Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, Pavel Latushko, Aleś Alaсhnovič and Franak Viacorka discussed the problems of Belarusian business with the Polish Minister of Finance The meeting was attended by Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and by Pavel Latushko, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Aleś Alaсhnovič, Mrs Tsikhanouskaya’s Economic advisor, and Franak Viacorka, Mrs Tsikhanouskaya’s Chief advisor. Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya thanked Minister Magdalena Rzeczkowska for her support of Belarusian business, and noted the importance of expanding such projects as the Polish Business Harbour, which gave a number of companies and IT-sector specialists opportunities, who feel their security is at risk, to relocate to Poland. Pavel Latushko suggested expanding the program also to small and medium-sized companies, not only from the IT sector. Mrs Tsikhanouskaya also said that even in Poland, Belarusian entrepreneurs face problems with legalization, relocation from Belarus of their business, employees and their families and opening bank accounts. Today, only two Polish banks — PKO BP and Santander — open accounts for Belarusian citizens and companies with Belarusian capital without unnecessary obstacles. There are other examples of discrimination (for example, in access to financing or participation in open business competitions), because some banks and organizations refuse to cooperate with companies with Belarusian roots. Aleś Alaсhnovič, Mrs Tsikhanouskaya’s economic advisor and one of the heads of the Association of Belarusian Business Abroad (ABBA), told the minister about the initiative of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya’s economic team and ABBA to create a guarantee fund for Belarusian companies in the European Union, which is being discussed with the European Commission and the Polish financial sector, and suggested that the minister support the idea. Aleś Alaсhnovič also spoke about the importance of the verification process of the Belarusian business, so as to separate honest private businesses from the companies that support the regime and the war, helping to bypass sanctions. In turn, Pavel Latushko suggested the minister prepare an information note for the Polish institutions, explaining the sanctions policy in order to minimize cases of groundless discrimination against Belarusians. The parties agreed to create a working group to support Belarusian business with participation of the Belarusian side, Polish Ministry of Finance, Polish Ministry of Economic Development and other Polish organizations to address the most important issues of Belarusian business in Poland. They also agreed to create an information booklet in the Belarusian language about the business climate in Poland, conditions of registration and doing business in Poland, including the taxation system. Making it easier for Belarusian businesses to relocate to Poland will be an additional protection for them against political persecution by the regime.

Sanctions pressure on the regime and its representatives In conjunction with the above-mentioned measures, the Cabinet considers sanctions as one of the components of the struggle against the regime. Since the first sanctions were introduced, it has become clear that the sanctions policy against the regime requires close attention and active participation on the part of the Belarusians themselves. The introduced sanctions, as well as those still planned, can be really effective only if the Belarusans themselves help to direct them to the corresponding purposes and control their implementation. For this reason, power transit representative Pavel Latushko, his Office and the NAM team, with the participation of the Office for the Restoration of Law and Order, worked hard to ensure that the sanctions were a truly painful and effective blow to the regime's resources, reducing its power to direct new and new crimes. During the 6 months of the Cabinet's existence, Pavel Latushko, the representative for the transit of power, has regularly submitted proposals prepared by his Representative Office for improving sanctions pressure and expanding the sanctions lists both to EU supranational bodies and to the governments of democratic countries. In the last three months alone, 23 such proposals with justification have been sent to the authorized bodies of the European Union, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovenia, Sweden, Switzerland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Belgium, Austria, Ukraine and so on. Similar proposals were transmitted during numerous official meetings and foreign visits of Pavel Latushko and other representatives of the Cabinet with ambassadors and representatives of the diplomatic corps of democratic countries. The meetings of the head and representatives of the Cabinet with the US Assistant Secretary of State Robin Dunnigan, meetings of the foreign affairs representative Valery Kovalevsky with the head of the US Department of State's sanctions coordination office Jim S. O'Brien, meetings of Pavel Latushko with Paul Massaro, senior policy advisor to the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, and Markéta Adamová, head of the lower house of the Czech parliament. It is important to note that during the past period, the position on the need to harmonize sanctions against Russia and Belarus was formed and substantiated in the Cabinet, which on behalf of the head of the Cabinet was sent to the President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen, responsible for EU foreign policy Josep Borrel and the President of the European Council Charles Michel. This position was also transmitted to U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken. The Office of the Transit of Power and the NAM team also visited Brussels to inform the relevant agencies about ways to circumvent sanctions by the Lukashenko regime, to provide recommendations on how to prevent such attempts, and to prove the need to harmonize sanctions against Russia and Belarus. The office on the transit of power also actively worked on the introduction of personal sanctions against representatives of the regime. Together with the NAM team, Bypol, and the Belarusian Foundation for Sports Solidarity, proposals were prepared with justifications for personal sanctions against 340 people who serve the regime. Such lists included representatives of the top military and political leadership who contributed to Russia's aggression against Ukraine, judges who handed down illegal sentences, propagandists who incited hatred and spread false information, members of the so-called National Assembly of Belarus who adopted discriminatory laws and legislative amendments, sports functionaries who persecuted athletes, etc. In particular, a number of decisions of sanctions against representatives of Lukashenko's regime have already been taken on the basis of the proposals sent during this time. Thus, national sanctions against 12 figures of the regime were imposed by Poland. Canada has imposed sanctions against 22 individuals and 16 companies from Belarus during a visit of Svetlana Tsikhanouskaya to Ottawa. New Zealand has expanded its sanctions list. Taiwan has expanded the list of high-tech products banned for export to Belarus. The U.S. added 25 people to its list of personal sanctions and imposed sanctions on several companies. Ukraine imposed sanctions against 23 Belarusian enterprises. An important part of the work outlined above was carried out by the Office for the Restoration of Law and Order, which carries out comprehensive verification of representatives of the regime to include them in the sanctions lists of democratic countries. Over the past period, 60 officials have been verified in this way. The Department of National Security, which, according to its profile, prepared proposals to impose sanctions against cooperation between the military-industrial complexes of Belarus and Russia, involved in the aggression against Ukraine, also joined the work to increase the sanctions pressure. The transit authority sent a list of 13 enterprises of the military-industrial complex of Belarus to the authorized bodies of the EU, the United States, Sweden, Poland, and the United Kingdom. A new package of sanctions against Belarus by the European Union in connection with the complicity of the Lukashenko regime in Russia's aggression against Ukraine is being prepared. This package is based on the position of the Cabinet and the proposals with the justification of the Representation for the Cabinet for the harmonization of the sanctions policy against Russia and the Lukashenko regime. In addition, according to the proposal of the Representation for the Transit of Power, the new package of sanctions provides for personal sanctions against 22 representatives of the military and political leadership of the regime. Bringing representatives of the regime to justice The Cabinet considers it fundamental not only to free Belarus from the regime, but also to bring to justice its representatives, who unleashed terror and repression on an unprecedented scale against the Belarusian people. As early as August 2020, it was of fundamental importance for the Belarusians to fix all the crimes that had been committed against the protesters. The Cabinet united the efforts of Pavel Latushko and Alexander Azarov in this matter, so that as a result of systematic systematic work, all the accumulated material, evidence, victims' attempts to obtain justice and measures of human rights defenders gave proper results: they forced the criminals to face a fair trial. At the moment, with the active assistance of Pavel Latushko and his team, criminal cases have been initiated against the regime's accomplices on behalf of more than 50 victims within the universal jurisdiction. A conference in Warsaw was held by the Cabinet, the NAM team, with the participation of a representative for the restoration of law and order, at which an agreement was reached on cooperation with representatives of the human rights sector and the JusticeHub initiative (Lithuania). To coordinate work in this direction, the Representative Office on the Cabinet prepared and sent out a memo by the People's Embassy of Belarus, which included tools for finding victims, human rights defenders and lawyers, promotion of the issue in the local media, etc. To popularize the topic and highlight the problematic moments that victims of torture have to face during the consideration of their cases within the universal jurisdiction, Pavel Latushko's team shot and presented a documentary film "Belarusian Process". In its turn, the Office for the Restoration of the Rule of Law regularly assists the mission of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to collect evidence of human rights violations in Belarus: searching for witnesses and victims and providing necessary information. Alexander Azarov's representation continues to collect evidence of the crimes of Lukashenka's regime. The accumulated material was processed and formed the basis of 12 investigative videos published in the past period. The same material was used by the representative for the transit of power to justify the need for governments of democratic countries to recognize the KGB and the Main Directorate for Combating Organised Crime and Corruption as terrorist organizations. Numerous efforts and appeals on this subject were one of the reasons for the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania to pass a resolution describing these criminal organizations and urging the president and government of Lithuania to declare these organizations terrorist. After appeals of the representative for the transit of power and meetings with high-ranking Czech officials, the Czech parliament instructed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to prepare and make a recommendation to the prime minister that the KGB and the Main Directorate for Combating Organised Crime and Corruption be recognized as terrorist organizations in the Czech Republic. A similar appeal was sent to deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Tribunal All efforts of the Cabinet to convey to the civilized world the need for effective prosecution of representatives of the Lukashenko regime should be finalized by the International Tribunal for Lukashenko and his accomplices. In order to bring the case to this global level, the Cabinet prepared a substantiation of the possibility of prosecuting representatives of the Lukashenko regime for violations of the 1984 Convention against Torture, which was submitted to the Foreign Ministries of Poland, Lithuania, the Czech Republic, the USA, Sweden and Canada. The resolutions adopted in January 2023 by the European Parliament and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe reflect the proposals of the Cabinet to extend the jurisdiction of the future tribunal to the top military and political leadership of Alexander Lukashenko's regime, including the dictator himself, for their complicity in the aggression against Ukraine. Transition and the new Belarus The Cabinet, in accordance with its objectives, assumes responsibility for state governance during the transition period, during which the foundations of a new Belarus — a democratic sovereign state with a developed, socially oriented economy — will be laid. To this end, the Representative Office for the Transition has developed approaches to replace ineffective regime officials — and primarily those officials who have committed crimes against Belarusians — with effective, well-educated managers who, based on the studied experience of other countries, will be able to minimize the social and economic disruption inherent in societies and economies in transition. In order to train the necessary qualified personnel, the Cabinet, in particular, Deputy of the Cabinet Yuri Gubarevich, developed and launched the project "Personnel Reserve for the New Belarus". So far 170 applications for training under the project have been processed, 40% of which have been submitted by people in Belarus and 17% by those working in the public sector. It should be noted that 100% of the applicants have higher education. A plan was formed for a pilot educational program, which will include training in communication and conflictology, public administration, crisis management.

