Illustrated photo On 9 April 2026, a working meeting took place between Pavel Latushka — Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and delegate of the Coordination Council — and Mikhail Kirylyuk, Head of the Coordination Council's Legal Commission, and the leadership of the Polish Financial Supervision Authority (KNF). A representative of the General Inspector of Financial Information of the Polish Ministry of Finance also participated. The central topic of the meeting was the problem of banking access for Belarusian citizens residing in Poland, specifically concerning: former political prisoners and others awaiting international protection; persons undergoing legalisation of their stay (awaiting a residence permit, including its renewal); citizens with expired passports — whose renewal is objectively impossible — and those with no passport at all; other categories of Belarusian citizens. Pavel Latushka informed the Polish financial supervisory authorities that Belarusians frequently face: refusals to open accounts in Polish banks; restrictions on the use of mobile banking; freezing of funds in accounts; and other related difficulties. Concrete cases of Belarusians who encountered difficulties with banking services were presented to the Polish side. These cases were collected in part through the NAU chatbot, and also submitted by the Belarusian Association of Political Prisoners "Da Voli" — totalling more than 40 cases. Representatives of the KNF and the General Inspector of Financial Information stated that they would initiate internal procedures to coordinate possible solutions — which could lead to the removal of some of the obstacles to opening and operating bank accounts — with the Office for Foreigners, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the National Tax Administration of Poland. The KNF reported that, following prior communication between NAU and KNF, Polish banks have already been informed of the requirement to recognise the Temporary Identity Document for Foreigners (TZTC) as a valid identity document. Banks are currently completing the adaptation of their internal procedures, including software, for practical application when serving Belarusian citizens. According to available information, some banks have already begun opening accounts on the basis of the TZTC. "In connection with the problem of interpreting EU restrictions that affect the use of mobile banking by Belarusian citizens on EU territory, we will submit relevant requests to the National Tax Administration — which, like the KNF, has the authority to interpret legal norms in the financial sphere — as well as a further request to the European Commission. Work to protect the rights of Belarusians abroad will continue. We remain open to your appeals and problems, and are ready to work toward their resolution. We will keep you informed of decisions taken by the Polish side," said Pavel Latushka.

Artsiom Brukhan and Pavel Latushka. Photo: NAM Media Theses of the speech by Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and Member of the Coordination Council, at the Council of Europe Conference “Embedding European Non-discrimination Principles in the Policies and Practices of Belarusian Democratic Forces and Civil Society” 8 April 2026 Dear Mr. Director, Dear Mr. Speaker, Dear Representative of the Belarusian Helsinki Committee, Dear colleagues, It is an honor to address you on behalf of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, as a member of the Coordination Council of Belarus and a member of the delegation of the Coordination Council to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. Thank you for your solidarity and your firm stance with all of us who continue to defend human dignity and fundamental rights under the most difficult circumstances. For decades, the people of Belarus have lived in a system where equality is systematically denied, discrimination is institutionalized, and repression based on discriminatory grounds is used as a tool of governance. Independent voices are being silenced, civil society is being persecuted, and entire communities have been subject to a State-sponsored campaign of discrimination. Arbitrary detention, ill-treatment, judicial harassment, unlawful imprisonment and other repressive measures based solely on real or perceived political beliefs have become part of a sustained, violent and widespread campaign of repression that continues until today, and that has forced so many of us to flee Belarus. As recently concluded by the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court when announcing its decision to open a full investigation into the Situation in Lithuania/Belarus, the coercive environment allegedly created by the Belarusian authorities has resulted in the crimes against humanity of deportation and persecution (through deportation) of hundreds of thousands of Belarusians. Yet, even those in exile are consistently targeted by the Belarusian authorities through in absentia prosecution, searches and raids of their property, threats, intimidation and publicly disseminated hate speech. Only a few days ago, the Belarusian authorities designated the Belarusian Helsinki Committee, a leading human rights organization in exile working  inter alia on anti-discrimination, as an “extremist formation” – only one of many cynical examples illustrating the scale of the escalating repressions. In today’s Belarus, discrimination targets not only real and perceived political opponents of Aliaksandr Lukashenko and his regime: it also targets women, ethnic and national minorities, religious groups, as well as the LGBTQ+ community. While disguising discrimination as so-called “Slavic” or “traditional” values, the Belarusian authorities continue to blatantly and persistently disregard its international obligations to ensure equality. Yet, with the support of our partners, we have a chance to do better than this: with your support, I believe that we can build a democratic Belarus where legislation, public