significant implications for the fight against the regime. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: How many Belarusian citizens with voting rights are currently living abroad? Pavel Latushka: According to the latest data from Poland's Deputy Minister for Family and Social Policy, over 310,000 Belarusians reside in Poland. Lithuania has the second largest Belarusian population, with 67,000. Last May, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe reported that half a million Belarusians had fled the country. Based on various sources and our own estimates, we believe the actual number of Belarusians living outside Belarus could be as high as 1.5 million. In 2020, Belarus had a population of over 9 million. Now, according to a report commissioned by Lukashenko himself, that number has dwindled to 7.8 million. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: So, if I'm following you correctly, you're talking about the total number of Belarusians living abroad, not specifically those eligible to vote in elections? Pavel Latushka: That's right. I don't have the precise figures on how many Belarusians living abroad currently hold voting rights. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: It's been nearly four years since those rigged presidential elections orchestrated by Lukashenko. What are your thoughts on the West's response to those events? Pavel Latushka: Frankly, it's been slow and sluggish. Dictators like Lukashenko need much less time to make decisions, especially when it comes to repression. Democracies, on the other hand, rely on consultation and consensus-building, which takes time. There are 27 member states in the EU, decisions simply don't happen overnight. We’ve lost a lot of time due to tjis delay. The core issue is that only one country has a clear strategy for Belarus — it’s Russia. And that strategy boils down to absorbing Belarus into the Russian Empire. Russia's playbook is evident: they're using military force to try to annex Ukraine, while with Belarus, it's a campaign of non-military coercion. That's why they're pouring massive resources—we're talking hundreds of millions, if not billions of dollars—into propaganda to manipulate the Belarusian people. Their aim is to undermine the majority who support democracy, human rights, and closer ties with Europe. The tragedy is that when Belarusians took to the streets in 2020, they genuinely believed in the power of democracy. They believed that international law would prevail, that Lukashenko—the man who gave the order to fire on people—and his cronies would be held accountable for their crimes. Yet, four years on, Lukashenko hasn't faced a single charge. Our organization, the National Anti-Crisis Management, has submitted evidence to the International Criminal Court in The Hague regarding the abduction of Ukrainian children and their forced ideological indoctrination. We've also partnered with the Lithuanian human rights center, Justice Hub, to produce a comprehensive report documenting the cases of at least 136,000 individuals who were subjected to crimes against humanity in Belarus between May 2020 and May 2023. But justice remains elusive, and the Belarusian people see little concrete support for their struggle from the European Union. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: What concrete actions does Svetlana Tikhanovskaya's cabinet expect from the European Union? Pavel Latushka: Firstly, the EU needs a coherent strategy for Belarus, with a strong emphasis on holding Lukashenko and his accomplices accountable for their crimes. Secondly, we need the EU to engage more directly with Belarusian civil society. There's been a lot of talk lately about the need for increased defense spending, especially among the countries bordering Belarus and Russia. I don't disagree with the need for a strong defense, but the most potent weapon we have is the Belarusian people themselves. Right now, the majority of Belarusians oppose both the war and Lukashenko's regime. Let's harness that power. In this regard, Belarus is very different from Russia, where a large segment of the population supports both the war and Putin. As long as Belarusian society continues to resist the war and oppose the use of Belarusian territory for aggression against Ukraine or any of our neighbors, that will be our strongest deterrent. If that motivation is allowed to falter, our neighbors in the EU and NATO will feel the consequences. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: And what about the third point? Pavel Latushka: The third element, of course, is visa policy. We understand that the difficulties Belarusians face in obtaining visas are not entirely the fault of our partners in the EU. Lukashenko's decision to expel numerous diplomats, including consuls, has created a real bottleneck. We need to find ways to streamline the visa process so that ordinary Belarusians can travel abroad. It's hypocritical to restrict travel for ordinary Belarusians while simultaneously continuing to trade with the aggressor, even increasing trade volume in some cases. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: How much has EU trade with Belarus increased? Pavel Latushka: Experts estimate that in 2022-2023, goods worth 10 billion euros were routed through Belarus from Germany, Lithuania, and Poland. These goods could easily be used to support Russia's war effort. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: Does this mean that sanctions do not apply to Belarus? Pavel Latushka: The EU sanctions against Belarus are twelve times weaker than those imposed on Russia. If the goal is to cripple Russia's ability to finance the war, we must remember that Belarus and Russia are part of an economic union. So, when the EU's trade turnover with Belarus increases, it benefits Russia. The goods are still finding their way into Russia, simply by being routed through Belarus. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: So, are we essentially seeing the same mechanism at play as in Central Asia? Pavel Latushka: Absolutely. Let me illustrate with the paint market. Belarus used to purchase a certain type of paint for €16,000. Now, they're paying €15 million—almost a thousand times more! Why the drastic increase? It's simple: these paints are being funneled through Belarus and into the Russian market, circumventing the sanctions that prevent direct imports from the EU. And the statistics bear this out across various sectors. For instance, glass exports from Belarus to the EU have quadrupled recently. The reason? Russian glass is now subject to sanctions, while Belarusian glass is not. This fourfold surge in Belarusian glass exports is simply Russia exploiting a loophole, selling its glass to the West through Belarus. This is Russian glass. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: So, it's essentially a sanctions-busting scheme. Pavel Latushka: Precisely. And the frustrating part is that everyone at the European Commission is aware of this. I know they know because we've presented them with compelling evidence, research, and detailed reports during numerous meetings. Yet, they're dragging their feet on taking decisive action. Why? That's a question for our partners to answer, not me. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: So, what's the solution? Pavel Latushka: First and foremost, we need to ban the transit of goods through Belarus to third countries. That would eliminate the incentive to import goods into Belarus for the sole purpose of re-exporting them to Russia. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: Is that a realistic option? Pavel Latushka: Ultimately, that's up to Brussels to decide. The European Commission could also introduce quotas on both imports from and exports to Belarus. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: What about the media landscape? Belsat TV has played a crucial role in providing independent news to the Belarusian people, or at least a segment of it, for many years. Is that still the case? Pavel Latushka: We need to view this issue through a wider lens. Putin and Lukashenko are actively building a joint media empire—the Union State media holding company—which serves as a propaganda arm for Russia's annexation agenda in Belarus. They're weaponizing ideology and propaganda, using shared television channels, magazines, newspapers, and the extensive reach of Russian state media to penetrate the Belarusian information space. They're even installing their own propagandists on Belarusian programs that support Lukashenko. We're engaged in a battle for the hearts and minds of the Belarusian people, and it's an uphill battle. Independent media outlets can only operate from exile, as they've been branded as extremist and shut down within Belarus. To effectively counter this onslaught of propaganda and reach the Belarusian people with independent information, we need a concerted effort on a European scale, with support from our American allies. Belsat TV, broadcasting from Poland, is a vital asset in this fight. It's the most popular independent outlet and has a strong presence across various social media platforms. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: Do you have any concerns about the future of Belsat? Pavel Latushka: During my meetings at the Polish Foreign Ministry, I've received assurances that the new government remains committed to supporting Belsat. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: Beyond Belsat, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, funded by the United States, plays a vital role. What other outlets are crucial in this information landscape? Pavel Latushka: Euroradio broadcasts from Warsaw, while Belarusian Radio Racyja operates out of Białystok. We also have online platforms like Zerkalo.io and Nexta.tv, the "Real Belarus" YouTube channel, and the "Nasha Niva" portal, all working from abroad. This situation echoes historical precedents, particularly in Poland's own experience with a government-in-exile based in Great Britain during World War II. You also sought its recognition. We're currently engaged in a similar struggle for recognition. As I mentioned, we have state institutions in exile—the president, the government, the parliament. We have a Belarusian state operating outside the borders of Belarus. Securing recognition for these institutions from our international partners is paramount. It's not only strategically important for the future of our country but also for Poland and our other neighbors. Ultimately, our interests align. We aspire to live in a democratic, free Belarus, and our neighbors deserve the security of knowing that Belarus poses no threat to Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, or the wider European Union. Aureliusz M. Pendzivol: Thank you for the interview. I wish you the very best in Pavel Latushka: Thank you. On a personal note, I want to express my profound gratitude, not as a politician, but as a human being, for the extraordinary generosity and solidarity shown by Poland and the Polish people in welcoming hundreds of thousands of Belarusians. Your embrace during this challenging time is a testament to the enduring bond between our nations. We are deeply grateful for your support. Pavel Latushka, politician and diplomat, deputy head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus (the government of Belarus in exile), head of the National Anti-Crisis Management. Former Minister of Culture of Belarus and former director of the Yanka Kupala National Academic Theater in Minsk. Former Ambassador of Belarus in Warsaw, Paris, Madrid and Lisbon. Aureliusz M. Pendziwoł, a journalist currently working for the Polish edition of Deutsche Welle. His career includes previous roles with the Polish departments of the BBC and RFI, as well as with the Parisian "Culture." For two decades, he served as a correspondent for the Viennese business newspaper "WirtschaftsBlatt."