Unfortunately, this expression is most directly linked to the history of our native Belarus. And the reason for that is our eastern neighbor, whom we did not choose and who has never been our brother or friend. And never in the history has it recognized either our country or its people as independent and autonomous. On the contrary, throughout our history, Russia has sought to occupy us, assimilate us and imprison us in its empire. And today history is repeating itself. The Eastern Empire only changes its name, but does not change its conquering essence. And our native Belarus once again becomes its victim. And once again it faces the threat of disaster. After all, disasters - humanitarian, military, man-made - are what we invariably received from the Eastern Empire. More than 30 years ago, we again had a historic chance to break free from Russia's embrace, to find true independence and to restore ourselves as an independent people and an independent Belarusian nation. But even then, what was left of the then empire called the USSR came up with a way to keep Belarus in its sphere of influence. The name of this method is the pro-Russian Lukashenko regime, whose "historical role" from the very beginning was to destroy the sovereignty of Belarus and return it to a colonized and today it can already be said to be an occupied state. We escaped from the clutches of the empire - and are, in fact, back into it again. By the hands of the "governor" named Lukashenko. Who, just like in his time the same executioner, Voevoda Ant, bloodily stifled the Belarusians' resistance to arbitrariness. And then he turned Belarus into a Russian military training ground. Yes, the events of 2020 can be called an anti-imperial uprising. But looking at them in retrospect, it becomes clear why the 2020 protests were so brutally suppressed with the full support of Russia. After all, when we went out to the protests and marches, we carried our true national symbols over our heads. After all, even after centuries of Russian oppression, we have not forgotten our flag, on which the history of our struggle and suffering, our desire for freedom and independence is written in red and white. It bears the blood of our predecessors and now the blood of our contemporaries who have given their lives for a free Belarus. The names of the leaders of the revolts and the executed poets are inscribed on it. And now there are new names - the names of peaceful protesters and the callsigns of volunteer soldiers. History repeats itself and pulls us back into the empire that brought terrible mass repression to our country and almost completely destroyed the national elite. The empire that brought us partridges and under whose wing this terror is repeated today. Because today, our elite is again being destroyed in prisons, again destroying everything national. And under the name "Union State", the hands of "governor" Lukashenko are restoring the empire that brought us the Chernobyl disaster in 1986 on Belarusian soil. And today he wants to repeat it by drawing a nuclear target on our country. This empire is trying to recover from the fire of war against Ukraine, into which the occupied Belarus has been dragged by the hands of Lukashenko. And the fire of this war may at any time spill over to our homeland. And this is not just a fire - it is a nuclear fire, because the deployment of Russian nuclear weapons, which Lukashenko dreamed of all the time of his arbitrary rule, creates such risks for Belarus. History is repeating itself before our eyes. But do we agree to be mere observers, remembering perfectly well the consequences of Chernobyl, remembering perfectly that catastrophe? Do we agree to turn into a nuclear target, understanding the possible consequences of the actions of Lukashenko and his Kremlin masters? Has Belarus badly learned the nuclear lesson of Chernobyl? So do we want to repeat it? I don't believe so. And that's why I urge you to tell the truth. Say "no!" to nuclear weapons. Say "no!" to dictatorship and say "no!" to any alliance with Russia. It will be loud. Be determined and responsible for the fate of your homeland, no matter how far away we are from it now. After all, we are all Belarusians and Belarusians. We are all one nation. And if Lukashenko, the Russian puppet, silences the voice of the people inside the country, we, the Belarusians abroad, must be even louder outside. To inspire the Belarusians inside Belarus and demonstrate to the world that we are against war with Russia, against nuclear weapons, against Lukashenko and against empire. That is why today we say "no!" to dictatorship, "no" to the "Russian world" and "no!" to a second Chernobyl! History must not repeat itself again, we - the Belarusians and the Belarusians - must write the history of Belarus! Time to act!

What is the approach to Belarus in the new EU sanctions package? The NAM head Pavel Latushka about the 10th EU sanctions package, which supposedly envisages harmonization of sanctions policy against Russia and the Lukashenko regime. Why does it matter? Previously, the sanctions against Russia mainly concerned Russian imports, while the sanctions against the Lukashenko regime mainly concerned Belarusian exports. This discrepancy allowed the sanctions to be circumvented and allowed individuals affiliated with the regime to enrich themselves through grey-smuggling schemes. The harmonisation of sanctions would close these possibilities. The proposed measures would bring the sanctions on the Lukashenko regime inline with many of the package of restrictions the EU has previously imposed on Russia. The new sanctions should affect areas such as: Petroleum products, coal and steel; Aviation sector; Energy sector; Investment; Imports of goods, dual-use technology and luxury goods. The changes will also allow the EU to prosecute anyone who helps bypass sanctions imposed on Belarusian individuals and legal entities. Taken together, these measures will help close the sanctions loopholes against the Putin and Lukashenko regimes and make it more difficult for them to evade sanctions. Politically it would mean recognising the equal guilt of the two dictators in the aggression against Ukraine, and practically it would reduce Lukashenko’s ability to continue to support the Russian war against Ukraine with resources, and to allocate these resources and funds to fuel the apparatus of repression against Belarusians.

