How did Lukashenko's recent meeting with the governor of the Novosibirsk region unfold, and why did we even pay attention to it? Let's see. Lukashenko immediately declared, almost from the outset to Governor Travnikov and Russian Ambassador Gryzlov, "It won't be calm! They want to tear us apart!" However, he neglected to provide any evidence or present a map illustrating where this alleged division was being planned. Subsequently, he proceeded to outline what needs to be done in order to prevent this supposed division. Lukashenko emphasized the necessity of spending petrodollars not on foreign goods but rather on himself, good old friend Lukashenko. However, this was not the extent of his demands. Additionally, Lukashenko asserted the need to avoid duplicating production in both Russia and Belarus, urging the purchase of goods from him instead. For example, he mentioned self-igniting buses. Furthermore, Lukashenko insisted on being allowed to "assist" Russians in their work on the "far arc." Essentially, he wanted to gain access not only to the Russian market but also to neighboring markets of countries that still engage in trade with Russia. Moreover, Lukashenko expressed the desire to establish more centers through which he can operate in Russia, highlighting the particular importance of Novosibirsk. According to him, without it, there would be no Russia or at least half of it. So, long story short, Lukashenko intends to expand into Siberian market, which he sees as a gateway to broader opportunities. He believes that Belarus is in "great demand" both within Russia and in the "distant arc." However, the specifics of this demand remain unclear. Curiously, there is no "great demand" for Belarus in the European market or in the Western market as a whole. On the contrary, numerous sectors of the economy and foreign companies are leaving Belarus due to sanctions. That is the extent of the demand. Lukashenko arrogantly dismisses this reality, stating that foreign investors won’t be missed in Belarus. But it is important to recognize that it was not Belarus bidding farewell; rather, it was the civilized world bidding farewell to Lukashenko due to his dictatorial, aggressive, and criminal actions. Interestingly, even in Russia, Lukashenko's proposed approach is not widely embraced. They, too, face sanctions and are regarded as outcasts. They also require financial resources. However, Russia possesses oil and gas, which can be sold, whereas Lukashenko has nothing substantial to offer. Apart from the remnants of Belarusian sovereignty, that is. This is the sole bargaining chip he possesses in exchange for his extensive demands—access to markets, Siberia, and petrodollars. Ultimately, this is what genuinely piques Russia's interest. "We need to establish our own Fatherland," that's how he refers to it. And that's precisely what he is doing. He implies that if there continue to be such "developments in the economy and good relations with Russia" - which seemingly refers to ongoing loan deferments and receiving another 4 billion through "free receipts from foreign countries," but in reality, from Russia - more is needed. However, "there is no extra money" due to the working sanctions. Lukashenko's feeding troughs are emptying, but his appetites are not diminishing. The mustachioed beggar shamelessly and openly demands money and market access, declaring that if granted, there will be no need to agitate anyone. The campaign he refers to aims to turn Belarus into part of Russia. This is what Lukashenko is peddling, he is not suggesting to buy Belarusian goods, he is suggesting to buy Belarus itself. Recognizing that he is now raising the price even by Russian standards, he resorts to his usual tactic of blackmail, scaring the Kremlin with "comprehensive reports" from his intelligence and special services, warning that there will be no peace and that unity will be destroyed. Will Russia buy into this? It is unlikely that a sovereignty trader with 30 years of experience can successfully blackmail his "big brother." Moreover, they don't appear willing to wait another five years, which Lukashenko is begging for himself. Just like him, they understand that Russia's integration projects are already strained, along with the Ukrainian front. The "friendly states" within the CIS and CSTO have their own national interests, which do not involve being outcasts. Kazakhstan and even Kyrgyzstan openly emphasize the importance of complying with sanctions. Armenia has ratified the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, which imposes obligations to detain Putin, who has an arrest warrant issued against him for war crimes. The picture that emerges is undeniably bleak for Russia, as its former allies increasingly drift away. In an attempt to intimidate the Kremlin further, Lukashenko now threatens the impending rupture of the so-called "Union State" project, which aims to absorb Belarus into Russia. He "quoted" statements from certain Western officials in September-October, claiming that they advocated for dismantling the unity between Belarus and Russia. On this point, we completely agree. It is necessary, as soon as possible. Both Belarusians and those officials whose planned division the dictator mentioned should seriously consider this. Lukashenko is already a political corpse, and it is crucial for us, the country, and the people not to go down with him. And, most importantly, we don't need to align ourselves with Russia. Belarusians will always stand with Belarusians. As for the dictator, he can go to Siberia, as he requested during his meeting with the governor of the Novosibirsk region. Though it might be better for him to face justice in The Hague.

On the eve of Russia's full-scale aggression against Ukraine, Lukashenko dreamed of hosting a "victory march" in Kyiv alongside Putin, sharing Ukraine's property and economy with him, and continuing to intimidate Europe with his power. Additionally, he anticipated receiving a reward from his superior for complicity in the terrible crime of aggression against Ukraine. It should be noted that providing territory for aggression is considered aggression itself under international law. Moreover, there is another crime, not immediately apparent but equally horrendous, involving the illegal transfer, re-education, Russification, and indoctrination of Ukrainian children. It is highly likely that Lukashenko may face an arrest warrant specifically for this crime. Lukashenko is undoubtedly attempting to save himself. For instance, he tries to convince the heads of CIS states not to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC) on their territories, but his pleas are met with silence. He will have to face the full weight of international responsibility. Naturally, his propaganda machine is working tirelessly to whitewash his image. In line with the usurper's administration's plan, they are making ongoing efforts to obscure the regime's war crimes against Ukrainian children with misinformation. However, today we will present a story from the Russian state television channel that substantiates Lukashenko's personal involvement in the displacement of Ukrainian children. In the video, the so-called Secretary of State of the Union State, Mezentsev, emphasizes Lukashenko's role in this crime. He states, "I emphasize that this decision was agreed upon and supported by President Putin and President Lukashenko." “Russia-1 ” : “The decision is supported by Lukashenko and Putin” Another story confirms the fact of the Russification of Ukrainian children, which is also a war crime committed by the regime. The video, dated July 2023, features pro-government activist Aleksey Talai, who is implicated in war crimes, telling a child from Mariupol, "You will serve great Russia." “You will serve great Russia” Previously, the NAM team published evidence of the re-education of Ukrainian children, which was shared with foreign media outlets and prosecutors. One such example involves the Gruzdev sisters, pro-government singers who performed in the Belarusian health camp "Dubrava" in the fall of 2022 in front of children brought from the occupied territories of Ukraine. This serves as an illustration of indoctrination. “For Biden to die and Zelensky, too. And let Putin flourish!" No matter how hard Lukashenko's propaganda machine tries to legitimize his crimes, the evidence collected by the NAM team confirms the illegal export, indoctrination, re-education, Russification, and militarization of Ukrainian children. These materials substantiate the commission of war crimes. However, it is essential to understand that this is only a fraction of the evidence gathered by the NAM team, which confirms Lukashenko's personal involvement and the involvement of the regime representatives in war crimes. What is the regime trying to do? We discovered the first signs of the illegal movement of Ukrainian children to Belarus back in the summer of 2022. At that time, Lukashenko did not imagine that the international community would