30.01.2024, Vienna Dear Madam President, ladies and gentlemen This year there will be 4 years since the beginning of the events in Belarus in the summer of 2020. 2 years since the start of the war between Russia and the Lukashenko regime against Ukraine. In the context of world history, these years and events are a moment. But for millions of Belarusians the events of recent years have become the biggest and most difficult test in their lives. And the longest. I am often asked what motivates me not to give up and keep fighting. What I believe in, despite the fact that the situation in Belarus continues to worsen every day. I could tell you about this in detail. And it would take hours and it still won’t be enough to cover everything. So instead, I will give you several numbers that speak for themselves. According to the human rights center “Viasna”, as of the end of 2023, there were more than 1400 officially recognized political prisoners in custody in Belarus. 745 former political prisoners who served their entire sentences. As you see the number is not decreasing; in place of political prisoners released from prison Lukashenko’s regime is putting new ones. At least 48 political prisoners are pensioners. At least 42 are people with disabilities and serious illnesses. At least four political prisoners already died in prison: Witold Ashurok, Ales Pushkin, Nikolai Klimovich and Vadzim Khrasko. Torture, inhuman conditions of detention, lack of medical care - this is what political prisoners face in Lukashenko’s prisons. And they die. There are more than 200 people on the humanitarian list of political prisoners compiled by the United Transitional Cabinet together with human rights activists. These are people who, due to age, health, disability and other factors, need urgent medical care and must be released immediately. And all these are only officially confirmed cases. In reality, in conditions of fear and repression, not all cases are made public by the victims of the Lukashenko regime or their relatives, and not all of them contact human rights activists or the media. The majority don’t do it – fearing for themselves or their loved ones. And in conditions of total censorship and disinformation, in conditions when all human rights organizations and independent media were expelled from the country, along with thousands of NGOs and hundreds of thousands of Belarusians, and cannot work in Belarus – it's simply impossible to see the full picture of the number of political prisoners in Belarus and record all the cases. Organizations and activists involved in this process believe that the real number of political prisoners at the moment is at least three times higher than officially confirmed. That is, we can talk about about 4500-5000 people. But that's not all. According to a report by the Center for Law and Democracy “Justice Hub”, from May 2020 to May 2023, at least 136 thousand people became victims of crimes against humanity in Belarus. Illegal imprisonment, torture, murder, rape and other serious forms of sexual violence, including against minors, forced disappearances, deportations - this is what is happening in Belarus. Every day. The scale and nature of the repressions of the Lukashenko regime are also highlighted by the resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe “A democratic future for Belarus”, adopted on January 25. Quote: “The repression by the Lukashenka regime against the Belarusian people is so serious, widespread and systematic that it may amount to crimes against humanity and warrants full accountability under domestic and international law”. And these repressions, these crimes don't stop for a day. Just last week more than 200 people were caught up in another wave of harassment when Lukashenko's regime organized an intimidation raid against the relatives of political prisoners. Just think about it, many of them were left without breadwinners and turned to initiatives that were delivering food packages to support the families of political prisoners. And just for this they are subjected to new repressions. Many of them were eventually detained. Among those detained is Mikalai Statkevich's wife - Maryna Adamovich, who was arrested for 15 days. Mikalai Statkevich is a well-known Belarusian politician who was sentenced by the Lukashenko regime to 14 years in prison and as for today there has been no contact with him for a year. This is another form of repression - many political prisoners are in the status of incommunicado for months and we know nothing about their condition. We don't even know if they are alive. So, here are the shocking figures for a country with a population of 9 million people, at least half a million of whom left it, fleeing terror and repression. These are the facts. But what about sanctions? What can be – no, MUST BE done? And – returning to the beginning of my speech – what do I personally believe in, knowing that the shocking figures continue to grow, the repressions continue to grow and that crimes against Belarusian people do not stop for a day? I will answer – I still believe in international law and responsibility. And this is precisely what lies at the heart of the strategy within which we continue to operate and which we have been offering to our international partners all these years. Lukashenko and his accomplices must be brought to accountability - so that Belarusian society could see the long-awaited justice and an alternative to the state of lawlessness and legal default. And, what is extremely important in terms of values ​​and worldviews – is for society to see a civilized and civilizational alternative to Lukashenko’s dictatorship and an alternative to the “Russian world” into which Lukashenko is dragging our country. An alternative in the form of Western democracy, the European Union, where law and its institutions operate. Where law and human rights are a fundamental value. How to create this alternative and make it the basis of the West’s overall strategy for Belarus? The strategy that is needed. 1. International prosecution. It is necessary to issue an arrest warrant for Alexander Lukashenko. And here we have two types of crimes committed by a dictator, which can become the basis for issuing such a warrant by the International Criminal Court: Crimes against humanity against Belarusians, which I mentioned above. War crime – the illegal movement of Ukrainian children from temporarily occupied territories. Our team, the National Anti-Crisis Management, has already handed over to the prosecutor of the ICC in The Hague 2 parts of the Communication "On the illegal deportation or movement of Ukrainian children from the territories occupied by Russia to Belarus" in accordance with Article 15 of the Rome Statute. In addition, in mid-November 2023, a report by the Humanitarian Research Lab at Yale School of Public Health "Belarus' Collaboration with Russia in the Systematic Deportation of Ukraine’s Children"  was published. This report actually confirmed all the facts we previously submitted to the ICC. Moreover, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe has already adopted a second resolution regarding the deportation of Ukrainian children, in which these actions, in which the Lukashenko regime and the dictator personally are directly involved, are named as potentially falling under Article II of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Lukashenko will go for "presidential elections" again in 2025. We realize that in 2020 Lukashenko already lost the elections, rigged them and seized power by force. The new "elections" do not cancel this. Lukashenko is no longer president and will never be again. But nevertheless, we should send Lukashenko to the 2025 "elections" with an arrest warrant. This will be the most powerful blow to his regime, a blow to the center of his system, capable of splitting it. 2. Sanctions as a tool of responsibility. It is necessary to tighten sanctions against the Lukashenko regime and seriously tighten control over their compliance. One of the measures we propose is the adoption of a powerful new human rights sanction package in relation to those sectors of the economy and goods in the production of which the labor of political prisoners is used. We must not forget that the Lukashenko regime is an accomplice in the war against Ukraine. The best solution would be to harmonize