At a meeting with Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó (the very fact of which, of course, causes bewilderment and many questions to the moral values of official Budapest), the so-called Foreign Minister of Belarus Aleinik decided to whine about the sanctions According to Aleinik, as it turns out — the great "humanist" and "champion of human rights" - the sanctions against Lukashenko’s regime are "anti-humane". It turns out that it is the sneaky (or bloody?) West that separates families and does not let Belarusians see their loved ones. It imposes an air embargo and closes border crossings. True, the freight — but, apparently, the so-called minister is sincerely concerned about the truckers, I do not know … Except that Mr. Aleinik completely forgot to mention the reasons for such measures. Maybe he has not yet fully got up to speed in his new position and has forgotten that in 2021 the regime hijacked a civilian plane? Maybe the so-called minister is not aware that since 2021 the regime is the mastermind of the migration crisis on the borders with the EU? Or has he somehow overlooked the fact that the Lukashenko regime has been participating in the war against Ukraine for a year now? Indeed, why would our Western neighbors suddenly behave so horribly? Aleinik’s scrambling cynicism is simply disgusting. Is the West to blame for the fact that the Belarusians can’t see their loved ones? And why were HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS of Belarusians forced to leave their country? Mass repressions, murders, beatings, torture, dismissals from work, criminal cases, and persecution of dissenters — maybe the insidious West invented all this, too? No. It is the criminal Lukashenko regime, whom the so-called minister serves, that is responsible for the fact that hundreds of thousands of Belarusians — relatives and friends — have found themselves on opposite sides of the border. It is Lukashenko regime — and no one else — that is responsible for the fences on the borders with Belarus, the closure of the border crossings and the ceasing of the flight service. Lukashenko is fully responsible for sanctions imposed in response to his numerous crimes, which have long ago spread beyond the borders of Belarus and become international. And in February 2022 this crimes became military ones. It was Lukashenko who organized the persecution of the Polish minority in Belarus and sent one of the leaders of the Union of Poles, Andrzej Poczobut, to prison for 8 years — after which Poland ultimatumatically closed the Bobrowniki border crossing. And today, this criminal regime is complaining to a Hungarian minister? Blaming the West? What’s next? Will it blame the inhumane border closures on Ukraine, too? How many people there have FOREVER lost the opportunity to see and hug their relatives and loved ones — because they were simply killed? Killed by the Russian troops that Lukashenko allowed to cross the border and to whom he gave military control of the territory of Belarus. Killed by the rockets, of which only from the territory of Belarus about eight hundred were fired. Killed by the shells and bullets that the Lukashenko regime has been producing and serving to Russia all this time. Killed by the offensive military equipment, which the regime removed from mothballs and sent to the front. So all this, according to Mr. Aleinik, is humane? And according to Mr. Szijjártó as well? If memory serves me right, Hungary is still a part of the European Union. But apparently its government is guided by very different values. Or by the lack of them. Because that’s the only explanation why a high-ranking European official could shake hands with the so-called foreign minister of the Lukashenko regime. The regime of a dictator, terrorist and war criminal, which has already been voted to be held accountable before tribunal both by the European Parliament and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. And which right now is holding a trial against Nobel laureate Ales Belyatski, while Aleinik and Szijjártó complain to each other about the "anti-humane" and "wrong sanctions policy". I hope that the European Union will give this meeting a proper assessment. Consistent with the values that the European Union has been declaring since its creation.

The United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus declares the deployment of nuclear weapons on the territory of Belarus unacceptable and calls on the international community to immediately oppose the Lukashenko and Putin regimes in order to prevent an international catastrophe. Read the full text of the statement of the Cabinet of Ministers "on countering the threat of the possible deployment of Russian nuclear weapons in the territory of Belarus" here: With regard to the statement made by the President of the Russian Federation, V. Putin about the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus. Recalling the illegality of Alexander Lukashenko's hold on power after his loss in the 2020 presidential elections. Taking into account the ongoing aggression of the Russian Federation and the Lukashenko regime against Ukraine. Reaffirming the desire of the Belarusian people for a nuclear-weapon-free status for Belarus, as expressed in the Declaration on State Sovereignty of 27 July 1990, the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus of 15 March 1994 and the Memorandum on Security Assurances of 5 December 1994 (Budapest Memorandum) in connection with Belarus' accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of 1 July 1968 (NPT). In view of the obligations of the Republic of Belarus under the NPT, including those referred to in the Budapest Memorandum, to withdraw all nuclear weapons from its territory, and the obligations of the United Kingdom, the Russian Federation and the United States under the Budapest Memorandum arising therefrom. Considering the catastrophic risks to international peace and security posed by the existence of nuclear weapons. Based on the desire of the world community for a total ban on nuclear weapons, as expressed in the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons of 20 September 2017. Reaffirming the Republic of Belarus' previous international commitments to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Recalling the catastrophic consequences for Belarus of the accident at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant in 1986. Reiterating the previously stated demand of the United Transitional Cabinet to the Russian Federation for the immediate and complete withdrawal of all its troops and military facilities from the territory of Belarus. The United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus: Declares the inadmissibility of the deployment of nuclear weapons on the territory of the Republic of Belarus. Declares that the deployment of nuclear weapons by the Russian Federation in Belarus would be a blatant act of violation of the sovereignty of the Republic of Belarus, which poses a serious threat to the independence of the Republic of Belarus and undermines international peace and security. Demands that the Russian Federation abandon its plans to deploy nuclear weapons in Belarus and withdraw all troops and military facilities from the territory of Belarus. Calls on the international community, including the European Union, the United States of America, the United Kingdom, Canada, Japan, other States and international organizations whose mandate includes the maintenance of international peace and security, monitoring the implementation of nuclear non-proliferation obligations, to take urgent preventive measures against the placement of Russian nuclear weapons in Belarus against the will of the Belarusian people, including urgent and extensive sanctions measures against the Putin and Lukashenko regimes Calls on the United Nations Secretary-General to take measures to legally assess the deployment of nuclear weapons on the territory of Belarus and the use of the territory of Belarus by the Russian Federation to wage war against Ukraine as part of its illegitimate hold on power by the Lukashenko regime. Calls upon the International Atomic Energy Agency to take necessary steps to verify compliance of the Republic of Belarus with its obligations under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of 1 July 1968. In view of the fact that the deployment of nuclear weapons of the Russian Federation on the territory of Belarus poses a threat first of all to the countries neighbouring Belarus, addresses the Governments of the Republic of Poland, the Republic of Lithuania, the Republic of Latvia, Ukraine and the Republic of Estonia with a proposal to develop together a common position and action plan to prevent the deployment of nuclear weapons in Belarus.

Pavel Latushka announced his resignation from the Coordinating Council on Euroradio-Live I decided to resign from the Coordinating Council. I want to say right away that I am continuing the struggle, so that there is no thought that "Latushko decided to end the struggle". No. I continue the struggle. The Coordinating Council is planning to adopt rules of procedure, voting will begin on Sunday and will last 24 hours. The draft of the new CC rules of procedure will lead to the exclusion from the Coordinating Council of me and members of the NAM team working for the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus. The NAM team implements a strategy of pressure on Lukashenko's regime (sanctions, criminal responsibility, international isolation). That is why I declare my resignation now, because it would not be right to do it during the voting. Everything that is happening now in the CC may lead to a renewed crisis between political institutions and take it to a higher level. We must not go the way of an internal struggle. Now we have two enemies: Lukashenko's regime and the occupant, the Russian Federation. If we get into a situation of internal disputes and political tug-of-war, we will lose resources and pretend we are fighting. But will we be moving toward our goal? I made this decision not for personal reasons, but because I understood that there was a threat of a change in the strategy of democratic forces with a transition from pressure on the regime to the position "it is time to negotiate with Lukashenko," which means repeating the scenario that has occurred every 5 years in our country. I cannot forgive Lukashenko for the crimes he has committed and continues to commit. The most important thing for me is a free and independent Belarus. Full version of the broadcast on «Euroradio-Live»