policies and institutions fully share European human rights standards, ensuring equality and protection for all  The first breaks of this foundation have been already laid: The Belarusian democratic forces, including the Office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the United Transitional Cabinet, and the Coordination Council, have endorsed a joint declaration that enshrines the principles of equality and non-discrimination as a foundation for future reforms and as guiding standards for their current work. This declaration is our shared vision and a unified commitment to building a new democratic Belarus. Moreover, we, as part of the European family, are actively adopting European values and approaches. We are thankful that representatives of the democratic forces had a chance to undergo training within the Council of Europe to learn from the best practices of its Member States, and to translate them into our day-to-day activities.  These are the first bricks of the society we are building, a society and institutions grounded in dignity, equality, inclusion and the rule of law. Accountability still remains at the core of our activities and commitment to non-discrimination. We do believe that without justice, there can be no genuine change, and without accountability, discrimination will continue to reproduce itself in new forms. I would like to reaffirm that we do everything possible to ensure that those responsible for politically motivated persecution, systemic discrimination, and other acts that amount to crimes against humanity will be held to account through fair and transparent international and national mechanisms. This is not only about addressing past violations - it is about restoring justice and trust, and ensuring a new path for a free,democratic and just Belarus. Thank you, and I look forward to the important and enriching discussions today.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. How the Regime Wages War on the Future, Common Sense, and Its Own People Recently, Alexander Lukashenko visited North Korea. We all saw the footage. But it seems he brought back more than just impressions. He brought back blueprints. Blueprints for building "North Korea 2.0" in the very heart of Europe. What is happening in our country today is no longer simply a dictatorship. It is a methodical, daily slide into total absurdity, where the state declares war on everything alive: children, culture, digital progress — and even spring itself. Let us look at the facts. At what our country is living through in the spring of 2026. Let us begin with the most horrifying and cynical — the regime's treatment of children. In March, the authorities liquidated the KinderVita charitable foundation. For five years, these people helped children with cancer. For five years, they gave children and their families what the state is incapable of providing — human compassion and hope. And what does the illegitimate authority do? It does not simply shut the foundation down. The propaganda machine unleashes utterly inhuman lies against the volunteers. Simply because in North Korea 2.0, there can be no independent acts of mercy. Kindness must come only from Lukashenko — and only under duress. The regime is in a panic whenever Belarusians gather together. It fears our smiles and our joy. That is why culture in Belarus is being methodically destroyed. The FESTIWOW, Lidbeer, and WOSTRAU festivals have been cancelled. Because the Council of Ministers invented a "registry of cultural and entertainment event organisers." One step out of line — and you are banned. But the absurdity has reached the point where the system has begun to devour its own. In Gomel, riot police storm a restaurant where people are celebrating the traditional folk festival "Hukanne Viasny" — the Calling of Spring. People are given detention and fines of 1,500 to 2,000 dollars for singing. And do you know who was among those detained? A police major. A man the propaganda held up as a role model for years. A man to whom Minister Kubrakow personally gave a watch, and whom the state awarded the prize "For Spiritual Revival" for preserving traditions. And now this major receives a citation under the "people's" Article 24.23. Because in North Korea 2.0, even spring must be cleared with the ideologists. Meanwhile, when Russian football fans march through Gomel with smoke flares, the authorities call it "a procession from fraternal Russia." Their own people — into the police van for singing. Outsiders — a green light. Look at our streets. They are plastered with billboards featuring security forces and soldiers. Total militarisation is underway. The regime is trying to convince us that we are surrounded by enemies. But the real tragedy is unfolding not on posters — but in barracks. At Pechи, in military unit 3214 overseen by Karpenkow, a conscript soldier took his own life. A strong young man who dreamed of becoming a pilot. He was sent "on exercises" to special forces, and the system broke him. The regime does not need citizens, does not need individuals — it needs cannon fodder and blind obedience. A human life, in their calculus, is worth nothing. And yet look at how these "valiant," heavily armed security forces respond to phantoms. A blogger uses a neural network to generate an image — four people holding red-and-white flags in the centre of Minsk. And what happens? Three vehicles with flashing lights arrive instantly, armed men jump out... to arrest pixels. They are mortally afraid even of artificial intelligence, because they know: the real people hate them. To keep people from knowing the truth, a digital iron curtain is being erected. The regime is blocking access to websites hosted abroad. The tax authority prohibits receiving notifications to @tut.by email addresses because the domain is deemed "extremist." The foreign websites of the BBC and Novaya Gazeta Europa have been declared "extremist" in their entirety. And how are ordinary Belarusians living inside this isolation? I read interviews