not ignore his actions and would subsequently consider issuing an arrest warrant for war crimes. The reaction of the international community to Russia's actions was not long in coming: on March 17, 2023, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Russian President Putin and the Presidential Commissioner for Children's Rights of the Russian Federation Lvova-Belova on suspicion of committing war crimes. After this event, Lukashenko as well, as an accomplice in these crimes, faces a growing threat of issuing an arrest warrant. After all, he is also responsible for organizing the deportation of Ukrainian children to Belarus and the relevant documents were transferred by the NAM team on June 27 to the International Criminal Court. An arrest warrant not only practically restricts travel abroad but also carries significant reputational losses. These losses are not limited to the image of an individual politician but also affect the international standing of the entire country. Not every civilized state, which conducts its foreign policy in accordance with the norms of international law, would be willing to engage with individuals suspected of war crimes. Alexander Lukashenko plays a key role in these crimes. His signatures are on pertinent documents of the union state, and his involvement in these crimes has been mentioned by representatives of this association. Moreover, during the deportation of children in 2022, propaganda videos were repeatedly recorded, in which pro-regime media employees vividly described the process of the children's deportation—a crime according to the norms of international criminal law. Why did they do this? It is evident that the propagandists simply failed to comprehend that the regime's actions violated international norms. Since it is impossible to reverse the commission of war crimes by Alexander Lukashenko, propaganda is currently attempting to conceal the facts that substantiate the commission of these crimes. Their efforts only confirm their awareness of what has been done and their desire to hide these facts. How does the NAM team counter Lukashenko’s propaganda? During our work of collecting evidence regarding the commission of war crimes, we have discovered a significant amount of material that confirms the involvement of Lukashenko himself and representatives of his regime in these crimes. Some of these materials are confidential and will only be considered by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and the Prosecutor General of Ukraine. However, we have published some of these materials on our resources, and there are plans to release additional materials in the future. The NAM report on the role of the Lukashenko regime and the Union State of Belarus and Russia in the illegal transfer and re-education of Ukrainian children has been presented in the Council of Europe and the European Parliament. Additionally, it has been discussed during meetings with representatives of the foreign ministries of several European Union member countries. The topic was also addressed in a speech at the Human Dimension Conference website event within the OSCE, as well as in a meeting with members of the European Parliament. Furthermore, the report has been provided to deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. The issue of Lukashenko's involvement in war crimes continues to receive significant coverage in the global media, including prominent publications such as The Washington Post, The New York Times, and The Telegraph. Can the regime escape responsibility? No, the regime cannot escape responsibility. The National Anti-Crisis Management team has taken systematic steps to gather evidence of Lukashenko's war crimes. We have meticulously preserved all the materials that confirm Lukashenko's involvement in these crimes, including those that propaganda is attempting to delete hastily. The regime's current efforts to "eliminate material evidence" are essentially futile, especially since all the documents have already been submitted to the International Criminal Court. While they may remove videos from their propaganda resources, they cannot erase them from the materials presented to the ICC. However, the regime continues to make attempts to evade responsibility. These actions are aimed at deceiving international authorities and accomplices, or at least attempting to do so. Presently, we can observe the following: Representatives of the regime understand the predicament caused by the deportation of children and are now attempting to "legitimize" their crimes. This includes organizing meetings between diplomats and evacuated children, perhaps in an effort to create an illusion of legality. Pro-regime propaganda has also intensified, featuring narratives about the supposed improvement of children's health and the assertion that their actions are within the bounds of the law. However, these claims have no basis in reality. The materials collected by the NAM team confirm that children are indeed being subjected to re-education in camps. Since the regime revolves around the personal power of Lukashenko, his representatives are trying to justify that Lukashenko himself did not personally participate in the commission of crimes and should not be the one to receive an arrest warrant. They periodically attempt to shift the focus onto pro-government activist Talai or the role of the Belarusian Red Cross. However, the regime must understand that these attempts to divert attention do not prevent the issuance of an arrest warrant for Lukashenko; instead, they only increase the number of individuals under suspicion of criminal involvement. The primary culprit behind the crimes is the head of the Supreme State Council of the so-called union state, Lukashenko. We reiterate that he bears personal responsibility for the forced transfer and re-education of Ukrainian children. These war crimes are committed based on written decisions and resolutions of the dictator, with his consent and approval. The documents bearing Lukashenko's signature have been submitted to the ICC. Recognizing the high likelihood of an arrest warrant being issued against Lukashenko for war crimes, the propaganda machine of the Belarusian regime is attempting to justify the deportation of Ukrainian children to Belarus. They record reports and invite foreign diplomats, aiming to portray the situation as "humanitarian aid to Ukrainian children fleeing the horrors of war," conveniently ignoring the fact that the war itself was unleashed by Russia with the support of the Lukashenko regime. However, the undeniable truth remains: war crimes committed by representatives of the Lukashenko regime, including the dictator himself, in forcibly transferring Ukrainian orphans, have not disappeared. These crimes have been meticulously documented by the NAM team, compiled into a dossier, and submitted to both the International Criminal Court and the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine. The decision on when to issue an arrest warrant for the dictator lies exclusively within the competence of the ICC prosecutor. Nevertheless, Lukashenko must be aware that he will be held accountable for his crimes against Ukrainian children as well as for the crimes he has committed and continues to commit against the Belarusian people. Punishment cannot be evaded. In light of the dictator's recent statements, it is evident that he is restless, as he understands that he will not escape justice, and an arrest warrant is looming on the horizon.

On December 10, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya visited the office of the National Anti-Crisis Management. The participants of the meeting discussed the strategy of the democratic forces for the "referendum" and the plan of action after the voting day. An important topic was also the issue of legal pressure on the illegitimate government: non-recognition of Lukashenka and his government, as well as the recognition of the regime as terrorist. Head of the NAM Pavel Latushka and responsible for justice issues Mikhail Kirilyuk raised questions of legal pressure on the regime. Participants of the National Anti-Crisis Management discussed with Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya the mechanisms of accelerating the recognition of the regime as terrorist at the national level and the initiation of criminal cases for crimes against humanity. The NAM coordinator Lena Zhivoglod spoke about the importance of scenarios developed by the democratic forces on the day of the main day of the "referendum" and after it. All the participants in the meeting agree that this is a priority direction for the democratic forces. The NAM team actively participates in the detailed elaboration of the plan "after" the so-called "referendum" in close coordination with the team of the Office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and other democratic forces. At the moment, we are ready for different scenarios of the events, but we cannot afford the same to the regime of Lukashenka.