Did the Belarusian "fugitives" run home to repent? By the dozens? By the hundreds? By the thousands? Let’s find out Recently, Lukashenko signed a decree on the creation of a special commission to work with "those who want to return to their homeland". Unable to reach the Belarusians abroad, the regime demands that they repent, write denunciations on themselves and "crawl home on their knees". It sounds like the ravings of a madman: people who have been tortured, beaten, maimed, and tried to be put behind bars — should they apologize for that? It’s a crooked mirror. But this is what Lukashenko’s idea-fix looks like. At the same time, the dictator intentionally understated the number of those who left, at least 100−150 times, naming the figure of two or four thousand people. And this is a deliberate distortion of reality. Because the regime perfectly understands that there will be no "mass repatriation" of the Belarusians. Most of them realize that the "way home" from Lukashenko is a direct ticket to a concentration camp. And any surveys in social networks show that the key conditions for the Belarusians — including those for returning home — have not changed. They are a complete cessation of repressions, release of all political prisoners, and, most importantly, departure of the Lukashenko regime from power. What does the regime expect? In part, it is a "roll call". After all, someone can naively appeal to the so-called "commission". It is clear that such people will be very few — and not even the two or four thousand that Lukashenko talks about. However, even a couple of dozens of "applications" will allow Lukashenko to say that the process has started, and the "fugitives" have run to repent. The number of "turncoats", of course, will be falsified. Also, the regime has prepared some people for their ostentatious return. And the texts for their "penitential videos" are written in advance. Even if there are only a couple of dozens of them. In any case, if you or your acquaintances for some reason consider taking advantage of the "attraction of unprecedented generosity" from Lukashenko — it is important to understand: the very fact of your application and the data provided in it will later be used not for the so-called "return", but for the initiation of criminal proceedings. And not even upon arrival, but as part of the proceedings in absentia. The only reason the criminal cases against the Belarusians who left the country are not opened en masse is that the regime simply does not have enough resources for it. And so that the "investigators" do not have any "cold cases". But the "confession of guilt" in the form of an application to the commission will make their life very easy, and the tool of absentee courts will allow them to quickly conduct an "investigation" and pass a sentence in absentia with confiscation of property. And that’s it, the case is closed. Secondly, anyone who returns by "invitation" from Lukashenko will immediately and voluntarily put themselves on the hook of the repressive system. After all, even if you record a "penitential video" or pay monetary compensation for "the damage done," you get no guarantees that tomorrow they won’t find a subscription to an "extremist channel" in your phone or identify (and in fact fabricate) some other violation of the concentration camp regime. But Lukashenko’s main motive and calculation is, of course, to try once again to deceive the West. To sell the West the illusion of a "thaw" in the hope of restoring recognition and at least partial lifting of sanctions. At the same time, it is obvious that Lukashenko is not going to make serious concessions. Instead, he imitates pseudo-liberalization, announcing the creation of a commission on the "fugitives" and readiness to forgive a small number of "misguided" Belarusians. Another point is indicative here — when discussing his idea-fix with the so-called chairman of the Supreme Court Sukalo, Lukashenko pointed out the inconsistencies. Namely, the fact that there are still judicial decisions for the "crimes" that are potentially "forgiven" to returnees inside the country. Why is this an important point? It suggests that Lukashenko plans to scale his scheme with "fugitives" inside the country as well. Namely to "pardon" after "repentance" and payment of compensation some part of those convicted for political reasons. For example, those who have been jailed for "misdemeanors" such as a couple of comments on social networks. After all, the dictator understands that the West will definitely not buy his pseudo-thaw unless it at least partially touches the people inside Belarus. However, at the same time he has to find convincing arguments for his security forces and riot police to explain to them why after several years of mass repressions and terror to which they devoted all of themselves without reserve, some of the "enemies" now have to be suddenly "pardoned". It’s no secret (and Lukashenko himself has already openly admitted it) that the security forces are the main support of his regime. And obviously, they are unlikely to be very happy that all their "merits" and years of rolling the Belarusians in asphalt will result in some part of those Belarusians going free — even if very conditionally. This will look like the very real betrayal to Lukashenko’s key supporters. Therefore, Lukashenko must sell them the idea of a "vanquished enemy". Broken, humiliated, and begging for mercy. This is exactly the role Lukashenko envisions the "repentant fugitives" to play, as well as those who will be "pardoned" according to the same scheme inside Belarus. And that is why the commission included such characters as, for example, Baskov, who was an accomplice in the murder of Roman Bondarenko, the most odious propagandists like Azarenok, Mukovozchik and Pustovoy, Lukashenko’s Gestapo leaders like Tertel, Gora, Kubrakov and Shved — so that the commission doesn’t look not harsh enough. The dictator’s supperters must believe that they really "won". And the West must believe that Lukashenko has taken the way of "correction" and is gradually ready to make some steps forward. But there is a question for us, Belarusians. Do we also have to believe it? Believe Lukashenko? Believe and agree that the pressure on his regime must cease if he "liberates" some part of political prisoners in return? But this freedom is completely bogus. Our country will remain a concentration camp as long as this regime exists. And what — we have to agree with this? Agree that not all political prisoners will be freed? That the destroyed NGOs and independent media will not restore their work inside the country. That instead of the destroyed civil society and democracy we will receive the so-called "All Belarusian People’s Assembly" and "Belaya Rus" - the Lukashenko’s party. Maybe we should join it and pay membership fees? Maybe we need to accept that Belarus will remain a military springboard and continue to turn into a Russian "province"? Or that hundreds of thousands of Belarusians won’t return home, because no sane person would voluntarily take a one-way ticket straight to the concentration camp called not Belarus but "Belorussia". It seems the answer is obvious. But obviously not for everyone. After all, today we hear the voices of those who really think that it is necessary to make concessions to the regime grow louder and louder. That no new sanctions should be imposed on it. That, on the contrary, they should be lifted. That we can turn a blind eye to his complicity in the war against Ukraine, because he has not yet joined it on the ground. So what if he opened the border for the Russian army to invade Ukraine and massacre the Kiev region? So what, it provides the aggressor with full infrastructural and logistical support? So what, it produces and supplies Russia with shells? Just 800 missile strikes on Ukraine were made from the territory of Belarus — this is nothing, right? But indulgences for Lukashenko’s regime, according to some politicians, will give him "room to maneuver". Allow it "to escape from the embrace of the Kremlin," which, as it turns out, was shoved into by the sanctions, but not the policy of the Lukashenko regime itself. The sanctions are to blame for his hijacking the plane, then the migration crisis, and finally turning Belarus into an aggressor state, aren’t they? "Let's take the sanctions off him, let’s stop the pressure and turn the page. The pressure strategy is not working, so let’s go back to 2015 or 2019, let’s wait until the regime itself 'evolves' and democracy gradually descends on us," — say these politicians, whose rhetoric somehow amazingly coincides 100% with the rhetoric of regime "analysts" like Preygerman. Or the behind-the-scenes rhetoric of his "diplomats" trying to sell these theses to the West. Coincidence? Highly doubtful. So am I — as a politician and simply as a citizen — ready to forget, fold my hands and stop fighting? No, I’m not. Neither is my entire team. We remember the demands of the Belarusian people. And we see no reason to abandon or retreat from them. We see no reason to let Lukashenko evade responsibility. We will do everything possible to maintain pressure on his regime. Until all Belarusians, convicted for political reasons, are released without exception. Until all Belarusians are able to return home, not to the concentration camp "Belorussia". Until the repression stops completely — along with the existence of the Lukashenko regime. Does this seem unrealistic? Then ask yourself this: if the strategy of pressure on the regime does not work, if sanctions do not work and do not bring us closer to the goal — then why some politicians try to convince us that in order to achieve our goals, sanctions must be removed? If it is not pressure on the regime that forces it to imitate the beginning of "liberalization", if it is not the effect of the sanctions already imposed and the fear of new ones that are the real reason for this whole campaign called "let's negotiate" - then what is it? It is probably trite to quote Gandhi. Still, I want to recall his words, which perfectly describe what is going on: "First they ignore you, then they laugh at you, then they fight you. And then you win." And we will win. Long live Belarus!