The first direct elections for the Coordination Council, held on May 25-27, were a historic occasion. For the first time in 30 years, Belarusians were truly able to elect their own representatives. We may have differing perspectives on the election outcomes, but a crucial precedent has been set. This is a momentous event, and all who participated and organized this election campaign deserve our sincere gratitude and respect for our collective achievement. I believe all of us have joined the Coordination Council to work tirelessly for the benefit of the Belarusian people and society. Our purpose is not to divide into factions, vie for positions, or engage in underhanded tactics. We are here to continue the fight against Lukashenko's regime and strive for the liberation of Belarus. It is vital that we establish an effective and representative body, strengthening the democratic alternative to the illegitimate regime. Our ultimate goal is to return to a free, independent, and democratic Belarus. To reach this future, we must act responsibly and adhere to fundamental democratic principles, choosing the path of parliamentarism over political games. Therefore, we, the representatives of "Latushka’s Team and Movement 'For Freedom'" Coalition, "European Choice," "Independent Belarus," "Freedom," and "Stop Being Afraid," have jointly issued a statement proposing the formation of an organizing committee for the first working session of the Coordination Council's third convocation. We urge the coordinators of all other electoral lists to join us in this organizing committee. We are willing to work efficiently, engage in open dialogue, and ensure the Coordination Council is effective and serves the needs of the Belarusian people. We stand for transparency, accountability, open meetings, and unwavering respect for democratic principles. The Coordination Council, created by Belarusians for Belarusians, exists to address our needs, protect our national interests, and fight for our common future. It is important that Belarusians hear us both in Belarus and abroad. We remain committed to our goals and the struggle for a free Belarus. Let us stand together, ensuring that the fate of the Belarusian people is never again decided without our voice. A free Belarus is within our reach. I have no doubt that the Coordination Council is a vital institution today and will remain essential in a Belarus without Lukashenko. We must work tirelessly to bring about that tomorrow, stronger and more united than ever. We are not the opposition; we are the alternative. Long live Belarus!

Following the Serbian court's decision to extradite Andrei Gnyot, the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) has issued another urgent appeal this week. NAM is calling on a working group of representatives from the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and embassies of several European countries – including Poland, Germany, Croatia, Cyprus, Denmark, the Czech Republic, Belgium, and Austria – to advocate against his extradition. Gnyot faces an illegal political sentence, torture, and possibly death under the Lukashenko regime. Andrei's lawyers are currently preparing an appeal to overturn the extradition decision. NAM has repeatedly recommended, including after Gnyot's transfer to house arrest, that his representatives urgently file for refugee status. Unfortunately, NAM cannot directly initiate this procedure, as it depends on the actions of his Serbian legal counsels. NAM is actively engaging with Serbian human rights organizations, urging them to recognize Andrei Gnyot as a political prisoner. Additionally, NAM is seeking assistance from international refugee law experts to support Gnyot's application for refugee status.