economic sanctions against Russia and the Lukashenko regime, while maintaining existing sanctions, such as sanctions on Belarusian potash. Any speculation around potash sanctions must stop. The lifting of these sanctions is unacceptable until the Lukashenko regime is abolished. The very issue of sanctions against the Lukashenko regime cannot be a subject of speculation. We can see goods going to Russia bypassing the imposed sanctions through Belarus, the Belarusian industry is working for the war actually as an integral part of Russia's military-industrial complex, a unified Military Doctrine of the Union State is in force, and the military doctrine of Belarus has been updated. And at this time, Europe is preparing for a new war, but does not even try to take real economic measures against aggressors, who have embarked on military rails. It was a strategic mistake to keep the difference in economic sanctions against two aggressors - Russia and Lukashenko's regime - for so long. Now this mistake is turning into a fatal one. 3. Political pressure on the regime – international recognition of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus under the leadership of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. It is necessary to recognize and support this political alternative to the illegitimate Lukashenko regime. And it is necessary to continue the non-recognition and isolation of Lukashenko and his government. As well as non-recognition of the so-called “elections” they’re trying to imitate. There are no real elections under this regime and there won’t be any – until this regime exists. Therefore, the position of our international partners should be firm - there will be no recognition of Lukashenko, his government, his so-called parliament and his so-called elections. Instead, the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and other institutions of the Belarusian democratic forces should be recognised. In this regard, we thank the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe for adopting the resolution "A democratic future for Belarus", which, quote: “welcomes the creation of the United Transitional Cabinet, the central executive body of the democratic movement, together with the Coordination Council, a unified representative body of Belarusian democratic society, as entities representing the legitimate democratic aspirations of the people of Belarus”. Such recognition is also very important for protecting the sovereignty of Belarus, non-recognition of any treaties and agreements that the illegitimate Lukashenko regime signs with Russia and which threaten our independence and sovereignty, which are being rapidly destroyed through the project of the so-called Union State of Belarus and Russia. And under the cover of which, after the signing of a joint military doctrine in November 2021, the so-called military exercises began, which resulted in the invasion of Ukraine. This is very important to understand: the so-called Union State is not some kind of phantom. This is a truly functioning instrument for the absorption of Belarus and aggression against Ukraine. In addition, within the framework of the Union State and from its budget, the illegal movement of Ukrainian children to Belarus and their indoctrination were financed. In addition, within the framework of the Union State, active work is being carried out to destroy the Belarusian identity, culture, and language and replace them with Russian ones. Among other things, this is happening through massive propaganda. Right now, a creation of the single media holding of the Union State is underway. 4. Therefore, it is necessary to support Belarusian culture and independent media by all means. There is a strong need for a comprehensive programme to support Belarusian cultural projects in exile, first of all, cultural projects in the Belarusian language. And it is critical to increase support for Belarusian independent media in exile. And to abandon the destructive practice of combining support for independent Belarusian and Russian media and supporting Belarusian media on a residual principle. Such an approach can destroy Belarusian and especially Belarusian-speaking independent journalism. Belarus is not a part of the Russian world. It is not a part of the Russian information environment. And it should not be. We talk a lot about the importance of preserving the sovereignty and independence of Belarus. Independent Belarusian mass media are an integral component of it. 5. An alternative to the Union State and “Russian world” – a European perspective for Belarus. Our geopolitical choice, the choice of democratic forces, is the European Union. I call for support for this choice by continuing to expand and strengthen the cooperation of EU institutions with democratic forces. The empty chair at the December meeting of Eastern Partnership ministers should not be empty - Belarusian democratic forces can take this place. These are the key actions, in my opinion, that are necessary to create an alternative that Belarusians will believe in and that will become a catalyst for the onset of democratic changes in Belarus. Thank you for your attention. Zhyvie Belarus!

Source: pap.pl “In Belarus, political prisoners are subjected to torture and forced labor, receiving a monthly salary ranging from 3 cents to a maximum of 1.5 dollars. It is necessary to present Alexander Lukashenko with an ultimatum demanding the release of these prisoners,” emphasized former Belarusian Ambassador to Poland Pavel Latushka. During an interview, the deputy head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus highlighted that political prisoners in the country are not only subjected to torture but also forced into labor. “Belarus has 49 prisons, pre-trial detention centers, and colonies that house thousands of political prisoners. Our analysis indicates that there are approximately 1,500 political prisoners in the country. They are coerced into labor, earning meager wages ranging from 3 cents to a maximum of 1.5 dollars,” stated Mr. Latushka. According to him, the revenue generated from this "prison-industrial activity" amounts to hundreds of millions of dollars annually. The main sectors involved are wood and metalworking, as well as the production of clothing, shoes, furniture, and agricultural products. “All these goods are supplied to more than 20 countries, including European Union member states. As the United Transitional Cabinet, we have proposed that Poland and our EU partners enforce a package of sanctions on all products manufactured in Belarusian penitentiary institutions,” he emphasized. The former Belarusian ambassador to Poland also suggested the presentation of an ultimatum to Lukashenko, demanding the release of all political prisoners who have been unlawfully detained and subjected to repression and forced labor. He added, “Otherwise, a package of sanctions will be implemented.” “This will effectively transform the European demands for the release of political prisoners, which have been ignored by the Lukashenko regime, into concrete actions. It will serve as a way to compel the regime to meet these demands. It is crucial to send a clear signal to the Lukashenko regime regarding the imperative of releasing all political prisoners,” he stated. On Thursday, the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs strongly condemned the systematic repression carried out by the Belarusian authorities against their own citizens. The ministry stressed the constant call for the unconditional release of all political prisoners in Minsk. “The mass detentions conducted by the Belarusian authorities against former prisoners of conscience and the families of political prisoners demand a decisive response. The adoption of an additional package of sanctions against Belarus must occur as soon as possible,” emphasized the Foreign Ministry on Platform X. Mr. Latushka: The effectiveness of sanctions against Belarus greatly depends on Poland “The effectiveness of the EU's border controls and sanctions policies towards Belarus largely depends on Poland. Unified measures are needed to monitor the enforcement of sanctions within the EU,” stated former Belarusian Ambassador to Poland, Pavel Latushka. Last Thursday, the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs strongly condemned the systemic repression of the Belarusian authorities