On February 22, new sanctions against the Lukashenko regime are expected to be considered by the EU Council in relation to the situation in Belarus and the involvement of the regime in Russian aggression against Ukraine. What decisions should be expected? This issue is of high importance, because for several weeks on the eve of the adoption of new restrictive measures, the exemptions for Belarusian potash, which is subject to EU sanctions since 2021, have been actively discussed. There are also US sanctions against the Belarusian Potash Company. Simultaneously, Lithuania has banned the transit of Belarusian potash through its territory and closed the possibility for Lukashenko’s regime to use the port of Klaipeda at national level. Thus, the main export industry of the Lukashenko regime faced huge problems due to the 50-percent fall in potash export and the 60-percent fall in its production in Belarus. It is not surprising that all the efforts of the regime’s lobbyists are directed at lifting these sanctions. The first serious attempt was made last spring through the mediation of UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. At that time Lukashenko hoped to have the potash sanctions lifted in exchange for the transit of Ukrainian grain through Belarus. However, official Kyiv rejected Lukashenko’s "services," which is absolutely no wonder after all. The Belarusian dictator is a key ally of Russia and an accomplice in the war unleashed against Ukraine. In February 2022, Russia began the invasion of the Kyiv region exactly from the territory of Belarus. It was specifically Lukashenko’s assistance that enabled the "Buchan massacre" to have happened (the mass murder of civilians in the Kyiv region, a de facto genocide, the footage of which shocked the entire civilized world). Lukashenko provided the Russian troops with full access to the necessary infrastructure and let them through the Belarusian-Ukrainian border. Certainly, the Russian offensive on Kyiv eventually failed, but this did not change the behavior of Lukashenko, who throughout the war continued to provide Russia with all the necessary logistical, infrastructural and medical support. Ukraine was subjected to about 800 missile strikes from the territory of Belarus. Lukashenko decommissioned and handed over to Russia a huge amount of military equipment and ammunition. Belarus' industry today has actually been placed on a war-footing and serves the Russian military-industrial complex. And here, in Belarus, at incessant military exercises, the Russian military is training and forming shock troops together with the Belarusian military. The only "merit" attributed to Lukashenko is that the Belarusian army has not yet crossed the border and entered the war against Ukraine directly. And it seems that he is actively trying to use this "merit" again in order to achieve the much-needed exemptions for potassium in the new package of EU sanctions… In order to weaken the sanctions, the regime’s lobbyists are once again launching the old "rumpus" called "Lukashenko is the guarantor of Belarus' independence". Amid the war, they are trying to sell this story under the guise of "Lukashenko's resistance to the Kremlin’s pressure". Allegedly, Lukashenko can "escape from the arms of the Kremlin" and guarantee that his army will not enter the war on the ground if the pressure on him is stopped, sanctions against him are eased, and he gets "room to maneuver". At the same time, they completely forget that the first truly tough sanctions, including sanctions against Belarusian potassium, were introduced long before the start of the war. Even the massive repression and terror that Lukashenko unleashed after he lost the elections in 2020 did not immediately prompt the West to act harshly. Furthermore, Lukashenko simply could not have committed the subsequent crimes like the forced landing of a Ryanair plane and the migration crisis on the borders with the EU. However, Lukashenko did all steps toward sanctions absolutely consciously. Just as he consciously deepened integration with Russia during all the 30 years of his rule, concluding one agreement after another creating the so-called Union State, dreaming to head it one day, and thus threatening the sovereignty of Belarus. Definitely, Lukashenko dreamed of the Kremlin from his first days in power in Belarus. No sanctions ever pushed him to surrender more and more of Belarus’s sovereignty to Russia, time after time, with each new agreement. This is a myth invented by his own political technologists and diplomats, created only in order to allow Lukashenko to escape from sanctions time after time and to continue to stay in power and trade Belarusian sovereignty. And even more, no sanctions have pushed the dictator to open the border to the Russian army and help it invade Ukraine at the end of joint military exercises with Russia in 2022. Or does anyone believe that otherwise Russia would fight its way to Ukraine in Belarus? Whether it would fight with the Belarusian army? No. Without the voluntary consent and full cooperation of the Lukashenko regime, the invasion from the Belarusian bridgehead simply would not have happened. Or maybe there would have been no invasion at all. The narrative about "Lukashenko resisting the Kremlin" is thoroughly false. And even more false is the narrative that the Lukashenko regime should be lifted or at least weakened in order to "tear it away from Russia". Who of the lobbyists of this idea can confidently declare that Lukashenko will not continue to use the resources received from the easing of sanctions to service the Russian military-industrial complex? Who guarantees that the "Belarusan offshore" will not work for Russia and for the war? And even more so, who will guarantee that the Lukashenko regime "freed" from sanctions will remove Russian troops and military facilities from Belarus? The answer, obviously, is no one. Because as long as the Lukashenko regime exists, it will never happen. But let us fantasize. Does Lukashenko really want to break away from Russia and get Belarus out of the sanctions? All the cards are in his hands right now: An end to repressions and the release of all Belarusians convicted on politically motivated sentences. Termination of complicity in the war and the logistical, infrastructural, production and other support of the military aggressor Russia. Withdrawal of all Russian troops and military facilities from Belarus, termination of joint exercises and training of Russian troops on the territory of Belarus. The arguments about the treaties it has with Russia do not stand up to criticism here. Any treaties that run counter to the state interests can and should simply be suspended. Holding new, free and transparent elections without Lukashenko's candidacy under supervision of the OSCE mission and independent observers. Lukashenko, as "guarantor of sovereignty" can do all this even tomorrow, if he is such. And no preconditions in the form of removal of sanctions are required for this. The removal of sanctions can and should be a consequence of the implementation of these measures, but not vice versa. The invalidity of the "guarantor of sovereignty" narrative is obvious. The lobbyists for easing and lifting sanctions against the Lukashenko regime certainly understand this. That is why today pursuing the hope of achieving exemptions for Belarusian potash (which is the key export resource of the Lukashenko regime), they are trying to dilute one false narrative with another. Namely the thesis about the "threat to food security". But it has nothing to do with reality. For the tenth month in a row, the average value of the world food price index has been falling, and there are no signs of it beginning to rise. World prices of one of the key crops, wheat, have also fallen for the third month in a row. Maybe fertilizer prices are going up? No. Someone will try to speculate on wholesale prices. But they are not an indicator, just quotes that haven’t been updated in a long time. But if we look at retail prices for agricultural producers, cleared of speculators then we see that the average retail price of potash has been falling since late October 2021. It’s a fact that Lukashenko’s potassium won’t save any starving people, won’t save anyone’s lives. But it can take them away. Because paying for Belarusan potassium equals paying Lukashenko for repression, murder and terror against Belarusians. Paying for Belarussian potassium is the same as paying Lukashenko and the Kremlin for the war against Ukraine. Who in his right mind could be interested in this? The obvious answer is only those whose interests coincide with those of Lukashenko. The first and main interested party is Russia. Lukashenko’s regime completely secures its interests in Belarus, but in the conditions of the current sanctions it is costing Russia a lot of money. Therefore, freeing up a huge amount of money for its existence by lifting the sanctions on Potash is a great solution for the Kremlin. And it is even more important for the Kremlin to prevent the harmonization of sanctions against Russia and the Lukashenko regime for aggression against Ukraine. If this happens, it would close the "Belarus window" for Russia, through which it receives the goods it needs, which it cannot get directly because of the sanctions against it. And first of all, these are dual-use products, electronics, and other goods and technologies needed by the Russian military-industrial complex. Thus, we come to a simple conclusion: the lobbyists working to ease sanctions on the Lukashenko regime work not only and not so much for him as for Russia itself. And today we can say that despite all the falsity and inconsistency of their arguments, the lobbyists act quite effectively. Just days before the expected decision of the Council of the European Union on new sanctions against Lukashenko’s regime, the question of the exemptions for Belarusian potash is still pending. It turns out that there are interested parties for the application of such exemptions on the western side as well. It is necessary to say about it directly that among the member states of the European Union there are those whose business interests coincide with the interests of Lukashenko’s regime, with the interests of the Kremlin. Those, who by all means, want to return to business as usual with Lukashenko and with Russia, too. Those who are actually ready to help both aggressors financially and give them more resources to continue the war against Ukraine. And that means challenging all the European values that the European Union declares. The values that underlie it. After all, when Putin and Lukashenko get what they want, they will not stop at Ukraine, but they will start destroying United Europe even more actively from within at the expense of the Europeans themselves. The moment of truth is coming. The moment when the EU will give a direct answer to the simple question, what is more important for it today: European values and the future of Europe or business as usual with dictators and military aggressors? Lukashenko’s potassium is a weapon. But it depends on the EU decision to whom it will be directed: the dictator and war criminal or to Belarusians, Ukrainians and all Europeans in general.