"It is crucial that Belarusian issues in Europe are resolved with the active participation of Belarusians and Belarusian society. The creation of this Belarusian-Polish strategic platform demonstrates strong support for this approach," stated Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, while commenting on the platform's inaugural meeting held near Warsaw on June 10-11. "Poland is a leader in shaping the European Union's policy towards Belarus and has consistently shown solidarity with the Belarusian people in their pursuit of democratic change." The Belarusian-Polish strategic platform was jointly initiated by Pavel Latushka and Jan Malicki, Director of the Center for East European Studies at the University of Warsaw. The meeting was organized by the Miroszewski Center and the Center for East European Studies at the University of Warsaw, with support from the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM). This initiative aims to establish a permanent platform for assessing the situation in Belarus and developing concrete steps for cooperation between Belarusian democratic forces and Polish partners to achieve democratic change in Belarus. During the meeting, participants discussed challenges and external threats related to the evolving situation in Belarus, the dynamics of the internal situation, potential tools for achieving democratic change, and the future of Belarusian-Polish relations following a democratic transition in Belarus. The Belarusian-Polish strategic platform is envisioned as an ongoing initiative.

Statement regarding the organization of the Coordination Council of the democratic forces of Belarus, formed based on the results of the 2024 elections We, the elected delegates of the Coordination Council's third convocation, express our sincere gratitude to all those who contributed to organizing the Coordination Council elections. However, we recognize the following: Due to the urgent need for the elected Coordination Council to commence its work promptly, fulfilling its assumed duties and the will of our voters; Recognizing the absence in the 2023 Coordination Council Statute of provisions regarding the transition period and the organization of the first meeting of the newly elected body; Acknowledging that any decisions made by the previous Coordination Council that do not pertain to its primary mission – the organization of elections – hold no legitimacy as of February 8, 2024; Affirming the right of each elected representative of the Coordination Council to retain their mandate unless otherwise decided by a majority vote of delegates, Therefore, we declare the following: We recognize the formal meeting on June 12, 2024, as the starting point for the mandate of the new Coordination Council. The agenda for this meeting shall be limited to welcoming remarks from President-elect Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya and representatives of the third convocation of the Coordination Council. We assume responsibility for establishing working bodies and setting the agenda for the first working meeting of the new Coordination Council. To facilitate this process, an organizing committee will be formed. Each list will nominate one representative to this committee, with voting weight determined by the percentage of votes received in the 2024 elections. We invite the coordinators of all other electoral lists to participate in this organizing committee to ensure the successful organization of the first working session of the elected Coordination Council. Sincerely, "Latushka’s Team and Movement 'For Freedom'" Coalition (28 delegates) European Choice (8 delegates) Independent Belarusians (8 delegates) Freedom (6 delegates)

Belarusian national Andrei Gnyot, who was detained by Serbian authorities at the request of the Lukashenko regime, has been transferred from Belgrade's Central Prison to house arrest. This marks a crucial first step in securing the freedom of Andrei, who has endured over seven months in complete isolation, deprived of proper medical care, and facing a rapidly deteriorating health condition. However, the fight is far from over. The next critical step is preventing his extradition to Belarus, where he faces persecution for his political beliefs. Andrei Gnyot's case has galvanized hundreds of people moved by his plight. The Polish Foreign Ministry, responding to an appeal by the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM), has played a pivotal role in advocating for his release. Most recently, the issue was discussed on May 21st during a meeting between NAM Head and Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet Pavel Latushka and Justyna Chrzanowska, Director of the Consular Department at the Polish Foreign Ministry. Earlier, at NAM's request, the European External Action Service initiated a working group comprised of representatives from foreign ministries and embassies across Europe to actively prevent Andrei's extradition. International organization RUH, NAM, and the Free Association of Sportsmen SOS.BY, organized demonstrations of support for Andrei in Warsaw, Belgrade, London, and Berlin. BELPOL provided crucial assistance in gathering information and preparing documents, while concerned Belarusians wrote countless letters expressing their solidarity. The Office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and European politicians have also championed Andrei's release. This collective action has yielded this first, vital result. However, the ultimate goal remains: the complete and unconditional release of Andrei Gnyot. "We continue to fight for the fate of Andrei Gnyot, and we will fight for the fates of all Belarusians who suffer under Lukashenko's regime! We will persist for as long as we have the strength, for as long as it takes," declared Pavel Latushka, commenting on Andrei's transfer to house arrest.