against their own society. The ministry emphasized the urgent need for the adoption of the next EU package of sanctions against Belarus. “The mass detentions carried out by the Belarusian authorities, detentions of former prisoners of conscience, and the families of political prisoners demand a decisive response,” stated the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in its communique. The deputy head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus emphasized on Monday that the introduction of the next sanction package is “very important.” However, he also noted that “the implementation of sanctions without subsequent monitoring of their application becomes extremely ineffective” and is circumvented by representatives of the regimes. “The effectiveness of the European Union's border controls and sanctions policies towards the Lukashenko regime largely depends on Poland. Much also depends on the cooperation of other border countries, namely Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia,” he assessed. Mr. Latushka recalled that in December 2023, the Baltic countries signed a declaration on the application of uniform measures to monitor compliance with sanctions. In his opinion, Poland joining this agreement would enable cutting off the Lukashenko regime from circumventing sanctions and increase their effectiveness. “The agreement between the Baltic countries indicates a very high risk of sanctioned goods leaking into Belarus and the Russian Federation. Poland's participation in this initiative would result in the implementation of uniform controls along almost the entire length of the EU's still open border with Russia and Belarus, which would be an important step toward improving the enforcement mechanism of EU sanctions,” he noted. The European Union has implemented several sanctions against Belarus in response to the current situation in the country and Belarus' involvement in Russian aggression against Ukraine. At the same time, the EU has imposed 12 packages of sanctions against Russia. As learned from PAP last week, Poland and the Baltic countries have jointly prepared new proposals for sectoral EU sanctions against Russia. These proposals include a ban on LNG imports and a ban on aluminum imports from Russia. Poland and the Baltic countries also aim for the new package of sanctions to be implemented on a sectoral basis against Belarus as well. The objective is to prevent Russia from circumventing EU restrictions by using Minsk. On December 20, 2023, the Prime Ministers of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania — Kaja Kallas, Evika Silina, and Ingrida Šimonytė — announced the creation of a joint regional mechanism to implement the sanctions imposed against Russia and Belarus by the European Union. The mechanism will involve joint efforts in identifying “illogical routes for transporting goods” and improving information exchange between the parties to the agreement.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Regime propagandists continue to promote the importance of stationing tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus, using this as a justification for Lukashenko's aspirations of nuclear power. However, Lukashenko and his associates have failed to inform the Belarusian people about the potential risks and consequences associated with deploying such weapons in our country. What are these risks? From a legal standpoint, it is crucial to consider the following aspects: Legality of the use of nuclear weapons; Legal consequences for Belarus. Legality of the use of nuclear weapons On July 8, 1996, in response to this request, the International Court of Justice issued an advisory opinion on customary international law and the applicability of international humanitarian law to nuclear weapons. The opinion highlighted the following points: Neither customary nor conventional international law explicitly authorizes the threat or use of nuclear weapons. There is no comprehensive and universal prohibition on the threat or use of nuclear weapons in either customary or conventional international law. The threat or use of nuclear weapons, which violates Article 2, paragraph 4, of the United Nations Charter and fails to meet the requirements of Article 51, is unlawful. The threat or use of nuclear weapons must also comply with the relevant provisions of international law applicable in armed conflicts, including principles and rules of international humanitarian law, as well as specific obligations under treaties and other agreements pertaining to nuclear weapons. Based on these requirements, the threat or use of nuclear weapons generally contradicts the rules of international law applicable in armed conflicts, particularly humanitarian law principles and norms. However, due to the current state of international law and the evidence presented, the Court was unable to reach a definitive conclusion regarding the legality or illegality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons in extreme self-defense circumstances where the very survival of a state is at risk. This opinion took into account extensive legal analysis and scientific evidence presented by states. To date, there is no reason to believe that international law provisions on this matter have undergone significant changes, except for the accession of certain countries to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons on July 7, 2017. From an international law perspective, it is currently impossible to assert the illegality of threats or the use of nuclear weapons by Belarus or Russia in situations that could be classified as extreme self-defense circumstances, where the survival of the state is at stake. In today's context, it is also impossible to assert the existence of such circumstances that could come from any countries in relation to Belarus (perhaps except Russia) or Russia itself. It is also difficult to envision conditions in which the use of such weapons of mass destruction would comply with the principles of international humanitarian law governing the conduct of hostilities. Legal consequences for Belarus To provide an accurate legal assessment, it is crucial to determine who directly uses nuclear weapons (issues the orders and carries out the actions). In the most obvious scenario, if Russia were to use nuclear weapons (under the orders of its leadership and armed forces) from Belarusian territory, such actions would constitute various forms of aggression by both Belarus (providing territory for an act of aggression) and Russia (bombing the territory of another country). In this case, the conditions for implementing the provisions of Article 51 of the UN Charter will be triggered, namely the right to individual or collective self-defense. Military objectives and combatants involved in such aggression, or those who potentially might be involved in subsequent attacks, would become legitimate targets for counterstrikes in self-defense. It is important to emphasize that a number of states possessing nuclear weapons directly stated the possibility of using them as a retaliatory measure during the hearings on the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice. This approach also extends to collective self-defense, that is, for example, in response to an attack using nuclear weapons against Ukraine, third countries exercising collective self-defense can use such weapons to defend Ukraine. At the same time, these states are not exempt from the obligation to comply with the principles of international humanitarian law for the conduct of military operations. In this case, the provisions of Article 51 of the UN Charter would come into effect, specifically the right to individual or collective self-defense. Military objectives and combatants involved in such aggression, or those potentially involved in subsequent attacks, would become legitimate targets for counterstrikes in self-defense. It is important to emphasize that several states possessing nuclear weapons have explicitly stated the possibility of using them as a retaliatory measure during the International Court of Justice hearings. This approach also extends to collective self-defense, meaning that third countries exercising collective self-defense can employ nuclear weapons to defend Ukraine in response to an attack using such weapons. However, these states remain obligated to comply with the principles of international humanitarian law governing military operations. Lukashenko's recurring "nuclear dreams" present a significant threat to the security of the country, though the regime's propaganda fails to acknowledge this fact. Nevertheless, both Russia and Belarus will be held accountable for any form of "act of aggression" they may commit. Furthermore, all senior officials of states involved in the aforementioned violations will face criminal charges for their involvement in acts of aggression and war crimes.