Sanctions are effective, resulting in a reduction of personal wealth within Lukashenko's organized criminal group. Consequently, Lukashenko has begun to target his own pocket businessmen taking resources from them. One such businessman, Nikolai Vorobey, has fallen out of favor. While the businessman himself may still be at liberty, his entourage has already been thoroughly taken care of. Due to the sanctions and decreased profits, Lukashenko's pocket-sized businessmen can no longer fulfill their obligations towards the dictator's various needs. The fate of individuals like Vorobey and Chizh is noteworthy, as they are not the first nor the last to face such circumstances. However, it is important to note that Lukashenko's actions of robbing extend beyond just his oligarchs. The budget of the Republic of Belarus for 2024 is formed with a significant deficit of 4.7 billion rubles. Local budgets are also projected to be in deficit for the upcoming year, including the traditionally affluent budget of Minsk, the country's richest city. It is evident that the private assets of the population are also diminishing. In line with our previous warnings, Lukashenko intends to rob Belarusians once again by introducing amendments to the tax code of the Republic of Belarus. Starting from the new year, the illegitimate authorities have increased the tax on first-time apartments. This measure applies to the initial apartment that individuals have painstakingly saved for, built, or privatized through inheritance. It is possible that some individuals still have mortgage loans to repay, and yet the state imposes taxes on them. The rationale and purpose of these taxes are of no concern to Lukashenko. Individuals are expected to open their pockets wider, as the usurper requires their hard-earned money. Furthermore, there are additional changes to come. After paying for your apartment, you will now be required to pay for your car as well, as the tax on vehicles has also increased according to the revised tax code. For new cars less than three years old, the tax rate may increase significantly. If you are also an individual entrepreneur, be prepared for further financial burden. The rates of the single tax for domestic sole proprietors are set to increase next year. Taxes will also be raised for self-employed individuals, including tutors, builders, hairdressers, cosmetologists, website developers, and event workers. Simultaneously, the draft budget for 2024 already indicates increased spending on security forces and courts, amounting to nearly 4.7 billion rubles. Additionally, almost 3.6 billion rubles will be allocated to the defense plant. In comparison, healthcare will receive only 2.5 billion rubles, or slightly less. Less than 1.9 billion rubles will be allocated for education, and a mere 217 million rubles for culture. In essence, the regime intends to spend twice as much on security forces and the military as it does on healthcare, education, and culture combined. Belarusian taxpayers will bear the burden of these expenditures. But rising taxes are not the only concern Lukashenko has established a so-called charitable foundation, known as the "president's fund," which has been receiving contributions from medium-sized and large businesses for many years. However, this fund is no longer sufficient for Lukashenko's plans, and now he intends to extend his reach to all Belarusian men and women. The dictator has effectively dismantled civil society in Belarus within a few years. Over 1,440 public organizations have been forcibly closed, many of which were engaged in charitable work, such as aiding homeless animals, supporting vulnerable individuals, people with disabilities, orphans, cancer patients, and more. Lukashenko has shown no mercy, disregarding the consequences of his actions. It seems that the dictator has been made aware that his destruction of non-profit organizations and funds has caused significant harm. The state under his regime is simply incapable of providing the same level of assistance and support that these now-destroyed organizations used to provide. Of course, Lukashenko is not one to hit rock bottom and stop there. It is crucial for him to maintain a facade of a "caring leader" to preserve his public image. Hence, he organizes the so-called "first fund" in his hypocritical style. But who will fill this fund? Perhaps Lukashenko and his family will return a couple of billion rubles from their foreign accounts, such as those in the Emirates. But that would be a lie. Instead, Lukashenko intends to rely on the Belarusian people to fill this fund. Nearly one billion rubles are already planned to be transferred from the national budget to the Lukashenko fund, with the intention of increasing salaries for civil servants, security forces, and public sector employees. However, the latter group has little reason to rejoice. Forcing public officials to contribute to "charitable" causes through various mechanisms has long been known, and it is likely that mandatory contributions to the so-called "first fund" will be added to voluntary and compulsory subscriptions to state media, various society memberships, and the purchase of lottery tickets. Knowing Lukashenko, it is also possible that he intends to privatize existing charities in the country for his personal gain. After all, he needs funds to pay for additional apartments, expensive toilet brushes, and extravagant gifts for his loved ones. The security forces compel those who have already donated to help Belarusians affected by the dictatorship to contribute tenfold to other so-called "charitable" causes. Now, they will also be forced to donate to the Lukashenko fund, which will be entirely at the dictator's disposal. The primary beneficiaries of "charitable aid" from the Lukashenko Foundation will likely be the security forces, riot police, and private military company "Wagner." Lukashenko has effectively turned the entire country into a source of funding for his regime. And he will not stop until he reaches into every pocket and extracts every penny from the Belarusian people, even if it was originally intended for those in genuine need. The dictator shows no concern for the well-being of others.

Pavel Latushka met with representatives of the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine on May 30 in Kyiv. During this meeting, Latushka and the NAM team provided evidence of war crimes committed by the Lukashenko regime against Ukrainian children who were illegally transported from the occupied territories to Belarus. The evidence included a dossier on 12 Ukrainian orphans, demonstrating the organization of these crimes by Alexander Lukashenko under the auspices of the Union State of Belarus and Russia. It also highlighted the financing of these activities from the budget of the Union State. The materials presented also contained evidence of the involvement of the State Company "Belaruskali," including its CEO Ivan Golovaty, in the illegal movement of Ukrainian children to Belarus. These materials will be sent to the prosecutor's office of the International Criminal Court. Pavel Latushka's working trip to Kyiv What were the goals of Pavel Latushka's working visit to Kyiv? What was discussed during the meeting with representatives of the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine? What evidence of Lukashenka's involvement in war crimes was provided to the Ukrainian side? How can the dictator's actions be explained in simple language? On what and who does the issuing of an arrest warrant for Lukashenka depend?