Ahead of the European Parliament Elections These days, elections sweep across the European Union, heralded as historic, pivotal, and decisive. We, Belarusians, recognize their profound significance for us as well. For decades, and with a sense of urgency that has only intensified since 2020, the Belarusian people have been engaged in a struggle for the fundamental right to live in a democratic and independent state. Our fight is for freedom, for the unwavering respect for human rights – essentially, for the very foundational values upon which the European Union has been built. These are not mere aspirations; they are European values that resonate deeply within us. These values are what define us as Europeans, despite the incredibly challenging and often perilous internal political and geopolitical circumstances that currently grip Belarus and its people. We firmly believe that a strong Europe, characterized by robust and principled institutions, is essential to supporting the democratic aspirations of the Belarusian people and all Europeans. A strong and united Europe is not solely about your future; it is inextricably intertwined with our own destiny. Today, we find ourselves confronting a wave of relentless repression. Thousands of Belarusian citizens are unjustly imprisoned, languishing in the deplorable conditions of Lukashenko's prisons, subjected to torture, and denied basic human dignity. Over 300,000 Belarusians have been forced into exile, driven from their homes and their homeland, unable to live in their own country due to the fear of persecution. In the face of such adversity, we, the people of Belarus, are in dire need of true allies – nations who possess the courage and conviction to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with us as we fight for a brighter future. Let me be unequivocally clear: this is a fight for our country’s very existence. The threat to the independence of Belarus, to the very notion of our statehood, is more acute now than it has been at any point since we declared our independence. Russia, having violated the sovereignty of Ukraine and demonstrating a willingness to dismantle a nation through brute military force, has now set its sights on Belarus. The illegitimate dictatorship of Alexander Lukashenko, a regime that the Belarusian people have never freely chosen, serves as the primary instrument of Russia's aggression. In 2020, the Belarusian people made a different choice, a choice that resonated with admiration and respect across Europe and the world. We continue to fight for that choice, for the right to self-determination, despite the brutal and oppressive machinery of state terror that has been unleashed upon us. But the enormous price we pay for our choice determines its immense value. Therefore, today I appeal to Europeans: “When you decide whether or not to go to the polls, think about what a huge value it is to have a choice, to have the right to choose. Think about the values and freedoms you enjoy, things that may seem woven into the fabric of your everyday lives. And think about the Belarusian people, who at this very moment are struggling and enduring unimaginable trials for the very right to choose, to live in the kind of free society you are fortunate to have. Our sacrifices are a testament to our commitment to a future independent, democratic Belarus, firmly rooted in Europe. We count on you, asking for your unwavering support and solidarity.” Pavel Latushka, former Minister of Culture and Ambassador, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of National Anti-Crisis Management, sentenced to 18 years in prison in a maximum security colony, and facing at least three new criminal cases.