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Head of NAM Pavel Latushko talks about how Lukashenko once again deceived those who trusted him. NAM addressed the topic of Eurobonds in 2021. During the spring that year, after studying the Prospectus* of the bond issuance, we concluded that the Ministry of Finance had engaged in forgery by failing to disclose crucial information regarding the risks known to them at the time and distorting details about the use of funds. We shared this information with the major bondholders at that time. At the time, the bonds were being sold at a discount of 10-20% of their nominal value, and the early sale of securities was unfavorable for holders (even though these are very low amounts compared to the total volumes, sales at a loss affect the performance of managers). However, several large institutional holders, particularly in the Nordic region, heeded our advice and sold at a loss. Some American funds chose not to do so, hoping for full repayment. This situation exemplifies a classic scenario. Those who sold with a 20% loss are likely relieved that they exited with a smaller loss compared to those who sold in 2022, facing a 70% loss. In 2021, we even joked that it would be profitable for the Ministry of Finance to repurchase bonds ahead of schedule at a discount, thereby paying less than the funds received, effectively issuing bonds at a negative interest rate. Such a financial operation would become a textbook example. The story of 2022 is even more ironic. As the dumping of these securities started, holders were eager to salvage at least some value, but there were few buyers, mainly speculators from jurisdictions with few moral restrictions. The buyers' strategy was to purchase at a discount of 50-70% and wait for the issuer to buy back the bonds at face value after a year, thereby earning a return of 100-300% per annum. The crucial factor was confidence in the issuer's commitment to the buyback. Surprisingly, Belarusian businessmen fell for this trap. Despite having paid ransoms for their freedom after coercion by the KGB and the DFR, they should have understood the value of state promises. However, their greed played a cruel trick on them. In a typical situation, bond issuers are unaware of the identity of bondholders since the lists of holders and sales transactions are stored by depositories, which act as custodians of all resale information. Dividends are typically distributed by the paying agent, in this case, the American Citigroup. Our businessmen hoped that this information would not be accessible in Belarus. However, due to sanctions, Citigroup had to relinquish its role as depository and paying agent, leading to the transfer of this information either to another depository or the Ministry of Finance, which had to retrieve primary information from the holders. The first option is supported by the fact that the Ministry of Finance is willing to pay only those holders who bought bonds before September 6, 2022, the date when Citigroup managed the register. In one way or another, all the information ended up in the hands of the Ministry of Finance. When the Ministry realized who the holders were, it followed its usual tradition, and many of the holders didn’t get any payment in the end, even in rubles. Of course, it is possible to sue the Ministry of Finance in court, either in Belarus or in the London International Court of Arbitration as indicated in the issue documentation. The outcome of our court can be easily predicted. The London court will likely rule in favor of the plaintiffs since the Ministry of Finance's decision not to make payments, even in rubles, is highly controversial. Since then, the Ministry of Finance has not only failed to pay the coupon (interest on the bonds), but also missed the redemption of the principal amount that was due in February 2023. Even if the Ministry of Finance lacked the technical ability to make payments in dollars, they could have certainly paid in rubles. The default is evident here, as is the issuer's lack of willingness to rectify the situation. However, as we know, in our country, the DFR and the KGB have enough resources to persuade almost any businessman that it is better to accept losses than to lose their entire business and even their freedom. The Russians have a slightly better position, but even if the London court rules in their favor, converting that decision into actual money in today's political climate will be quite challenging. This serves as another lesson for those who play with con-men. *A prospectus in the context of a sovereign Eurobond placement is an official document prepared by the issuer (in this case, the state) for potential investors. This document contains all the necessary information about the bond issue, including the following: Details about the issue: volume of issue, face value, interest rate, maturity period and other   features of the issue; Financial information about the issuer: economic condition of the country, financial indicators, credit ratings, etc.; Risks: a description of the potential risks associated with an investment in these bonds; Purposes of placement: for what purposes are the funds being collected? (For example, financing the state budget, infrastructure projects.); Legal information: legal aspects related to the issuance of bonds. This document is necessary to ensure transparency and investor awareness, assisting them in making informed decisions regarding the purchase of Eurobonds.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador When the first deputy prime minister, Andrei Kobyakov, stood by the window and looked at the monument to Lenin on Independence Square, I told him, “Belarus will only change if this monument is removed from the central square.” This monument was erected on the square 90 years ago during the period when Lenin began to appear prominently in many cities of Belarus. With the advent of the Soviets, Belarusians experienced the mass destruction of their national culture, history, and language through bloody repression and persecution, affecting hundreds of thousands of Belarusians. Many years have passed since then. Over time, the symbol of the Soviet era has become synonymous with the Lukashenko regime. Just like in Soviet times, today we have thousands of political prisoners, the destruction of Belarusian culture and language, and the same oppressive atmosphere. Everything remains the same, only the names of the executors have changed. And the symbol that remains constant is the monument to Lenin in the central square of Belarus. In the 2020s, even amidst the excitement of the Belarusian public consciousness, Lenin still stands witness to the gatherings of thousands of free Belarusians in Minsk. He also witnessed the rallies of the 1990s. Lenin monuments epitomize Lukashenko's essence. He shows no interest in national heroes, Belarusian cultural figures, or artists. Unfortunately, it must be acknowledged that until we eradicate Lenin's presence from our country and pay tribute to our own Belarusian heroes rather than foreign ones, it will be difficult to envision Belarus as a free, democratic, and independent nation. The restoration of historical memory is an ongoing process that will unfold with time. The independence of our country holds a unique significance that necessitates our unwavering protection. National culture assumes a pivotal role in this regard. I am confident that the future of Belarus will pay homage to the memory of those who have made significant contributions to our national heritage, and this will be one of our crucial undertakings. Belarusian culture is abundant, remarkable, and exceptional. A time will come when monuments honoring Belarusians, not foreigners, will proudly grace the streets of Belarus.