Pavel Latushka about meetings in Kiev On June 01, 2023, Pavel Latushka found himself in a bomb shelter in Kyiv, where he stayed for several days. The NAM team accompanied him during this time, and the politician stated that he presented himself as a representative of the United Transitional Cabinet during his conversations. Did Latushko's visit pave the way for Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya to gain access to Kyiv? What discussions took place between Latushka and Mikhail Podalak, and did Podalak alter his stance towards the Belarusian people? Furthermore, could these interactions have provoked such anger from Lukashenko that Ukraine would face an extended front of hundreds of kilometers? During that night, Latushka remained in the bomb shelter. We managed to catch up with him after he had already left Kyiv and posed these questions to him. "Official Kyiv does not engage with the Lukashenko regime." —Mr. Pavel, was this an official visit, or was it merely informal discussions? —I prefer not to play with words because, as a diplomat, I understand the distinction between an official visit, a working visit, and the overall meaning of the term 'visit.' We should focus on terms like 'meeting' and 'negotiations'—and the specific subjects discussed. The NAM team was with me, but I made it clear that I also represented the Joint Transitional Cabinet. Names are merely conventions; they are not the priority at this moment. The priority lies in the substance. And the essence is this: 'We are here to offer assistance, not to make demands.' —Not long ago, representatives of the Belarusian democratic forces met with the Ukrainian expert community in Warsaw. During that meeting, they expressed the same sentiment: if there is a desire for contacts with Ukraine, let us collaborate on a joint project. Shortly after that, you provided the Ukrainian side with evidence regarding the export of Ukrainian children to Belarus. Is this in response to their request? — No, these are unrelated matters. We initiated our report on the involvement of Lukashenko and the Union State in the movement and re-education of Ukrainian children a while ago. We discovered the facts and transmitted them through diplomatic channels to the Ukrainian embassy at the end of April. Subsequently, we shared this information with the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine, and they confirmed that a preliminary investigation had been initiated. We also engaged with Ukrainian deputies of the Verkhovna Rada who are members of the inter-faction group "For Democratic Belarus." As a result, the Verkhovna Rada amended its decision, which previously only implicated Russia in these crimes, to include the Lukashenko regime. We had additional unofficial meetings, but we didn't consider it important to discuss them publicly. Our focus was on doing the work. Eventually, we received an invitation from Bogdan Yaremenko, a member of the ruling party "Servant of the People," to have a working meeting in Kyiv. As a result, we held meetings with the Prosecutor General's Office, the Commissioner for Human Rights, the Office of the President, and the Ministry of Culture and Information of Ukraine. We also met with representatives of analytical centers involved in Belarus policy development. There were other meetings as well, but we intentionally refrain from disclosing them. Our priority is to take action rather than simply showcasing meetings. We will share the results of our work once we have achieved them. — You also met with Mykhailo Podolyak, advisor to the head of the Office of the President of Ukraine. However, he has made specific remarks about Belarus and the Belarusian people. How did your meeting with him go? — It was a meeting between two motivated individuals. He expressed confidence in Ukraine's victory and anticipated changes in Belarus, and I share that sentiment. As a Belarusian and a politician, what conclusions can I draw from this conversation? First, Lukashenko's train has departed, and it will not stop at the Ukrainian station. This station is closed to his regime. Another conclusion is that official Kyiv does not engage with Lukashenko's regime. Furthermore, I am not the only Belarusian politician who has visited Kyiv. Kyiv is willing to meet with representatives of the Democratic Forces of Belarus. I am referring to the collective democratic movement, not just individuals. There is an understanding of the need for a strategy, and we have discussed it. We have also presented our previous document on the role of the Union State as a criminal organization to Kyiv. It is crucial to highlight that we depicted the Union State's role as the organizer of aggression. Previously, our counterparts did not view the situation from this perspective or recognize that Lukashenko was shielding the Union State. They did not see that the Russian Federation was using the Union State as a means to incorporate Belarus into Russia. "When will you meet with Tsikhanovskaya?" — When Belarusian politicians meet with the Ukrainian side, they always hear the same question: why don't you meet with Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya? Have you asked yourself that question? — Yes, I did ask that question. Let me put it this way: maybe a little later. Let's wait. There's no need to get ahead of ourselves. That's good, but we need to prepare for it, let's put it in perspective. I haven't heard a critical view on this subject. I'm not going to create a fog. But I think that everything should develop calmly. It is important to understand: Ukraine can give up some formal elements of communication, but it needs concrete deeds. — What about the conspiracy theory that "Ukraine does not talk to the Belarusian democrats in order not to make Lukashenko angry"? — This is a question of strategy. It was discussed with analysts from Ukraine's main analytical centers. Is this approach dominating? Does it solve Ukraine's problems? Or is it an illusion? Maybe the problem is that we have not communicated our point of view in a way that the Ukrainian side can better understand what is happening in Belarus? — Will this visit infuriate Lukashenko? — I do not rule it out. But we are trying to catch him. You heard that he offered to exchange me for Andrzej Poczobut. Of course, that would also anger him. But he's the criminal, not us. He commits a crime - we help Ukraine. He dreams of someone talking to a criminal. — A direct question: would that create an extra hundreds of kilometers of frontline? — I don't think so. This issue has been discussed, but we said from the beginning: Lukashenko is very afraid to go into Ukraine because it could be a trigger for changes inside the country if some of the military refuses to obey orders. He won't go for it. But if Russia needs it, they will bring in troops. Lukashenko has no influence over that. He can only show his anger. * * * — Mr. Latushka, have you often had to go down into a bomb shelter? —When you are in a bomb shelter, you become even more aware of the terrible things happening in Ukraine. During the first shelling, we didn't go down due to fatigue, although we saw rockets being shot down in the sky near our hotel. The next time, everyone advised us to do so because we were expecting heavy shelling. Unfortunately, there are casualties today, and this is the reality in which Ukraine lives. Sitting in the basement, you understand that. Original article: euroradio.fm

The NAM submitted evidence of crimes committed by Lukashenko, Mezentsev, Golovaty, Talai, and Volkova to the ICC In accordance with Article 15 of the Rome Statute, the ICC Prosecutor has the authority to receive materials from organizations and individuals for investigating crimes within their jurisdiction. On June 27, 2023, in the Hague, the NAM took advantage of this opportunity and provided evidence of war crimes committed by Alexander Lukashenko, Dmitry Mezentsev, Ivan Golovaty, Alexei Talai, and Olga Volkova to the ICC Prosecutor. According to the materials submitted by the NAM, these individuals were involved in war crimes through the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories to Belarus and their subsequent re-education. The NAM has included a video material as evidence, confirming the re-education and ideological manipulation of Ukrainian children in Belarus. Performance of the Gruzdev sisters, propagandists of the regime, in front of Ukrainian children in the Dubrava camp The materials presented to the ICC Prosecutor demonstrate that an organized and systematic transfer of Ukrainian children to Belarus has taken place since September 2022. The children were relocated from several Russian-occupied Ukrainian towns, including Donetsk, Mariupol, Volnovakha, Yasynuvata, Enakievo, Snezhnoye, Khartsisk, Gorlovka, Makiivka, Kommunarovka, Debaltsevo, Ilovaisk, Anthracite, Rovenki, and Kamianka-Dniprovska. To date, more than 2,100 children have been transferred to Belarus. The NAM has also identified instances of unsystematic organized transfers of Ukrainian children to Belarus prior to September 2022. The NAM has uncovered cases where Ukrainian children under the custody of the Ukrainian State, including orphans, children with disabilities, and those whose parents have been deprived of parental rights, were illegally transported to Belarus. The materials provided to the Prosecutor's Office show that Lukashenko personally signed institutional and administrative documents under the pretext of the "Union State of Belarus and Russia," which facilitated and financed the transfer of Ukrainian children to Belarus. The children were placed in camps such as Zubrenok, Dubrava, and sanatoriums like Volma, Ostroshitsky Gorodok, and Golden Sands. The Dubrava camp, owned by the Belaruskali company, received the largest number of children. Evidence was presented to the Court, indicating the direct involvement of Golovaty, the head of Belaruskali, in organizing these crimes. Golovaty personally issued written orders determining the fate of these children in Belarus. Evidence of the significant role played by Mezentsev, Talai, and Volkova in these crimes was also presented. The NAM firmly believes that there are sufficient grounds to conclude that the aforementioned individuals committed war crimes. However, the NAM emphasizes that the legal assessment of the evidence rests solely within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. We are publishing, for the first time, a document that confirms the State Secretary of the so-called Union State, Mezentsev, personally issued written instructions to facilitate the transfer of Ukrainian children, including orphans, to the territory of Belarus. This document was obtained from a CyberPartisan source within the system. This document was obtained from a CyberPartisan source within the system Simultaneously, we are actively preparing the next course of action in the criminal prosecution of Lukashenko for his crimes against peace and the security of humanity. These actions will be announced in the near future.