The head of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) and a member of the United Transition Cabinet Pavel Latushka left the Coordinating Council. As the main reason, the politician cites disagreement with a possible change in strategy to combat the Lukashenko regime. But circles close to the Coordinating Council also mention another reason — the possibility of introducing restrictions, after which Latushka would have to leave the "parliament" of Democratic Forces. He was asked what influenced this decision and how the politician views the reform of one of the first Democratic Forces structures to emerge after August 2020. — You said that you left the Coordinating Council because of the change in the regulations, the possibility of the CC representatives to change the strategy to fight the Lukashenko regime, including the abandonment of the strategy of sanctions. And you also said that "the next time there will be a question of whether Lukashenko should be prosecuted, and the need to have a dialogue ... Please clarify, are we talking about any intentions written in draft documents or statements, or is it the position of individual deputies of the Constitutional Court? And what is this position? — First of all, I respect all colleagues from the Coordinating Council, there are many selfless people and NGOs important for the democratic movement. Secondly, I will continue to fight, I will remain a member of the Joint Transition Cabinet and head of the NAM, and we will continue to implement our strategy. Leaving the Council is not a personal matter, but a public tool to pay attention to what is happening on the eve of the new rules of procedure of the CC and what risks this will entail. The imperfect and not fully open procedure for the formation of such an important institution as the CC creates the risk of discussions about whether it has the right to be a representative body of civil society. The attempt, through a regulation (a document that prescribes the composition, main role, and activities of the institution), to actually change the consensus that the CC has a right to represent civil society. - ed.) to actually change the consensus that exists today among the main institutions of the Belarusian parliament is also a challenge that could lead to internal disputes. After all, the draft Regulation developed by a narrow circle of people says that the CC is a representative body of all democratic forces. The same draft regulation specifies that the CC will be entitled to approve a strategy for all democratic forces, strategic objectives for the Cabinet and all political institutions that claim political leadership. The Coordinating Council also plans to represent Belarusians in the international arena. In this case, the problem of competing voices arises. And my appeal to the Friends of the Coordinating Council is not to create this conflict situation. We [NAM CC members] have repeatedly proposed to balance this system and interact. I didn't say there was already a strategy or work on it. So whoever is trying to make these accusations against me is simply deceiving people. I said that what we hear from the public communication of the CC leaders who are trying to lead it is that they are against sanctions, against pressure tools. "[Leaving the CC] has nothing to do with me personally, it has to do with an approach that could eventually lead to a change in the strategy of democratic forces in Belarus," — Pavel Latushka said on the air of Euroradio. At the same time, when answering Pavel Latushko's statement that the leading members of the CC are against sanctions, the organization itself said that they had not taken any decision or statement on the subject. This is a risk to a common strategy, based on the three demands of the Belarusian people (they are known and do not need reminding). That is why it was important for me to emphasize that the reforming of the CC creates a risk of transition from the strategy of pressure to the strategy of concessions to the regime. And it is created through the draft of a provision on the Coordinating Council, through which an attempt is made to subordinate the main participants, including the NAM. — Can you clarify again what option of struggle with Lukashenko's regime do you see as the most effective? — We can see that the external factors of pressure, which have never been used against Lukashenko's regime before, have increased significantly today. We can already see that they strongly trigger the system, depriving it of resources. Together with the anti-war sentiments of the Belarusians, they create the ground for a potential social explosion. It may happen [today and tomorrow], but not in the future. This is a reason to liquidate the regime, because if it does not happen, Belarus will have to live in the situation that we are now in. We believe that we cannot give up these tools when the European Parliament and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe voted for Lukashenko's tribunal, when the trade embargo is actually implemented, when several countries pass resolutions recognizing the KGB and the Main Directorate for Combating Organised Crime and Corruption as terrorist organizations. We cannot now give up these powerful tools of pressure, which, sooner or later, will lead to the fulfillment of people's demands, on the basis of which the CC was created. And what will replace them? Unilateral concessions, a negotiating position... Which is it? Turn the page? As a diplomat, I understand that if our Western partners hear two messages: on the one hand, represented by the Cabinet, and on the other, potentially represented by the Council, what will they choose? Most likely, dialogue. Then, let us return to the history that has been repeated every five years. Belarus is now a de-facto occupied territory, we have foreign military units. Can we now give up the fight for independence? Our partisans in Machulishte yesterday showed that only action and strong pressure [can change the situation]. I believe that we need to continue to use three tools. These are the internal underground, the creation of a proto-army, elements of which are embedded in the Ukrainian army, and the third tool — international pressure on the regime. — Is the strategy of struggle chosen and pursued by the DemForces working? — It's all relative and very valuable. We don't have the result we hope for. But I would not agree that it is not working. Lukashenko is constantly under a lot of pressure — internal and external. But it is impossible to turn the situation around in an instant. That is why the NAM believes that it is necessary to unite on these three main directions and direct forces. Resolutions of the European Parliament and PACE do not fall from the sky, and resolutions of the parliaments of the Czech Republic or Lithuania do not appear by themselves. These are the work of the institutions which are working today. The regime senses all of this, and creates threats for it. The main thing is that we are moving towards a situation when this threat will be so strong that it will lead to shifts and changes in Belarus. — And yet, you can hear from some Belarusians that not enough is being done. If someone came to you with such statements, what would you say? — I agree. It's always not enough, because the result we hope for is not there yet. But it's one thing to say these things and criticize while standing on the sidelines, and another thing to join in on the action. I am always open to criticism from both my colleagues on the CC and from the media. That's fine, but in this situation it's important to show as much unity as possible. There is a threat that this unity could collapse. Right now, from my perspective, there is a threat of a change in strategy. I see this kind of communication - public and non-public. It can lead to the fact that someone will try to negotiate with Lukashenko and we, on the contrary, will drag him under an international tribunal in The Hague. Will such strong contradictions help us to achieve our goal? I think not. — There is a theory that your resignation from the Coordinating Council is a step forward in connection with the vote on the impossibility of combining several positions in different structures of the DemForces. Is this true? — I won't disagree, that's one element of my move. But the main thing is not to personalize the fate of Pavel Latushka. We do not give out or take positions, we get criminal cases. Today it became known that Latushka, Tikhanovskaya and other colleagues were sentenced to 19 years in prison. I had a meeting with a small group of developers of the first version of the CC rules of procedure, who proposed not to allow a representative of the Cabinet to be a member of the CC at the same time. I gave them an example: if we watch TV in Poland, we see that the Prime Minister, who is also an MP, and the Deputy Prime Minister, who is the head of the ruling party, are sitting in the Sejm. It is the same in Lithuania. After all, a parliamentary republic is built on the principle that when parliament is elected, it forms a government that has fairly good ties with it. My proposal is that it would be better to invite all members of the Cabinet to the Coordinating Council and, conversely, to make a representative of the CC a member of the Cabinet. Then we will build connections and coordinate more. After all, when the critical moment comes, when we need to make very important political decisions very quickly, do we need such connections and coordination? We probably do. But it seems to me that a group of people have decided that they have a different strategy and want to change the center of political power. This is not consistent with my strategy, my team and my approach as a cabinet representative. The issue was not to exclude Latushka, it was a procedural vote (according to unconfirmed official information, the CC may impose a restriction that members of the Joint Transitional Cabinet cannot be on the Council. — Ed.), but it just so happens that only one of the cabinet members is a member of the CC, i.e. me. And this despite the fact that I received the most votes in the first CC and was elected to the Presidency. I have never applied for the position of the CC head, because the main thing for me is not the position. But I said that Lukashenko would sue me for my activity in the CC, and its members would deprive me of my membership in it at the same time. Is it correct even from the moral point of view? It's a little unclear whether we are partners or not, do we realize that we are fighting against the same enemy? But this is my private assessment, it has nothing to do with what I said above, because the main thing is the common cause. If Latushka and the NAM members are not members of the CC, I understand that the next step is the task of excluding me from the Cabinet through the procedure of non-approval as a member. And I find myself in a situation where I will simply be the head of the NAM. Will I be able to effectively implement the strategy I mentioned above? I think it will be much more difficult for me, as will the NAM team. So, there's a long-term focused game going on. And we see this strategy: we must remove from the CC and the Cabinet precisely those who advocate an active position against the regime. I must emphasize: this is a forecast which I see as a politician and which my team sees. It is important not to waste time on processes, but to direct all efforts to the result. There is no problem that the CC will ask to put public pressure, to send inquiries to the Cabinet. That's fine, but dominating one over the other is an approach that could potentially lead to conflict. The other question I have as a lawyer is how to revoke the mandate of an already elected deputy. I was elected to the first composition of the CC by the strike of the Kupalovsky Theater, which confirmed my credentials in writing, and now my mandate is confirmed in the new composition of the CC. Moreover, the procedure of passing from the first to the second convocation was not determined by the presence or absence of membership in the cabinet. To deprive me of my mandate is simply not in line with the principles of law. — Can the CC influence the activities of the Cabinet, and does it have a big representation in international relations? — There is a question about the representation of the Coordinating Council or how it is formed: can it be accepted and assessed as absolutely transparent and representative, do we know the members of the CC, do we know their programs. Some members of the Council do not give their names. This follows from the principles of security. But can there be a situation where people we do not know vote on strategy decisions or on the exclusion and inclusion of someone on the CC. Everyone knows the position of Pavel Latushka and the NAM — it is public, and I don't know the position of these people, I don't even know their names. As for the international arena, the Coordinating Council is a recognized body and has the right to represent Belarus. But there is a question that this was connected with the first composition of the CC, in support of which 500,000 votes were cast on the Golos platform. Is it possible to hold such a poll today? Let's do it. We are all in an unusual situation today. The same claims can be made against both the CC and the Cabinet. So how can we say that some are more important and some less. Let's agree and build relationships — to create a single strong fist to confront the regime and change the situation in Belarus.