On June 6th, Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, met with representatives of the Belarusian diaspora in Lublin. They discussed a wide range of pressing issues, including: legal pathways for Belarusians in Poland; obtaining and extending Polish travel documents (with the possibility of extending validity up to 3 years); navigating the process of obtaining documents for higher education in Poland; the potential for criminal prosecution of Lukashenko regime officials in Poland under universal jurisdiction; progress in issuing warrants and bringing to justice those guilty of crimes against humanity in Belarus; obtaining Polish visas; evacuation plans for Belarusian citizens at risk of detention and arrest; the potential of the New Belarus passport; the importance of a strong and effective Coordination Council; support for Belarusian cultural projects and educational opportunities in Poland (including the Kalinowski program); and many other urgent topics. During the meeting, Latushka strongly condemned the Lukashenko regime's actions on the Belarusian-Polish border, stating that the regime is deliberately escalating tensions and provoking instability. He accused the regime of sending saboteurs into Poland to commit acts of terrorism, calling these actions deliberate attempts to sabotage the historically strong relationship between Belarusians and Poles. Latushka expressed his deep condolences to the family and friends of the Polish soldier who was recently killed during an attack by migrants pushed across the border. He emphasized that the Belarusian people do not share Lukashenko's hostility towards Poland, stating that Belarusians are committed to good relations with their Polish neighbors. It’s Lukashenko who wants a war with Poland, and it is his regime that is doing everything to destroy the relationship between Belarusian and Polish peoples. Pavel Latushka also shared positive developments from his meeting at the Lublin city administration earlier that day. He and representatives from Lublin's Belarusian community discussed their plans to showcase Belarusian culture as part of Lublin's bid for European Capital of Culture. These plans include a comprehensive program of Belarusian cultural events and a proposal to name a street in Lublin in honor of Belarus and its people. During his meeting with Krzysztof Stanowski, Director of the Center for International Cooperation of the Lublin City Hall, and Magdalena Zaremba-Opalińska, Head of the Culture Department, Pavel Latushka expressed his gratitude for their support of the "Personnel Reserve for New Belarus" project, an internship program that brought future Belarusian civil servants to Lublin on 11 December 2023. They agreed to continue supporting this program, with another round of internships planned for late 2024. They also discussed plans to feature Belarusian cultural events as part of Lublin's "Middle East" festival. Pavel Latushka and Lublin city officials also explored opportunities to collaborate with the "Free Kupalaucy" theater group. Latushka, who previously served as General Director of the Yanka Kupala National Academic Theater in Minsk, signed a cooperation agreement with Lublin's Juliusz Osterwa Theater in 2020. The city's Department of Culture expressed interest in supporting a joint theatrical production. The possibility of naming a street in Lublin after a prominent figure in Belarusian culture and history, or a significant date in Belarusian history, was also raised. The Center for International Cooperation and the city's cultural department expressed their support for this initiative. Therefore, Pavel Latushka invited all Belarusians to submit their suggestions for naming the new street in Lublin through the NAM team's social media channels or the NAM chatbot. The meeting was part of Pavel Latushka’s ongoing outreach to Belarusian communities across Poland and beyond. In the past month alone, he has participated in meetings in Bialystok, Wroclaw, Poznan, Gdansk, and Lublin, as well as virtual meetings with Belarusian communities in France and Israel. In total, these meetings have reached approximately 700 people.

He's been sending Polish border guards to the hospital with serious injuries. Since Poland's proposal, there's been a wave of attacks on border guards by illegal migrants armed with rocks and knives. Just yesterday, a Polish border guard was hospitalized in serious condition with a fractured skull and a damaged eye socket. Earlier, another guard was hospitalized with a stab wound. This begs the question: who's to blame for our neighbors walling themselves off from Belarus with an "iron curtain"? I think the answer is obvious: the Lukashenko regime. All the problems at the border, and the sanctions that come with them, will end when the Lukashenko regime in Belarus is replaced by a democratic government. Polish journalists often ask me, "How do we counter this?" Lukashenko is committing crimes against humanity in Belarus and war crimes against Ukraine – the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children from occupied territories, the hijacking of a commercial airliner, the orchestration of a migrant crisis... And this has been going on for four years. This gives him a sense of impunity. He's already humiliated Europe, in a way. He wants to show that Europe is powerless to stop him. Of course, we can't fight fire with fire when dealing with a dictator, but we have other tools at our disposal: strong trade sanctions, which Poland can also implement at a national level. Second, we need strict enforcement of existing sanctions by EU entities that do business with the Lukashenko regime. Lukashenko is lining his pockets by circumventing these sanctions. And third, and most importantly, the case of crimes against humanity must be referred to the International Criminal Court in The Hague. The National Anti-Crisis Management has already compiled a dossier of evidence. Our team is ready to assist in any way we can. Today, it all comes down to political will. Lukashenko must be held accountable. We need to show him that the West is stronger. It's a game of chicken, but if we back down and don't react, Lukashenko will only double down.