On June 27, 2023, the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) submitted a communication to the International Criminal Court under Article 15 of the Rome Statute. The communication pertains to the illegal deportation or transfer of Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories to Belarus. This communication comprises a comprehensive collection of evidence and a legal analysis of the unlawful transfer of Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories to Belarus between September 2022 and May 2023. The communication concludes that there are reasonable grounds to believe that all the cases mentioned in this paper constitute the war crime of unlawful deportation or displacement under Article 8(2)(a)(vii) of the Rome Statute. For the purpose of international justice, the original document, particularly the legal analysis, is not published. This article provides an overview of the reported facts. Facts Context of international armed conflict Without disputing the facts that the international armed conflict on the territory of Ukraine began in 2014 and the first transfer of children from the occupied territories of the East of Ukraine to Belarus took place in 2021, this communication by the People's Anti-Crisis Department primarily focuses on cases that occurred as part of the programs of the Union State of Belarus and Russia for the removal of children, which started in September 2022. On February 24, 2022, Russian troops launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine. In the subsequent months, Russia occupied most of the territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, as well as partially Zaporozhye and Kherson regions. Russia gained full control over the separatist groups in the Donbass. On September 30, 2022, Russia announced the annexation of four regions of Ukraine under its full or partial control, including the so-called Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics, which were thus dissolved. Taking children to Russia From the onset of the full-scale invasion, the Russian Armed Forces committed massive violations of international humanitarian law in the territories under their control. Specifically, the Russian authorities forcibly relocated thousands of Ukrainian children from the occupied territories to Russian-occupied Crimea or the Russian Federation. As of June 1, 2023, the Ukrainian government has identified over 19,000 children who were illegally deported or separated from their parents or guardians. While the Russian authorities claim that these movements constitute legal evacuations to protect children, including orphans from war zones, Russia sent these children to so-called summer camps where they underwent Russian-language ideological re-education based on the narratives of Russian state propaganda. While some parents initially consented to these transfers, many were coerced into doing that. The repatriation of children was often suspended or delayed, and some children were permanently placed in Russian foster families, put up for adoption, and granted Russian citizenship. These facts indicate that the mass displacement of Ukrainian children was carried out not for health reasons, as required by international humanitarian law, but with the intention of erasing their Ukrainian identity and permanently assimilating them into Russian society. On March 17, 2023, the Pre-Trial Chamber II of the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Russian President Vladimir Putin and Presidential Commissioner for Children's Rights Maria Lvova-Belova for the alleged war crime of unlawful deportation of the population, specifically children, and the illegal transfer of the population, also children, from the occupied territories of Ukraine to the Russian Federation in accordance with Articles 8(2)(a)(vii) and 8(2)(b)(viii) of the Rome Statute. Relocation of Ukrainian children to Belarus within the framework of the programs of the Union State The National Anti-Crisis Management has obtained compelling evidence that Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories were not only temporarily taken to Crimea and the Russian Federation but also to holiday camps and sanatoriums in Belarus. While sporadic transfers of Ukrainian children to Belarusian camps occurred before and shortly after Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, such transfers have significantly increased since September 2022. According to the data provided in the communication, between September 2022 and May 2023, more than 2,100 children aged 6 to 15 from the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine were sent to health camps or sanatoriums in Belarus. All cases of children's displacement mentioned in the communication were organized and carried out by the Talai Foundation, in cooperation with the Belarusian authorities acting on behalf of the Union State of Belarus and Russia, as well as the Russian occupation authorities. Programs for the removal of children within the framework of the Union State In 2022, a so-called recovery program was adopted within the framework of the Union State of Belarus and Russia. State Secretary of the Union State, Dmitry Mezentsev, publicly stated that the program aims to provide humanitarian assistance to children living in the so-called Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics. As established below, part of this "humanitarian aid" involves the movement of Ukrainian children to Belarus. Mezentsev also indirectly acknowledged the leading role of Alexander Lukashenko and Russian President Vladimir Putin in these movements. The evidence below confirms that the Union State implemented the so-called rehabilitation program jointly with the Talai Foundation, with extensive financial and organizational support provided by the Union State. In 2022-2023, Alexander Lukashenko, as the head of the Supreme State Council of the Union State, and Mikhail Mishustin, as the chairman of the Council of Ministers of this entity, signed documents regarding the provision and financing of "humanitarian aid" to the population of the so-called Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics from the general budget of the Union State. These documents include: - Resolution of the Council of Ministers of the Union State No. 20, signed by Mikhail Mishustin on September 16, 2022. - Decree of the Supreme State Council of the Union State No. 4, signed by Alexander Lukashenko on April 6, 2023, titled "On the Provision of Humanitarian Assistance at the Expense of the Budget of the Union State to Students and Educational Institutions of the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic."; - Decree of the Council of Ministers of the Union State No. 14 dated May 11, 2023 signed by Mishustin M.V. The resolution of the Council of Ministers of the Union State dated September 16, 2022, includes various measures, one of which involves allocating funds from the Union State budget for the transportation of children. The responsibility for this lies with the Standing Committee of the Union State. The fact that the transfer of children is funded by the Union State budget has been repeatedly confirmed, not only by top officials of the Union State like State Secretary Dmitry Mezentsev but also by self-proclaimed public activists such as Alexei Talai. The Decree of the Supreme State Council of the Union State dated April 6, 2023, acknowledges the implementation of previous decisions by the Supreme State Council and the Council of Ministers regarding the provision of "humanitarian assistance." It further confirms the continued allocation of funds from the Union State's budget for the same "humanitarian" purposes. The Council of Ministers and the Standing Committee of the Union State are responsible for implementing the resolution and ensuring appropriate allocation of assistance. In addition, the Council of Ministers of the Union State issued a decree on May 11, 2023, which provides an additional allocation of 30 million Russian rubles to continue providing "humanitarian aid" to children from the territories of Ukraine occupied by Russia. Apart from financial support, the Union State actively participated in organizing the actual displacement, or deportation, of children. In a letter dated March 21, 2023, addressed to the Chairman of Russian Railways JSC, Oleg Belozerov, Dmitry Mezentsev requested the organization of transportation for 1,050 children and accompanying individuals from the occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus in April/May 2023. The letter clearly states that such cooperation with Russian Railways had already been implemented in 2022. Role of the Aleksey Talai Foundation The A. Talai Foundation played a significant role in the development and execution of the project involving the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children, including orphans, from the occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus. Aleksey Talai himself publicly acknowledged that the foundation had been "assisting" children from the affected regions of Ukraine, including Donbass, Donetsk, and Luhansk. In 2021, during a visit to the occupied territories, Talai met Olga Volkova, the head of the Dolphins public organization. Talai stated that it was together with Volkova that the decision was made to explore the possibilities of moving Ukrainian children to Belarus. Furthermore, Aleksey Talai confirmed that the decision to relocate Ukrainian children from the occupied territories to Belarus received direct support from the Union State of Belarus and Russia, as well as from Alexander Lukashenko personally. Additionally, other Belarusian companies were involved in the logistical aspects of the movement organized by the Aleksey Talai Foundation. For instance, the state-owned company Belaruskali, which owns the Dubrava camp, assisted in accommodating the children on Belarusian territory. The Belarusian Republican Youth Union helped coordinate train routes and provided assistance upon the children's arrival. Support agreements were also established with the occupation authorities of the so-called Lugansk and Donetsk People's Republics. The role of OAO Belaruskal OAO Belaruskali is a state-owned company and one of the world's largest producers and exporters of potash fertilizers. Ivan Golovaty serves as the General Director of OAO Belaruskali and is also a member of Parliament. Golovaty has been involved in supporting the transfer of Ukrainian children to Belarus using the resources of OAO Belaruskali. The Dubrava camp, which is owned by OAO Belaruskali, serves as the main facility for accommodating displaced Ukrainian children within the Union State program in Belarus. Golovaty personally issued orders for the preparation and utilization of the Dubrava camp to house Ukrainian children, providing precise instructions for its operation during their stay. The displacement of children and the implementation of a re-education program in the Dubrava camp have received extensive coverage in Belarusian state media. Golovaty himself has visited the children during their time at the Dubrava camp. As of October 2022, Golovaty reported that the Dubrava camp has already provided rest for over 1,000 Ukrainian children, and it “will continue to receive more children”. The role of the occupation authorities in Ukraine Local authorities, who are under the control of the Russian Federation as an occupying power, have played a significant role in organizing the transfer of Ukrainian children, including orphans, to Belarus. In the Donetsk region, for instance, a letter dated September 14, 2022, was sent by the self-proclaimed Ministry of Education and Science of the Donetsk People's Republic, inviting local authorities and the head of the Donetsk Cadet Corps to compile lists of children for subsequent transfer to the Dubrava camp according to quotas between September 23 and October 11, 2022. The letter also specified the required documents for sending children to the Dubrava camp, which included translated copies of their passports or birth certificates, as well as copies of their parents' or legal representatives' passports. Additionally, there are direct examples of A. Talai's involvement in assisting the movement of Ukrainian children through collaboration with representatives of the pro-occupation authorities in the Zaporozhye region. For instance, Vladimir Rogov, a public figure from Zaporozhye, reached out to our foundation in September 2022, requesting assistance in the rehabilitation of his region in Belarus. At that time, Volodymyr Rogov was a member of the main council of the military-civilian administration in the so-called Zaporozhye region. Presently, he leads the movement "We are together with Russia." According to the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption of Ukraine, Rogov has actively opposed the Ukrainian authorities and advocated for the Zaporozhye region's entry into the Russian Federation. He has also facilitated the issuance of Russian passports in the city of Melitopol. On April 26, 2023, the official website of the Commonwealth of Independent States quoted Rogov as saying, "More than 100 children from the frontline districts of the Zaporozhye region went to Belarus with accompanying individuals. This is the first such experience." The role of local organizations The movement of Ukrainian children from the territories occupied by Russia to Belarus was facilitated by several so-called non-governmental organizations, notably the public organization "Dolphins" and the Belarusian Republican Youth Union. The "Dolphins," headed by Olga Volkova, has become the primary partner of the Aleksey Talai Foundation in the Ukrainian territories occupied by Russia. As confirmed by Olga Volkova and Aleksey Talai in their interviews, they met during Aleksey Talai's visit to the temporarily occupied territories of Russia and decided to bring Ukrainian children to Belarus for what they refer to as rehabilitation. Furthermore, Olga Volkova personally accompanied Ukrainian children to Belarus. In Belarus, the Belarusian Republican Youth Union contributed to the relocation of the children. Alexander Lukyanov, the First Secretary of the Belarusian Republican Youth Union, publicly stated, "We, the Belarusian Republican Youth Union, gladly participated in accompanying these children (...). We ensured the coordination of their transportation, provided water, medicines, food, SIM cards... Upon their arrival, we also accompanied the children." In summary, the transfer of Ukrainian children to Belarus was primarily organized by representatives of the Belarusian state administration system, acting on behalf of the self-proclaimed Union State, and the Aleksey Talai Foundation, in close cooperation with the public organization "Dolphins," led by Olga Volkova, and local authorities in the occupied territories. Movement of Ukrainian children to Belarusian camps The National Anti-Crisis Management has identified at least five camps and sanatoriums in the Minsk and Gomel regions of Belarus, to which Ukrainian children were taken: Republican Children's Hospital for Medical Rehabilitation in Ostroshitsky Gorodok, Minsk region; Sanatorium "Golden Sands", Gomel region; National children's educational and health center "Zubrenok", Minsk region; Children's recreation camp "Dubrava", Minsk region; Sanatorium "Volma", Minsk region. The movement of Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories to Belarus began long before the full-scale invasion. However, in this communication, we primarily focus on the movement to the Dubrava children's camp due to its scale and relevance. Dubrava is a children's health camp located in the Soligorsk district of the Minsk region. It is owned by OAO Belaruskali, a large state-owned company that produces potash mineral fertilizers. According to the National Anti-Crisis Management, at least two groups of children, totaling 1,050 individuals, arrived at the Dubrava camp from the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine in September-October 2022 and April-May 2023. Each group arrived in three batches, with approximately 350 people per batch, including children and accompanying adults. Here is the schedule of arrivals and departures of children at Dubrava: Autumn 2022 - the first group of children September 5 and 6 – September 21, 2022 First group of children: About 350 people, including more than 300 children. September 23 – October 9, 2022 Second group of children: About 350 people, including more than 300 children. October 13 – October 30, 2022 Third group of children: About 350 people, including more than 300 children. Spring 2023 - second group of children April 3 – April 20, 2023 First group of children: About 350 people, including more than 300 children. April 24 – May 10, 2023 Second group of children: About 350 people, including more than 300 children. May 14 – May 30, 2023 Third group of children: About 350 people, including more than 300 children. Children were brought to Belarus from all four regions of Ukraine under Russian occupation: Donetsk, Lugansk, Kherson, and Zaporozhye. Most of the children were transported from cities in the Donetsk region that have been under the control of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People's Republic since 2014. These cities include Horlivka, Makiivka, and Donetsk itself. However, there were also at least 100 children from Mariupol, which was occupied by Russia in 2022. Since September 2022, Belarusian media covering the arrival of Ukrainian children in Belarus have regularly emphasized that among the children there are orphans and children without parental care. However, the removal of orphans from the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine began much earlier, in 2021. The National Anti-Crisis Management was able to confirm