The tricks of Lukashenko's militarization of the economy were "assessed" in the U.S. - and new sanctions were imposed Lukashenko continues to militarize the Belarusian economy — to support Russia's military aggression against Ukraine. The dictator is transferring to the production of military goods all enterprises of little or no relevance, and the maximum number of participants — from large enterprises to individual entrepreneurs — is being involved in the supply of components. Thus, elements of imported household electrical goods are used for the production of military goods. Moreover, with no restrictions on their delivery, it is possible to import the product itself and its components. The new package of U.S. sanctions, introduced on February 25, takes this into account and bans deliveries of consumer electronics to Belarus and Russia — according to a list of 276 items on the list, specified in the document of the U.S. Department of Commerce and the Bureau of Industry and Security. Thus, Washington is taking measures to improve the effectiveness of sanctions on Belarus and Russia and is trying to better align them with the restrictions that are imposed by allies and partners of the United States. U.S. agencies continue to believe that expanding the pressure will increase the effectiveness of already existing multilateral sanctions against Russia - by "closing off access to new goods that can be used in the military sphere and to sources of revenue that support Russia's defense industry." Belarus is also subject to sanctions because the U.S. rightly considers it to be complicit in the conflict with Ukraine on Russia's side, both militarily and economically. In other words, Lukashenko could simply not continue to militarize the country's economy to please Putin, and there would have been no new sanctions on consumer electronics and other goods. However, the head of the regime does not care about the interests of the Belarusian people; he continues to serve the military needs of the Kremlin and thereby support the war crimes he commits. In response, Minsk receives new sanctions and another warning: to stop complicity in the military aggression against Ukraine. New large-scale restrictions, including those on consumer electronics, include export controls that will narrow the possibility of parallel imports. Its example is the situation when Belarusian companies imported for resupply to Russia things that were difficult to deliver there because of the boycott of the supplying company. And it was one of Moscow's main tools for circumventing sanctions. Now the use of parallel import schemes to circumvent restrictions is fraught with criminal prosecution of the participants of the deal in the countries that initiated it. And this is a very concrete warning to all participants of such illegal actions.

How Russia plans to "integrate" its neighbor Original article: svoboda.org In 2021, a document titled "Strategic Goals of the Russian Federation in the Belarusian direction," was developed, according to the Dossier Center. It says that Belarus should be fully integrated into Russia by 2030. Belarusian opposition politicians and experts fear that the Russian army's failures in Ukraine may accelerate the process of Belarus' takeover, as Vladimir Putin will need at least some kind of foreign policy victory. How likely is this scenario? Lukashenko's unfulfilled dreams On December 8, 1999, then-Russian President Boris Yeltsin and the authoritarian Belarusian leader Alexander Lukashenko signed a treaty establishing the Union State. It included obligations for Belarusian-Russian integration, unification of the legislations of the two countries, and unification of customs and energy resources. According to Belarusian political analyst Pavel Usov, Russia needed this document to solve its internal problems: it was just before Boris Yeltsin handed over power to his chosen successor, Vladimir Putin. At the same time Alexander Lukashenko had an ambitious plan to become president of the new state: — Understandably, Russia, which had collapsed as an empire, needed some kind of geopolitical success. The CIS and CSTO projects were created and implemented for the same purpose, so that Russia could represent itself as a regional power with its satellites. Belarus was a very convenient geopolitical target in this regard. The alienation of Belarus could have provoked a political crisis, since there were revanchist groups in Russia, negatively disposed to the liberal reforms of the nineties. The Kremlin could not allow a complete withdrawal of Belarus from Russian influence. As for Belarus, "undemocracy" and Lukashenko's rise to power ensured not only the signing of the Union Treaty, but also the retention of Belarus in Russian hands. The foundations of the Union State were laid back in the early 1990s, when energy and CIS issues were discussed, and the local post-communist elites did not dare to take responsibility and lead the country out from under Russia's economic, primarily energy, influence. Lukashenko took advantage of this and held two referendums. The first of them had a clause: "To support the president's policy of strengthening economic relations with Russia”. The overwhelming majority of Belarusians voted for it. It is also worth bearing in mind that Lukashenko had ambitions to become president of the "Union State" or to get involved in the internal political struggle in Russia itself. This is why he was so active in all union reforms, why he signed the charter of the "Union State", where, according to the original scenario, he was given the opportunity to be the first president, and only Yeltsin's liberal entourage did not allow him to pull this off. Of course, Lukashenko looked pretty good compared to the withering Yeltsin. Boris Berezovsky also spoke about this. Lukashenko even began playing tennis to get closer to Yeltsin and become his successor. Minsk's attitude to the agreements changed dramatically only after Putin came to power," — says Pavel Usov. The once-signed document was practically forgotten for the next 19 years, although Lukashenko, Putin and other Russian and Belarusian leaders released a great many declarations of friendship. There have, however, been periods of marked deterioration in relations between Moscow and Minsk, such as the energy and milk "wars”. Only in 2018, during a visit to Brest, then-Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev reminded his Belarusian partners of the existence of the Union State and offered two options for Russia-Belarus integration: "Leave everything as it is or finally implement the agreements, which means a common tax, price and tariff policy." Belarusian politicians were unenthusiastic about Medvedev's proposal, but work on roadmaps (integration programs) resumed in 2019. In December of that year, there were regular protests in Minsk against the strengthening of the "Union State," and in early 2020, Lukashenko declared that Russia understood integration as "absorption of Belarus”. The coronavirus pandemic began then, and in August 2020, after the presidential election, which, according to the Belarusian Central Election Commission, Lukashenko won, mass protests broke out in the country against falsification of the voting results. Integration took a back seat. They returned to the negotiating table only in 2021. In September, 28 "road maps" were signed. They included, among other things, the following steps: Integration of payment systems. Formation of unified markets for oil and petroleum products. Formation of a unified electricity market. Development of nuclear energy. November 4, 2021 at the meeting of the Supreme State Council of the Union State Lukashenko and Putin signed a decree "On the main directions of implementation of the Union State Treaty for 2021-2023", which approved 28 integration programs. They were supposed to become, according to the official version, "a practical basis for deepening Russian-Belarusian integration”. On the way to absorption? At the same time, in 2021, a document entitled "Strategic goals of the Russian Federation in the Belarusian direction" was developed. The Dossier Center claims that they managed to familiarize themselves with its contents. According to the document, the goal of Russia is full political, energy, military and cultural integration of Belarus into Russia by 2030. The document was developed by members of the Department for Cross-Border Cooperation, together with the MOD, the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces, the Foreign Intelligence Service and the 5th Service of the FSB. The Russian targets for Belarus are divided into three stages: short-term (up to 2022), medium-term (up to 2025) and long-term (up to 2030). Thus, the drafters of the document aimed to unify Belarusian legislation by the end of 2022, to convince the local elites of the need to work on integration, to conduct joint military and tactical exercises of the armed forces of Russia and Belarus, as well as to strengthen the pro-Russian sentiment among the population and military and political elites of Belarus. According to the strategy, by 2025, the Kremlin intends, for example, to introduce a simplified procedure for issuing Russian passports to Belarusians, ensure the integration of the Belarusian nuclear power plant into the Union State energy system, and create stable pro-Russian influence groups in Belarusian politics and the military. By 2030 it is planned to complete the reform of the Constitution of Belarus, taking into account Russian interests, introduce a common currency, agree on a common border and defense policy, create a common cultural space, a common approach to the interpretation of history, and ensure the final dominance of the Russian language over the Belarusian language. Martin Krag, deputy director of the Stockholm Center for East European Studies (SCEEUS), believes that the document resembles a standard document of the Russian bureaucracy in its external form. Pavel Latushko, former diplomat and former Minister of Culture of Belarus, Deputy Head of the United Transition Cabinet (UTC), established by the opposition Belarusian politicians who were forced to leave the country, has doubts about it: — There is a certain logic and system in the