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador The dictator has decided to deliver the final blow to what is known as the "investment climate of Belarus." If a company with foreign capital from the so-called "unfriendly states" wants to exit the Belarusian market by selling its assets, it will now be required to pay a fee of at least 25% of the market value of those assets and obtain permission from the Lukashenko government. Lukashenko is furious that investors are taking their profits abroad. However, he conveniently ignores the fact that firms controlled by him transfer their profits to the United Arab Emirates. But these requisitions are not the only new measures. The rules for the transit of trucks through our country have been further amended this year, establishing fees for trucks from the EU during restraints and overloading in Belarus. And there are many more such requisitions. Despite the infusion of Russian money into the Belarusian economy, particularly in enterprises serving the Russian military-industrial complex and army, foreign investments in our country have steadily decreased since 2020. In 2023 alone, over 80 foreign companies from more than 20 countries closed their representative offices in Belarus. Interestingly, Russian companies had the highest number of closures, followed by Lithuania, Germany, Latvia, Estonia, Switzerland, Great Britain, and the Czech Republic. All of this is happening while individual investors are attempting to recover their investments through the courts. For example, an investor from a country friendly to the Russian regime is unsuccessfully trying to sue for payment in the currency of Belarusian Eurobonds, and a British investor is seeking the return of funds invested in a solar power station seized by the illegitimate authorities. These cases demonstrate the regime's true attitude towards foreign investors. Lukashenko claims he can make a burger himself and prepare fries using Belarusian potatoes without the involvement of an American investor. Let's see. Even if he manages to do it, it won't be McDonald's anymore. The question is, who will consume it? Recently, the President of Kazakhstan announced significant market reforms aimed at creating a more transparent, stable, and dynamic economy. The new president of Argentina has also begun ambitious reforms in their country. Even war-torn Ukraine, under challenging conditions, is striving to continue economic transformations that align its economy with European standards. Meanwhile, Lukashenko is leading the country towards totalitarianism and backwardness, creating conditions that drive investors away at a rapid pace.

Poland and the Baltic Countries Support NAU Proposals During the meeting on January 9, the leadership of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus met with Poland's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Radoslaw Sikorski, and transmitted him proposals from the NAM regarding the necessity of aligning trade sanctions against the Lukashenko regime and Russia. Additionally, proposals were presented to implement a human rights sanctions package that would restrict the import of goods produced by political prisoners in the institutions of the Department of Execution of Punishments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Lukashenko regime into the EU. On January 12, these proposals for a human rights sanctions package, as well as sanctions against the so-called Union State, were submitted to the Office of the Prime Minister of Poland in response to a request from the Polish side. This week, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia reached an agreement to promote the harmonization of trade sanctions against the Lukashenko regime and Russia. Yesterday, the Polish Foreign Ministry issued a statement calling for the adoption of a new human rights sanctions package targeting the Lukashenko regime due to the significant deterioration of human rights in Belarus and the blatant violations of international law. Our proposals have garnered support among partner countries within the European Union. It is crucial that accountability is both genuine and effective.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador The Lukashenko regime has initiated the establishment of a cybersecurity center in collaboration with a Russian company associated with Russian intelligence services. A new threat is emerging for our country in the form of the gradual transfer of the national segment of the Internet under the control of a neighboring state. On February 14th of last year, Lukashenko signed the so-called Decree No. 40 "On Cyber Security," which outlines the creation of a National Cyber Security Center and similar centers throughout Belarus. According to an order from the Operational Analytical Center under Lukashenko, dated November 11, 2023, the Cyber Security Center, established at the National Traffic Exchange Center, became the first certified structure of its kind in the country. Just a month prior, the National Traffic Exchange Center (NCOT) and the Russian IT company Positive Technologies signed a memorandum of cooperation to jointly develop cybersecurity in Belarus. Under this cooperation, concerted efforts are expected to focus on "enhancing the number of highly qualified information security experts and raising awareness among Belarusian companies about protection against cyber threats." What kind of company is Positive Technologies, with which NCOT has embarked on such close cooperation? As early as 2021, before the full-scale invasion of Russian troops in Ukraine, Positive Technologies was subjected to American sanctions. Why? The reason is simple - the company provided support to Russian government organizations and hosted forums on practical security, where employees of Russian intelligence services could recruit hackers. This information was reported to the world by the American edition of Forbes several years ago. The Russian IT company also gained notoriety for trading technologies that could be employed to compromise organizations and individuals worldwide. Following the commencement of Russia's war against Ukraine, Positive Technologies became subject to the 11th package of EU sanctions announced on June 23, 2023. Subsequently, in November 2023, Positive Technologies found itself on Ukraine's sanctions list as well. And now, this company has entered the Belarusian market. It has not only entered but has also gained access to NCOT – one of two monopolistic providers in Belarus, through which all other providers purchase traffic to access the Internet outside Belarus. In other words, it has gained access to an organization that essentially manages the Belarusian Internet. Let us recall that NCOT was established by a specialized agency – the OAC. This agency was directly involved in the internet shutdown in August 2020. Now, Lukashenko is granting Russia access to this "switch," this control mechanism of the Belarusian Internet. The objectives of the Lukashenko regime, within its understanding of "cybersecurity," are clear – to monitor and exert maximum control over every step and action of Belarusian citizens. Additionally, they aim to organize cyber attacks, as was recently witnessed against the resources of democratic forces. It is worth noting that this attack occurred concurrently with Russia's cyber attack on Ukraine. What are Russia's goals concerning Belarusian cybersecurity? To take control of it. And this process has already begun, with Lukashenko acting as the "guarantor of sovereignty." “The guarantor”, actually, should also think about the implications. Someday, the Internet "switch" in Belarus may be turned off again. However, Lukashenko will no longer have control over this process. Moreover, the target of this shutdown may very well be Lukashenko himself.