the identities of approximately 50 children, some of whom did not return to Ukraine but were taken to orphanages in the Russian Federation for adoption. Moving to the children's camp "Dubrava" The children from the occupied territories of Ukraine were initially brought to Russia by bus. From Rostov-on-Don, Russia, the children then traveled by train to Minsk, where they were greeted at the Central Station by volunteers, Belarusian media, and in some cases, Aleksey Talai himself. Subsequently, the children were transported to Dubrava by bus, accompanied by approximately 40 adults. On average, each group of children spent 14 to 17 days at the Dubrava camp. According to Belarusian media, the children were engaged in various leisure activities, including sports, board games, contests, quests, concerts, visits to Orthodox churches, and other excursions. Many of these events had a re-educational focus. Political re-education of Ukrainian children in the Dubrava camp During their stay in the Belarusian camps, the children were subjected to pro-Russian re-education, as revealed by a study conducted by the Humanities Research Laboratory at the Yale School of Public Health. Re-education, in this context, refers to the promotion of cultural, historical, social, and patriotic ideas or messages that serve Russia's political interests. The so-called recreational activities in the camps encompassed three distinct narratives: the narrative of Belarusian hospitality and "miners' solidarity," pro-Kremlin patriotic ideology, and anti-Ukrainian propaganda. All of these narratives were aimed at erasing the Ukrainian identity of the children. The narrative of Belarusian hospitality was based on propagandistic claims about the "solidarity" of the Belarusian regime with its "brotherly people" and the supposed admiration of Ukrainian children for the Belarusian reality. For instance, Belarusian propaganda asserted that Ukrainian children expressed a desire to join Belarusian youth associations. Alexander Lukyanov, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Belarusian Republican Youth Union, publicly stated that the children who arrived in Belarus had expressed this sentiment. The Belarusian Republican Youth Union, although formally a non-governmental organization, is also the successor of the communist Komsomol, which Alexander Lukashenko has utilized to strengthen his repressive political regime. The children also had meetings with military departments under Lukashenko's administration. For instance, they were taken on an "excursion" to the military-patriotic club "Lynx" at military unit No. 3214 of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. These meetings involved demonstrations of weapons, special equipment, military vehicles, and hand-to-hand combat. It is worth noting that military unit No. 3214 had previously participated in the brutal suppression of peaceful protests in August 2020. Belarusian officials also discussed the future education and employment prospects of Ukrainian youth, particularly in Belarusian factories, including the mining industry. During the stay of the third group of children in October 2022, Dmitry Shvaiba, chairman of the Minsk regional organization of the trade union of workers in the chemical, mining, and oil industry, mentioned that Ukrainian children from the occupied territories could receive education in Belarusian secondary educational institutions with subsequent employment opportunities. This would enable them to work at OAO Belaruskali. Furthermore, pro-Kremlin patriotic propaganda, particularly the concept of the "Russian world," was reinforced through meetings with pro-Kremlin propagandists, representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church, and paramilitary patriotic organizations. The children even had encounters with the Night Wolves, a motorcycle club that is currently under European Union sanctions for actively supporting Russia's war against Ukraine, publicly denying Ukraine's right to exist, advocating for the "denazification" of the country, and promoting the idea that Ukraine should be an integral part of Russia. Pro-Kremlin patriotic propaganda is indeed closely intertwined with the anti-Ukrainian narrative, and there are specific instances that highlight this connection. One such example occurred in October 2022 when the Gruzdev sisters performed at an entertaining concert for Ukrainian children. During their speech, the Gruzdev sisters expressed their desire “[to] live in peace. For Biden to die, God forgive us, for Zelensky to [die] too, and for Putin to prosper and take control of all of Ukraine.” The re-education described above was carried out in the paradigm voiced by Olga Volkova. In an interview with the Belarusian state television channel ONT, Olga Volkova called the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine “liberated territory” and stated that “these children are already programmed for evil, and therefore everything must be done to melt their hearts.” In the same interview, Volkova stated that she was trying to “instill in [children] the main thing – patriotism, history,” emphasizing the role of the church and the importance of traditional family values, as well as repeating the Kremlin’s narrative about the “Satanism” of the West. Aleksey Talai expressed similar views, publicly declaring that the Russian Federation should occupy the entire territory of Ukraine, and all of Ukraine “should be demilitarized, denazified, and sane, loyal (...) forces that want peace for the Eurasian continent should come to power there.” From the information provided, it is evident that Ukrainian children, including orphans, were subjected to a re-education process aimed at eradicating their Ukrainian identity and fostering cultural alienation from Ukraine. Conclusions According to the National Anti-Crisis Management, the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories to Belarus is categorized as a war crime in accordance with Article 8(2)(a)(vii) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The National Anti-Crisis Management has identified the names of five individuals whom they consider to be the most responsible for the illegal transfer of children to Belarus: Alexander Grigoryevich Lukashenko, Dmitry Fedorovich Mezentsev, Ivan Ivanovich Golovaty, Aleksey Konstantinovich Talai, Olga Volkova. It is important to note that this list may not be exhaustive, as new evidence is expected to emerge. Although Belarus has not ratified the Rome Statute, Ukraine has recognized the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court for crimes committed on its territory since 2014, as per Article 12(3). Therefore, the Court has the authority to investigate the illegal transfer of children from Ukraine to Belarus. Additionally, the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine and Lithuania has already initiated an investigation into this matter. The National Anti-Crisis Management has forwarded the relevant information to the office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and continues its investigation. They are analyzing new evidence, which will also be shared with the International Criminal Court. Notably, evidence has already been gathered regarding the export of Ukrainian orphans to various regions of Russia for adoption or placement under guardianship after their stay in Belarusian camps. If the International Criminal Court determines that the removal of Ukrainian children from the occupied territory to Belarusian camps constitutes a war crime, the next possible step would be to issue arrest warrants for the individuals involved.

National Anti-Crisis Management continues to collect evidence of war crimes committed by the regime against Ukrainian children who have been brought to Belarus National Anti-Crisis Management continues to collect evidence of war crimes committed by the regime against Ukrainian children who have been brought to Belarus. We are posting new video evidence that exposes the unlawful actions of Dmitry Shevtsov, the Secretary General of the Belarusian Red Cross Society, and Alexei Talai, a pro-government activist. In the first video, Talai can be heard saying to a Ukrainian child from Mariupol: “Here you will serve your Motherland, your people, your native Mariupol, your Donetsk People’s Republic, your great Russia in your huge, big and happy Union State of Belarus and Russia, can you imagine? Alexander Grigorievich Lukashenko and Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and all of us together, our entire multinational people, we are building a union fatherland from Brest to Vladivostok.” In another video, Talai, surrounded by the Russian and DPR flags, addresses Ukrainian children in Belarus and refers to them as "our multinational Russian people." We will continue to gather evidence of these war crimes and work towards holding all those responsible accountable for their actions.