document, as well as a number of inconsistencies. It prescribes some positions to be implemented in the future, but in fact they have already been implemented at the time of writing this plan. One of the goals of the document is to change the Constitution of Belarus in favor of Russia. This goal has already been achieved in February 2022, when Lukashenko held a referendum to change it. The medium-term objectives are changes in the economic, military and humanitarian spheres. This is what is being implemented at the moment and has already been accomplished in many areas. From the point of view of bureaucracy, there are some important inconsistencies here as well. The text often uses two names: "Republic of Belarus" and "Republic of Belorussia”. I will tell you as an official: such mistakes are unacceptable, but it does not change the fact that Russia really has plans to take over Belarus, — says Pavel Latushko. In addition to goals, the strategy describes the threats to Russia's plans in Belarus. The Kremlin fears rapprochement of Belarus with members of NATO, the influence of nationalist and pro-Western politicians on Lukashenko, the refusal to teach in Russian in Belarus. The replacement of Russian vaccines against COVID-19 with American and European vaccines was also considered a threat. Russia's invasion of Ukraine, according to The Dossier, has not changed the Kremlin's plans. "The long-term goal of achieving full control over Belarus is still in place," according to a media source familiar with the document. At the end of 2022, State Secretary of the "Union State" Dmitry Mezentsev said that a new package of integration programs is already being developed, and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said a little later that the implementation of the 28 "maps" already approved would take two to three years. Pavel Usov believes that this time may be enough for the full integration of Belarus into Russia: — The process of Russian takeover of Belarus and pressure on the Belarusian elites began much earlier. The noose around Lukashenko's neck got tighter after the signing of 28 road maps in 2021. But I believe that some non-public agreements were signed even after Lukashenko's defeat in the elections in 2020. Then he flew to Sochi to see Putin and begged him to help. Initially, 31 roadmaps were considered, and he could have signed the remaining three. That is why I think that all the processes may be completed by 2025. The integration of Belarus will become a mockery of the entire West. Putin may say: "Look, I have captured Belarus. What will you do about it? Nothing!" Many experts agree that the war in Ukraine has completely stripped Lukashenko of his independence and brought Belarus' integration into Russia closer. Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, head of the United Transition Cabinet and former candidate for the 2020 presidential election, believes that the Russian plan is doomed to fail: — There is nothing new in it. This is the policy that Russia has been pursuing in Belarus since the end of the 18th century. It is expressed in the fight against the national language, symbols, culture, history, in the planting and glorification of everything Russian, Russian. Lukashenko has been a consistent promoter of this policy from the very beginning of his rule. At present, many activists in Belarus who fought against Lukashenko's usurpation of power are accused by the regime of treason, but in fact, it is treason to sign such documents - on joining the Union State, because they clearly threaten the sovereignty of Belarus. Can a war lead to an increase in the pace of integration? "He will eat it, but who will let him? Putin would like to, but he will not succeed: the Belarusian people will not let him do it. In addition, time and the logic of historical development are not on his side. He has already lost. The question is the number of victims he takes on his soul. As a dessert, however regrettable I am to say it, Belarus must serve. Pavel Latushko agrees that the Kremlin may plan to incorporate Belarus into Russia by 2030: — Putin published an article about Ukraine back in 2021, where he quite clearly explained his goals. We already understood perfectly then that he was pursuing similar goals in Belarus. He wanted to dine, and the main course was to be Ukraine. He broke his teeth on Ukraine. As a dessert, as regrettable as it is for me to say, Belarus should be the main course. Pavel Usov, however, argues that Russia is not aiming at the formal accession of Belarus: — It's about completing integration. It is, in principle, the same as accession, but with the preservation of state borders and within the framework of international law. No international treaty is violated, because Belarus itself has expressed a desire to integrate with Russia in this "Union State", where there are two independent entities, but one political leadership. There is Belarus, but it is subordinated to the strategic interests of the SU. It is a fairly common misconception that Russia is going to annex Belarus just as it did with the "DPR" and "LPR. It will do all this supposedly as part of the will of the two peoples. Even the constitutions of the two countries will not be violated: there will be a referendum, and 90 percent of the voters will vote for one currency, one army and one president. Belarus will be "independent", without any attributes of independence. How do Belarusians feel about such a prospect? Pavel Latushko answers: — The information field in Belarus was given by the regime to Russian political technologists and mass media. Of the ten most popular TV channels watched in Belarus, eight are Russian. The Belarusians are under the most powerful attack of the Russian propaganda. Even despite all these attempts of Russia to capture the minds of the Belarusians, they do not succeed. An absolute majority of Belarusians doesn't want war, an absolute majority of people are against Lukashenko, and, most importantly, 97% of Belarusians support independent Belarus (sociological surveys confirm this, even though sociology in totalitarian countries is an "interesting" thing). But a sufficient percentage favors the priority of union relations with Russia. We, democratic forces, must reach out to these people and show that Putin's neo-imperium is planning to destroy the Belarusian statehood. Sviatlana Tihanovskaya believes that the way out of this situation can be the revival of language, culture, history at all levels, beginning with the individual, everyday life and communication. She also spoke about the plan of democratic forces in Belarus to resist integration: — "We are working at the political level - in speeches at the Munich Security Conference, I said that Belarus cannot stay in the CSTO and the Union State with Russia, which started a war against Ukraine and is now the aggressor, it is against the interests of most Belarusians. Our main task, which we are working on, is to make sure that Belarus is not "left for later" in the current conflict, that it does not remain a consolation prize for the loser Putin. Belarus cannot be left "for later. Without free and democratic Belarus, it is impossible to build an effective security system in Europe. The war is not over until Belarus becomes free. Pavel Usov insists that the freedom of Belarus depends on the weakening of Russia: — Only the destruction of Putin's regime and the creation of conditions in which the Union State will be a very costly event for Russia can stop integration. Any integration issues must be perceived at the international level exclusively as an occupation. Pavel Latushko believes that three forces must be formed to prevent integration: — The first is internal. We must create a people's liberation movement, and our transitional government is working on this. This is the most complicated issue, as civil society is suppressed in Belarus. Repression in Belarus is comparable to the period of Stalinism. The second resource is the creation of a proto-army. There are already rudiments of it. Our volunteer units, which fight for the liberation of Ukraine and dream of liberating Belarus, have appeared in the Ukrainian Armed Forces. The third force is international pressure, the isolation of the regime, sanctions, and holding Lukashenko accountable to Ukraine. The document provided to journalists may also play into Lukashenko's hands. I was the ambassador of Belarus to France, Spain, and Portugal. Then, in 2015 - 2016, I participated in closed negotiations. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Belarus, the late Vladimir Makei, and his deputy were there. The main thesis of the talks was that Lukashenko is the main and only guarantor of the sovereignty of Belarus. So, to help Lukashenko is to help save Belarus. This thesis was quite successfully "sold" by Lukashenko's envoys in connection with the annexation of Crimea and the war that Russia unleashed in Donbass. Russia is the enemy of the Belarusian people and the enemy of the Belarusian statehood This was followed by a thaw in relations between Belarus and the West. It all collapsed after the election fraud and the events of 2020. Lukashenko wants to avoid sanctions, to avoid responsibility. He understands that a tribunal awaits him. On this basis, he is again trying to sell the narrative that he is the guarantor of Belarus' independence. He is not. It was Lukashenko who led to the loss of Belarusian independence, it was Lukashenko who from the first days of his rule advocated a union with Russia. It was he who allowed the Belarusian army to be absorbed, it was he who destroyed the Belarusian language, culture and identity. It is he who has built a concentration camp on the territory of Belarus, where there are simply no free people. Only the Belarusian people can be the guarantor of independence. We do not view Russia as a friendly country. Today, Russia, which has occupied Belarus, is the enemy of the Belarusian people and the enemy of the Belarusian statehood. This needs to be spelled out clearly in order to understand the threat. I am skeptical about Russia's democratization after Putin's departure. We see that a large percentage of Russians support the war in Ukraine, so I have no faith in any kind of partnership.