Pavel Latushka participated in the “Faces of the New Europe” discussion panel at the 10th International European Conference in Gdansk. The event took place at the European Solidarity Centre, a location imbued with the history of European transformation. “There is a well-known expression, ‘elephant in the room,’” Latushka noted during the discussion. “Well, this elephant isn’t going anywhere if we ignore it. It will destroy everything and everyone around it. This elephant is Russia. And it’s already here, in our European home. We might be scared, all of Europe might be, but there’s another saying: “Eat an elephant one bite at a time”. The Lukashenko regime in Belarus, Russia’s closest ally, is exactly the bite we need to take if we want to get rid of the elephant for good. And it’s a bite that Europe can definitely chew.” The discussion panel included Basil Kerski, director of the European Solidarity Center in Gdansk; David Gregosz, a political scientist and director of the Polish office of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation; Mykola Kniazhitsky, a member of the Ukrainian Parliament and co-chair of the parliamentary group on relations with Poland; and Iwona Reichardt, deputy editor-in-chief of "New Eastern Europe" magazine. While participating in the discussion panel, Pavel Latushka noted: “If democracy had won in Belarus in 2020, then there might not have been a war. The lack of a clear strategy towards Belarus, both in 2020 and today, is a crucial issue that will determine the future of Belarus and Belarusians in the European Union. Solidarity is incredibly important to us, and it is deeply meaningful that we are discussing this in Gdansk, the birthplace of the Solidarity movement. At the same time, we know that the future of Belarus ultimately depends on us, Belarusians. Our priority right now is preventing a new Berlin Wall from dividing Belarus and Europe. We understand the importance of national security for all EU members, and we ask our European partners to keep the doors open for Belarusians – making it easier to obtain visas, including digital visas. This would demonstrate Europe’s commitment to Belarusians, as well as its effectiveness in supporting those who still believe in democracy. I’m talking about the matter of the Lukashenko regime’s responsibility. On my personal channel, I recently conducted a poll asking Belarusians which of our coalition's working priorities they consider to be most important. Seventy-five percent of Belarusians who responded said that holding the Lukashenko regime and its collaborators accountable for their crimes is paramount. It is also important to talk about formally recognizing the institutions that are building democratic power. Belarusians today are fighting for democracy, which means they are fighting for their future in Europe. They have faced horrific repression and torture in their own country. It is crucial to understand this and to respond with a clear action plan that supports their struggle.” The main takeaway from the Polish and Ukrainian participants in the discussion was the importance of “unconditional support for Ukraine, which is fighting for its territorial integrity against the aggressor, and democratic Belarus, whose people are fighting and also suffering from violence and repression.” During his visit to Gdansk, Latushka also had a brief meeting with the city’s mayor, Aleksandra Dulkiewicz. Mayor Dulkiewicz invited Latushka to a more in-depth meeting to discuss the concerns of Belarusians living in Gdansk. They agreed to compile a list of questions in advance to ensure a productive meeting. Latushka also met with Jacek Karnowski, a member of the Polish parliament’s group on cooperation with democratic Belarus, and they agreed to a follow-up meeting in Warsaw with other members of the group.