"We declare our ongoing support for a free Belarus on behalf of the President of Poland, and the President's consistent focus on the Belarus issue during international meetings. This commitment is unwavering," stated Mieszko Pawlak, Secretary of State and Head of the Bureau of International Policy of the Office of the President of the Republic of Poland, during a meeting at the Palace of the President of Poland with Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management. Pavel Latushka expressed gratitude to the President of Poland for the support extended to Belarusians advocating for democratic changes in Belarus. He emphasized the situation of political repression against the civilian population, which has escalated in recent days: "The initiation of criminal cases against 20 prominent Belarusian politicians, journalists, and independent analysts aims to restrict the access of Belarusians and the international community to accurate information about the situation in Belarus." The Minister in the Office of the President of Poland agreed with the viewpoint expressed by the United Transitional Cabinet representative, that a democratic, independent, and European Belarus aligns with the shared national interests of Belarusian society and Poland. During the meeting, particular attention was given to the responsibility of Lukashenko and his regime for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed against Belarusians. Information regarding the documentation of these crimes was shared. Pavel Latushka commended the fact that the Polish prosecutor's office issued six arrest warrants for individuals associated with the Lukashenko regime, including the head of the prison in Zhodino, the Center for Isolation of Offenders (Akrestina) in Minsk, and others involved in the repressions. The following topics were discussed during the meeting: Pavel Latushka provided information about the "electoral campaign" underway in Belarus and the scheduled "single day for the appointment of Lukashenko's deputies" on February 25, emphasizing that this campaign cannot be recognized as legitimate elections. Information was shared regarding Lukashenko's actions aimed at the militarization of Belarus, including a significant increase in the military budget and the deployment of nuclear weapons. In response to the counterpart’s request, information was provided about the incorporation of mercenaries from the PMC "Wagner" into the structure of Lukashenko's internal troops within the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The parties discussed the necessity to counter threats to the sovereignty and independence of Belarus arising from the so-called Union State of Belarus and Russia. The issue of political prisoners was discussed separately, including the repression faced by the relatives of political prisoners and former political prisoners. Pavel Latushka conveyed the stance of the democratic forces in Belarus on the immediate release of all political prisoners, including Andrzej Poczobut, a well-known figure of the Polish ethnic minority in Belarus. Pavel Latushka emphasized that Belarus and Poland are European countries with a shared historical past. The two nations are connected through significant events such as the Battle of Grunwald and the Constitution of May 3rd. The bond between the peoples, which has endured for centuries, remains vital today, particularly when Belarusians are in need of solidarity.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Belarusians have stopped receiving official data from Belstat (Statistics Committee) on many items, and when some information becomes available, they firmly believe it to be deceptive, serving some undisclosed purpose of the Lukashenko regime. This has happened once again. Belstat recently published data indicating a decrease in the number of financially disadvantaged Belarusians in 2023. According to their report, 3.5% of the population, which amounts to 320 thousand Belarusians, live below the poverty line in Belarus. However, this is yet another manipulation and lie perpetuated by the Lukashenko regime. Now, let's examine why and how Belstat manipulates the data. The poverty line in Belarus has been called the “level of low financial well-being of the population” and it has been determined quarterly based on the proportion of residents with an average per capita income below the subsistence level. The subsistence budget is calculated as the cost of a minimum set of food products, goods, services, and mandatory payments necessary to meet a person's basic living needs. As of November 1, the average subsistence budget in Belarus is 367.79 rubles (approximately $116). This amount is extremely meager for basic survival. The main manipulation by the regime lies in their own devised scheme for determining the “level of low financial well-being of the population”, disregarding the universally accepted global mechanism used by the World Bank to determine poverty in their reports. The World Bank methodology utilizes gross national income per capita to assess poverty levels in countries. Based on this indicator, countries are divided into three groups: Countries with a "low" level of gross national income per capita —  up to $1,135 per year. For residents of such countries like North Korea, Yemen, Ethiopia, etc., the threshold for extreme poverty is defined as a monthly per capita income below $64.5. Countries with "below average" gross national income per capita —  ranging from $1,136 to $4,465 per capita. For residents of countries like India, Egypt, Vietnam, Tunisia, etc., the threshold for extreme poverty is a monthly per capita income below $109.5. Countries with "above average" gross national income per capita — ranging from $4,466 to $13,845 per capita, and countries with "high" gross national income per capita — exceeding $13,846 per capita. For residents of such countries, the threshold for extreme poverty is defined as a monthly per capita income below $205.5 or 649 Belarusian rubles. Since 2006, Belarus has been classified as a country with an "above average" level of national income per capita. Consequently, the threshold for extreme poverty for a resident of Belarus is an income below $205.5 per month or below 649 Belarusian rubles. If a family of three has a monthly income less than 1947 rubles ($616), they are considered below the poverty line in Belarus. Because the higher the level of gross domestic product in the country is (produced by citizens of Belarus, by the way), the more expensive goods and services will be. Belstat's report claims that only 320 thousand Belarusians, or 3.5%, have an income below 367 rubles per month and are considered below the poverty line. They also state that this number decreased by 40 thousand in 2023. Why does Belstat significantly reduce the number of Belarusians living below the poverty line? Firstly, to showcase a lower percentage of residents below the poverty line compared to countries in the same group with "above average" gross national income per capita. For instance, Italy had a poverty level of 9.7%, Bulgaria — 22.9%, Austria — 14%, Hungary — 12%, Belgium — 13%, and even Russia, a partner in military aggression against Ukraine and a partner in the formation of the union state, had a poverty level of 10.5%. Each country strives to realistically reduce the percentage of poverty in its population, but Lukashenko chooses deception and manipulation. Secondly, it is more convenient to project an image of prosperous living conditions for Belarusians within the concentration camp constructed by the Lukashenko regime. They aim to deceive Belarusians into believing that everyone is content with their standard of living, and all that remains is to pray for the dictator and work silently and practically for free, contributing to the same gross national income that Lukashenko and his family will exploit. They are afraid to reveal the true extent of poverty in Belarus and the potential backlash it may generate. The number of Belarusians living in extreme poverty is undoubtedly significant. Even based on conservative estimates using the World Bank methodology, approximately 2.5 million people, or 27% of the population, live below the poverty line. This means that every fourth Belarusian, according to Belstat's own data, has a monthly per capita disposable income below 649 rubles. While Belarusians possess the ability to save, survive, and be content with little under the slogan "if only there is no war," these circumstances are only temporary.