On Friday (October 6, 2023), either a marshal or a sub-colonel named Lukashenko again dressed himself in military uniform and flew to the Brest region to inspect a military facility with a pompous name "Knot of Resistance". Who is Lukashenko resisting, with whom is he going to fight? Who is at risk of “unacceptable harm”? But while answering questions from propagandists, the mustachioed warrior made a slip of the tongue: “we didn’t think then that we would have to fight, that everything would be peaceful, but it turned out not.” And it turned out to be true. And how did this happen? It accidentally happened? Or maybe on February 24 last year it was not Lukashenko who allowed the strike group of Russian troops to enter northern Ukraine? Maybe it wasn’t Lukashenko who provided her with all the necessary logistical and infrastructural support? Maybe it wasn’t Lukashenko who allowed more than 800 missile strikes on Ukraine? Was it not Lukashenko who handed over equipment to the Russian army, supplied and continues to supply cartridges and ammunition, and teach the Russian mobilized? Maybe it’s not Lukashenko who kidnaps Ukrainian orphans? Why were they orphaned? Can he answer? Or maybe a year before, in the spring of 2021, it was not Lukashenko who organized a migration crisis, a hybrid attack on the borders with Lithuania, Latvia and Poland? Or maybe all this didn’t happen at all? After all, Lukashenko didn’t talk about anything like that on Friday. Instead, he talked, for example, about how he didn’t want Poles to think that “Lukashenko is an enemy of Poland.” Lukashenko thinks he will be able to turn the page? After all, seriously, all these “pro-Polish” statements by Lukashenko can be translated as follows: “let’s turn the page and pretend that nothing happened. Recognize me as president, and maybe I’ll stop terrorizing you.” But no one will recognize him or forgive him anyway. Neither in Ukraine, nor in Poland, nor in Lithuania. Not in Belarus itself, whose people overwhelmingly hate him. Responsibility is inevitable. No matter what “knots” Lukashenko tries to tie.

The NAM team has compiled a comprehensive collection of crimes committed by Lukashenka's regime, forming a distinct "case." This document outlines the mechanisms for holding the dictator and his associates accountable for their actions in straightforward language Download the brochure at the link Aliaksandr Ryhoravich Lukashenka Case Trial: Former President of the Republic of Belarus from 20 July 1994 until 23 September 2020. Since 23 September 2020, he is an individual who exercises control over the Internal Troops, the Armed Forces, the State Security Committee (KGB), the Main Directorate for Combating Organized Crime and Corruption (GUBOPiK), and the judicial system. Charges: Mr. Aliaksandr Lukashenka is suspected of crimes against humanity in Belarus, Latvia, Lithuania, and Poland. Additionally, he is implicated in the unlawful displacement of Ukrainian children as a war crime and the crime of aggression. Crimes against Humanity There has been an ongoing attack against the Belarusian civilian population since May 2020. The number of victims subjected to imprisonment, torture, murder, rape (including minors), enforced disappearance, persecution on political grounds, and deportations exceeds 136,000 people. More than 10 individuals have been killed, approximately 1,500 persons are imprisoned as political prisoners, over 35,000 people have been arbitrarily detained, and more than 100,000 Belarusians have been forced to flee the country following the elections. Methods for Achieving Justice: Referral of the Situation to the International Criminal Court by Other State Parties under Article 14 of the Rome Statute, particularly regarding the crime of deportation and potential persecution. Establishment of a Special International Criminal Tribunal for Crimes Against Humanity in Belarus, with jurisdiction over all crimes against humanity committed. Implementation of universal jurisdiction mechanisms. Application by a State or group of States initiating proceedings against Belarus before the International Court of Justice for violating the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Deportations of Migrants Lukashenka deliberately seeks to destabilize Europe by luring migrants into Belarus and forcibly sending them to the EU border, weaponizing them and creating an artificial migration crisis. At least 12,000 migrants have fallen victim to this campaign. Through the use of physical force, threats of force, or the creation of inhumane living conditions in the "exclusion zone" at the border, Lukashenka's actions, alongside his accomplices, may constitute forced expulsions and qualify as deportations under Article 7(1)(d) of the Rome Statute. Methods for Achieving Justice: Referral of the Situation to the International Criminal Court by Other State Parties under Article 14 of the Rome Statute. Establishment of a Special International Criminal Tribunal for Crimes Against Humanity in Belarus. Implementation of universal jurisdiction mechanisms. War Crimes Between September 2022 and May 2023, over 2,100 children aged 6 to 15 were brought from Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine to so-called recreation camps and sanatoriums in Belarus, particularly the Dubrava Camp (Minsk Region), under Lukashenka's orders. The unlawful displacement of the civilian population constitutes a war crime under Article 8(2)(a)(vii) of the Rome Statute. Methods for Achieving Justice: Submission of all evidence regarding these crimes to the International Criminal Court, which holds jurisdiction over the situation in Ukraine. Crime of Aggression Lukashenka facilitated the use of Belarusian territory for the ground invasion of Russian troops into Ukraine. Furthermore, Russian military aviation utilized Belarusian territory for missile attacks, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of Ukrainian civilians and the destruction of critical infrastructure necessary for the survival of the civilian population. NB! The victims of this crime encompass not only all civilians who perished due to attacks originating from Belarusian territory but also combatants who died defending their country. Methods for Achieving Justice: Establishment of a Special International Criminal Tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine, with jurisdiction over the higher military and political leadership of the Lukashenka regime. “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” Martin Luther King Jr.

European Parliament, Strasbourg, 4 October 2023 Your Excellencies, Ombudsman of Ukraine, Ladies and Gentleman, Thank you very much for the invitation to participate in the meeting and for granting me the opportunity to speak. Nowadays, Aliaksandr Lukashenka and his regime's higher military and political leadership are committing at least three out of four core international crimes against Ukraine and its nationals. One of them is the forced displacement of Ukrainian children to Belarus. Aliaksadr Lukashenka, members of his family, as well as people personally close to him organized a system of transferring of children, in particular orphans, from the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus. The main purpose of transferring these children to Belarus is to carry out an indoctrination program in accordance with the narratives of the “Russian world”. These children are subjected to military, religious and political activities. The program of their stay in Belarus did not include any significant medical aspect. The available evidence shows this. Aliaksandr Lukashenka as the head of the so-called Union State of Belarus and Russia personally signed documents, providing for the organization of such transferring programs. Only between September 2022 and May 2023, at least 2,100 Ukrainian children aged 6 to 15 from 15 Ukrainian cities, were taken to Dubrava Camp, located in Minsk Region. During the investigation, our team found that separate transfers of children to Belarus took place as early as 2021. Today, these children are put up for adoption in Russia. The National Anti-Crisis Management submitted to the International Criminal Court evidence in which not a single case of the displacement of these children falls within the permitted exceptions under international humanitarian law. Thus, all such children are victims of a war crime and, simultaneously, a crime against humanity in the form of forced displacement of the civilian population. The impunity of Aliaksandr Lukashenka is a challenge to the entire civilized community and the international justice system, with respect precisely to the victims from Ukraine. In this regard, we consider it critically important to facilitate the ICC to investigate these crimes. The National Anti-Crisis Management submitted to the ICC Article 15 Communication on this matter and is currently working on its update. There can be no justice for victims from Ukraine until Lukashenka is tried.