He is getting offended by free media, teaches quasi-history, and openly threatens Mongolian society. It seems that one of the main goals of Lukashenko's visit to Mongolia was to export propaganda and dictatorship to this country. After meeting sharp criticism from a number of well-known Mongolian politicians, the media, and civil society, a dissatisfied Lukashenko — what would you think? — began to silence his critics. As a "historian", he insists that Mongolia is in dire need of his "historical expertise". This "historian", offended that Mongolian society negatively perceives his visit and the support he provides to Russia in its aggression against Ukraine, has launched into "historical parallels", comparing Genghis Khan and Putin. He openly justifies everything that Russia is doing today in Ukraine: "Thousands of them (Genghis Khan's soldiers) died on the battlefield. But if someone dared to offend his warrior, he (Genghis Khan) swept away the settlements and these people with sword and fire. What happened between Ukraine and Russia? The same thing." But the "historian" Lukashenko fails to grasp that Mongolia is no longer an empire. It is a democratic state that does not engage in wars of conquest, a place where power transitions peacefully, and freedom of speech and the press are not privileges but rights. All of these concepts are utterly foreign to Lukashenko; he stands in direct opposition to everything they represent. This is precisely why Lukashenko rails against Mongolian civil society and the press – they dare to speak the truth about him and his ally, Russia. Lukashenko hates the truth. He traffics in lies and distortions of history, drawing dangerous "parallels" to convince Mongolians that attacking sovereign nations, occupying their lands, and committing atrocities against their people is somehow justifiable. Not everyone in Mongolia is willing to be lectured by a dictator attempting to rewrite history. Thwarted, Lukashenko resorts to his other favored tactic: blackmail and threats, focusing on Mongolia’s natural resources. And it's a clear and present threat — these riches are deeply enticing to the likes of Russia and the Lukashenko regime. Lukashenko warns Mongolia not to "make a mistake," ominously stating that defiance will result in the loss of its peace and security. The source of this threatened aggression needs no clarification. It is clearly implied to be the same force that has brutalized Ukraine for refusing to be absorbed into Russia — a refusal deemed a grave "mistake" by the Kremlin and its allies. Now, Lukashenko is threatening the Mongolian society. “Do not make us enemies of the Mongolian people. We are your closest friends and brothers,” Lukashenko warns Mongolian journalists and opinion leaders. But the world has grown wise to such pronouncements, having witnessed firsthand the treacherous nature of such "friendship" and "brotherhood." These are the same hollow assurances that were offered to Ukraine by both Russia and Lukashenko in the lead-up to the invasion. I believe Mongolia has a far deeper understanding of history than Lukashenko seems capable of. And I am confident that it will not be so easily manipulated, nor will it fall prey to his transparently self-serving attempts to cloak aggression in the language of kinship.

"Depriving the regime of the ability to secure financial flows to circumvent sanctions is paramount for the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and for NAM," stated Pavel Latushka. "We are hopeful that this decision will significantly curtail the regime's financial capacity to evade sanctions and fund its continued participation in the war." This statement comes as Bloomberg reveals, through its sources, that G7 nations are poised to strengthen sanctions targeting banks that aid Russia in circumventing existing restrictions. Their strategy focuses on the Bank of Russia Financial Message Transmission System (SPFS), Russia's counterpart to the international SWIFT payment system. Bloomberg further reported in early May that the EU is contemplating a ban on SPFS within its borders as part of its 14th sanctions package against Russia. These developments are significant as they stem, in part, from proposals put forward by the United Transitional Cabinet and NAM. The issue of sanctions evasion was a key topic during a meeting between Pavel Latushka and EU Special Envoy on Sanctions, David O’Sullivan, in Brussels on December 11, 2023. During this meeting, Latushka highlighted the problem of circumventing sanctions—including those against Russia—through Belarusian banks, banks in third countries, and the SPFS. Recognizing the gravity of this issue, O'Sullivan requested further information. On January 17, 2024, the United Transitional Cabinet provided additional analytical materials detailing the SPFS and its role within the sanctions evasion infrastructure. This information was also shared with partners in Germany, France, Poland, and other EU member states. Furthermore, the United Transitional Cabinet has consistently raised concerns about sanctions circumvention facilitated by Belarus' banking system and the SPFS. This issue has been raised in letters to diplomatic missions and the US State Department. Most notably, a letter dated September 17, 2023, addressed to US State Department sanctions coordinator, James O'Brien, and Michael McFaul, a representative of the international working group on sanctions against Russia, highlighted these concerns. The issue has also been a focal point during personal meetings with American diplomats and officials, including discussions within the strategic dialogue framework between Belarusian democratic forces and the United States.