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador For several months in a row, the topic of Litvinism has been discussed in the Lithuanian-Belarusian infospace. It has even reached the point where some Lithuanian politicians have begun to claim that Litvinism is an ideology followed by Belarusian emigrants and that it poses a supposed threat to Lithuania's sovereignty. They argue that it is an attempt to rewrite Lithuanian history and serves as a precursor to potential territorial claims by Belarusians. This sounds serious, especially considering the ongoing discussion within the Lithuanian authorities about the possibility of imposing equal restrictions on Belarusians and Russians. The problem is that Litvinism, in this sense, can be used as one of the arguments in favor of implementing such restrictions. But is there truly a "threat of Litvinism"? And is the current discussion moving in right direction, where the roots of the problem are traced back to historical depths? Or is this problem artificially manufactured with a very specific objective—to create a conflict between Lithuanians and Belarusians, to provoke animosity, destroy solidarity, and redirect Lithuanian public opinion from supporting Belarusians to skepticism and even hostility? We must remember that Lithuania is one of our closest and most active allies, a country that has welcomed not only Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya but also tens of thousands of Belarusians who have been forced to leave their homeland due to mass repressions, persecution, and socio-economic reasons. These individuals see no prospects for themselves in Belarus under Lukashenko's rule, as the country rapidly stagnates in all aspects of life. Furthermore, Lithuania is one of the main drivers of increased pressure on the dictatorial regime of Lukashenko, who is known to be Russia's closest ally and co-aggressor in the war against Ukraine. While the majority of the Belarusian people do not support the war and yearn for freedom and democracy, the question arises: Does Russia have an interest in maintaining solidarity between Lithuania and Belarusians, as well as the positive attitude of Lithuanians towards Belarusians that existed even before the events of 2020 but was most strongly demonstrated after them? Or, on the contrary, will Russia attempt to undermine this solidarity and sow discord between the two friendly peoples—Belarusians and Lithuanians? This is especially pertinent during the disgraceful war against Ukraine, which was initiated by Russia with the active support and complicity of the Lukashenko regime. Russia seeks to involve Belarusians in this war, using them as cannon fodder. We have witnessed how the conflict between Belarusians and Ukrainians escalated with the onset of the war. It is not difficult for us to discern who benefits from such conflicts under these circumstances and whose interests are being fueled. Similarly obvious is the answer to the question of what to do with the sudden emergence of the "problem of Litvinism," which peculiarly coincides with Russian aggression in Europe. The answer is clear—we must not allow ourselves to be divided. We cannot allow the aggressor to destroy the solidarity between peoples whom both his aggression and Russia's imperial policy are directed against in principle. However, to counteract this, we must comprehend how the artificial creation of such conflicts, as in the case of Litvinism, operates. Within any society and among societies of different countries, there are always certain unresolved problems, misunderstandings, or contradictions to varying degrees—some nearly forgotten and others quite acute—that persist for many years. The Russian Federation is a well-known actor in exploiting such misunderstandings and contradictions as a basis for actively inflaming them for its own purposes, utilizing its entire hybrid arsenal of influence on neighboring countries: anonymous channels, bot and troll factories, lobbyists, and other agents of influence within these countries. We need not look far for an example — Ukraine. In 2004, Russian political technologists, including Igor Shuvalov, Marat Gelman, Timofey Sergeev, Gleb Pavlovsky, and others, created a political platform for Yanukovych, resulting in one of the dirtiest political campaigns in recent history. They devised the so-called "Map of Three Classes of Ukraine." Concurrently, there was a surge in hysteria about Ukrainian "Nazism," civil war, and genocide, all aimed at sowing discord. The question posed by Russian political technologists to the residents of eastern Ukraine was, "Do you want to be 'third class'?" The ultimate objective was to undermine the country's unity and provide a pretext for annexing the eastern and southern regions. The impact of this campaign is evident today: the presence of collaborators in the occupied regions, international recognition of the Russian-speaking Ukrainians' "problem", and the bloody war waged by Russia, which was justified by exploiting this issue. Thus, through political technology and IPSO (informational psychological special operation), Russia identified target regions in Ukraine for future annexation and laid the groundwork for subsequent actions. Ultimately, all the falsehoods and fabricated narratives used by Russia to promote its candidate for the Ukrainian presidency, oppose Ukraine's European choice, incite separatism, and launch aggression against Ukraine in 2014 (with the occupation of Crimea and Donbas) and the all-out war against Ukrainians in 2022, originated from Yanukovych's 2004 campaign. Now that we understand how these political technologies operate, let's shift our focus to the "problem of Litvinism." Since the 1990s, there has been a debate between Lithuania and Belarus regarding the ownership of the historical heritage of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. However, both countries have always recognized each other's right to interpret history in alignment with their national interests. The existence of this discussion is not strange or problematic, as differences in historical interpretation exist in all countries. As long as countries respect each other's sovereignty, such differences never lead to violent conflicts or wars. However, Russia enters the picture once again. With the aid of media tools, it creates an artificial illusion that Belarusians consider modern Lithuania a consequence of historical falsification and even harbor territorial claims against Lithuania, based on the history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. What is the purpose of this campaign? It is directed against politically active Belarusians, aiming to create unbearable living conditions for them. Many of them were forced to move to Lithuania after being persecuted by the pro-Russian Lukashenko regime. The objective is to create problems for Belarusians in forced emigration, preventing their unity and impeding their ability to support Belarusian volunteers in Ukraine and the numerous political prisoners in Belarus. Additionally, it aims to hinder the preservation and promotion of Belarusian national identity. If Russia manages to artificially portray Belarusians as a "threat" to Lithuania, it can destroy solidarity and provoke counterproductive and aggressive actions. This would force politically active and aware Belarusians to leave Lithuania and disperse to other countries, making it harder for them to combine their efforts. Russia's ultimate goal is to artificially destroy the historically amicable relations between Belarus and Lithuania. In Lithuania's case, this also serves to sever Belarus's ties with Europe, removing an obstacle on Russia's path to fully occupying Belarus. What can we do about it? As Belarusians, we should not involve ourselves in conflicts surrounding the history of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Lithuania has the sovereign right to interpret its history as it sees fit, just as we, Belarusians, interpret ours. We need to maintain respect for each other's perspectives. We share a love for this shared history, and we must remember who desires to destroy this historical memory—only Russia seeks this. We should also remember that discussions about dividing Belarus into "pro-Russian Mogilev, Gomel, and Vitebsk" and "pro-Polish Grodno and Brest" are also in Russia's hands. In reality, there are no pro-Russian or pro-Polish regions. There is only a single, indivisible Belarus—a common home we fight to preserve for our sovereignty. We must oppose all enemy forces and their collaborators who seek to fragment and destroy our country. To our Lithuanian friends, remember that there is only one country that disrespects your sovereignty, fails to recognize your independence, and holds territorial claims against you. And that country is not Belarus. It is the same country currently waging a terrible war against Ukraine. Our joint task now is to remain steadfast and not allow our unity to weaken in the face of the common threat we both share—Russia. Politicians must think ahead and recognize the real threat of border destabilization. If Belarus disappears, Lithuania will share a border with Russia, not Belarus. This threat originates from Russia and the Lukashenko regime, which has pushed Belarus to the brink of losing its independence. Historians of both countries do not need to agree on the interpretation of our shared historical heritage. We just need to respect the natural right of our peoples to it. The "problem of Litvinism" is artificial and its roots lie not in the history of the Ukrainian Communist Party, but in modern history. Let's remember how and by whom the conflicts in Moldova, Georgia, and Ukraine were ignited. And now — in Lithuania and Belarus. And this is the most dangerous part of our reality today. Let's face it together. Media specialists, researchers of propaganda and political technologies, analysts, investigative journalists - our joint participation in this confrontation with Russian narrative is very much needed now. I am sure that together we will be able to destroy them and bring the truth to the Belarusian and Lithuanian people. After all, the truth is one of the main and most powerful tools for strengthening the solidarity of our peoples in overcoming the common historical challenge that the aggressive empire is again throwing at us.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Relatively recently, another rating was published that included Belarus under the dictatorship of Lukashenko. Or rather, an anti-rating, because this is the only category Belarus has fallen into in recent years due to the "wise" policies of Alexander Lukashenko. What kind of anti-rating is this? In which championship did the Lukashenko regime confidently secure 5th place, alongside Russia, Iran, Syria, North Korea, Myanmar, and Venezuela? (By the way, how do you feel about this neighborhood in general? It's definitely something to be proud of, right?) Of course, this is sarcasm. Our country ended up in this “team” due to the number of sanctions imposed. And this is what the anti-rating looks like: It is important to pay attention to the indicator "after February 2022." If we examine it closely, we'll see that almost half of the sanctions imposed on Belarus were imposed after the start of Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine. The Lukashenko regime became an aggressor in this war. Why is this important? It's crucial for a sober understanding of reality. Lukashenko dragged Belarus into the war. It is true that rockets and bombs are not falling on Belarus, and drones are not flying into our cities, which is undoubtedly a good thing. However, this is only because Ukraine itself and its allies, unlike Russia and the Lukashenko regime, are rational. Nevertheless, hundreds of missiles were launched from Belarus into Ukraine. Military equipment and soldiers were sent. Thousands of people were killed. The Lukashenko regime facilitated this invasion from the territory of Belarus. If someone believes otherwise or prefers to ignore the clear evidence of Lukashenko's aggression—such as the atrocities committed against civilians in Ukrainian towns like Bucha, made possible only because Lukashenko facilitated the invasion of Ukraine from Belarus—then they should take another look at this picture and the indicator "sanctions imposed after February 2022." These are sanctions for war. However, there have been no rocket attacks or military operations on Belarusian territory, not because Lukashenko is a great guy who saved our country from such attacks, but because to the west of Belarus, there are civilized and reasonable people, not insane barbarians and murderers. Sanctions are a civilized tool of response to the crimes and barbarism of persons like Lukashenko, who are far from civilized themselves. Sanctions are meant to force them to cease their madness. That is why we seek to strengthen and expand sanctions and utilize other legal measures of international pressure against a regime that continues to commit crimes, engage in mass repression against Belarusians, engage in the illegal deportation of Ukrainian children, and use illegal migrants as weapons in their hybrid war with the European Union. We are constantly working and proposing ways to enhance the effectiveness of sanctions and counter the lobbying efforts aimed at weakening them, as they are among the few civilized tools available for exerting real pressure on regimes like the one in Belarus. The second tool is international criminal law, such as utilizing the mechanisms of the International Criminal Court in The Hague, where we are seeking the issuance of an arrest warrant against Lukashenko. But let's return to the sanctions and the anti-rating that Belarus has been included in. What does the 5th place tell us? Firstly, it tells us that Lukashenko is not a champion or even a bronze medalist, at least for now. However, he is undoubtedly a master in the field of sanctions. Not in hockey, but when it comes to being the target of sanctions. Secondly, it suggests that, in the eyes of the civilized world, Lukashenko is not much different from cannibals like Bashar Assad, Kim Jong-un, Min Aung Hlaing (the leader of the military junta in Myanmar), or Nicolas Maduro. Moreover, the Lukashenko regime has already surpassed the latter two in terms of the number of sanctions imposed and is not far behind North Korea. This is essentially a black mark. It was incredibly easy for Lukashenko to enter such a campaign since he did everything and more to deserve it. However, Belarus will only be able to get out of this situation if the Lukashenko regime is abolished. Some may argue that Lukashenko is still far from Assad or Kim, let alone Khomeini and Putin, in terms of the scale of his actions. They may even argue that the world is full of dictatorships worse than Lukashenko's. In absolute terms, they may be partially correct. However, we must not forget, firstly, the geographical location of Belarus. Europe has not witnessed such repressions in a long time, and mass terror at its borders will not go unnoticed. Secondly, Lukashenko is not just a dictator who has committed at least 130,000 (!) crimes against humanity against his own people, which is horrifying in itself. He is not merely a hybrid aggressor who hijacked a plane and initiated a migration war with the EU. He is a military aggressor who participated in the war against Ukraine on the side of Russia. Providing territory and infrastructure for committing an act of aggression can not be interpreted differently. And now, due to Lukashenko's actions, Belarus is objectively perceived by the West in general and the EU in particular as a real threat. It will continue to be perceived this way as long as Lukashenko remains in power and continues to commit crimes against Belarusians and engage in aggression. Consequently, new sanctions will continue to be introduced, despite any slowdown in their adoption rates. So, what is the alternative to this situation? How can Belarus overcome its negative rankings and attain respectable positions in various indices such as the quality of life index, democracy, innovation, economic freedom, and more? Additionally, when can we expect the sanctions against Belarus to be lifted? The answer is straightforward - for Belarus to achieve these goals, there must be an absence of dictatorship in the country. Leaders like Lukashenko and similar figures should not be present. Sanctions are one of the tools that can help in getting rid of Lukashenko, and they should be utilized along with other pressure instruments to weaken the regime. However, it is important to remember that the complete abolition of the dictatorship and the establishment of democracy in Belarus can only be achieved by Belarusians themselves. The fight for freedom and the future of the country lies in the hands of its people. While Lukashenko may dream of turning the page, it is up to the Belarusian people to flip that page in a way that ensures his name never appears on the following pages again. The goal is to live in a country that is not ranked alongside North Korea or any other oppressive regime in any ranking.