with our people from within the country, and it is heartbreaking. A 57-year-old woman says that mobile internet has become capped — watch one film, and the whole family loses connection. Stairwells go uncleaned, outages leave people without water for days. A 46-year-old Belarusian woman says that free healthcare no longer exists. Mammography machines in clinics are broken, and doctors openly redirect patients to private centres. Taxes for sole traders have multiplied — any initiative is being strangled. A pensioner admits through tears that buying a banana and an avocado on pension day is a celebration. Apples cost 5 roubles. She lives in a state of fear that has enslaved her. A construction worker notes: there are no Belarusians on building sites anymore. Migrants from Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh have taken their place. Belarusian workers have simply vanished — some emigrated, some drank themselves into despair. And our famous MAZ trucks have disappeared — only Chinese lorries are seen on the roads now. People live with a sense of "countdown." Parents want only one thing: to get their children out of the country, because education is deteriorating, places on state-sponsored programmes are filled regardless of grades, and there are no prospects. Instead of dog parks, the authorities invent new levies, and janitors have simply ceased to exist as a profession. Dear Belarusians. What we are witnessing today is the death throes of a system that has chosen to freeze time.Lukashenko is building his Pyongyang because it is the only model in which he can hold onto power: isolate, intimidate, cut off access, ban celebrations, and march everyone in formation beneath military billboards. But they are forgetting one thing. We are not North Korea. We are a European nation at the heart of the continent.Freedom is in our blood, we have access to technology, and most importantly — we have a solidarity that cannot be crushed by detention, or fines, or any decree. Spring will come — to nature, and to Belarus. And no enforcers, no internet decrees, and no trips to Pyongyang will stop it.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. The system that Lukashenko — a dictator who has latched onto our country like a tick — spent decades building now resembles a building with a freshly painted façade concealing load-bearing structures eaten through by corrosion. What we are witnessing is not an explosion, but structural erosion. Let us break this process down into concrete pressure points — concrete cracks. 1. The bureaucratic apparatus — the people on whom day-to-day governance depends. Their loyalty today has become purely formal, and even toxic. The dictator demands a surge in GDP and exports, but logistics chains through the Baltics are blocked despite all the regime's efforts to push through potash transit, while the Russian market demands below-cost pricing. The bureaucrat is caught between a hammer — an impossible order from above — and an anvil — criminal prosecution for mismanagement. This has produced a paralysis of initiative, and micromanagement has been taken to the point of absurdity. Subordinates are afraid to make even minor decisions, since any of them can be interpreted as sabotage. The first crack: silent sabotage is forming within the system. Officials are not openly betraying the regime — they have simply stopped working toward results, shifting into a mode of self-preservation and paper-pushing. 2. Mid-sized and export businesses — the budget's donors, today held hostage. The exit from European markets has made business entirely dependent on Russian orders. But the Russian market in 2026 is a high-risk zone where the rules change at the Kremlin's whim. Business owners understand: they are losing agency. No one is investing in development. All available funds are being withdrawn or mothballed. Businesses are running down their old capacity. The second crack: a complete loss of trust in the state as an institution. A businessman in Belarus today is a temporary occupant waiting for the moment to shut up shop and leave as soon as the pressure becomes unbearable. 3. The security bloc — the regime's pillar — is also subject to erosion. Propaganda portrays them as a monolith, but reality is different. The system of permanent repression, mass prosecutions, constant monitoring, and total surveillance has turned service into a dreary conveyor belt. Officers have become database operators. This flushes the "ideologically committed" out of the system and leaves only "functionaries." The career ladder is clogged with loyalists from the dictator's inner circle. Young majors and lieutenant colonels can see that their dedication does not convert into status or real power. The third crack: an accumulation of psychological exhaustion. The loyalty of the security forces today is held together by fear of accountability for what was done in 2020. But the moment the system falters, that fear will transform into a readiness to hand over the leadership in exchange for amnesty. 4. The population is no longer taking to the streets — but they have "left" the state. Rising prices on basic food and medicine are hitting the once-loyal electorate — pensioners and workers. The illusion of stability is shattered at the checkout. Living under conditions of constant background anxiety and surveillance produces not submission, but deep alienation. People have stopped perceiving this state as their own. The fourth crack: the social contract has been torn up. The state demands obedience but delivers neither security nor prosperity. This is forming a vast layer of the population that will support any change the moment it becomes possible. 5. Within the dictator's inner circle, contradictions between factions are sharpening — and rising to the level of a battle over the future. The economic bloc understands that without normalising relations with the EU, the country is heading toward default. The security bloc demands intensified repression to preserve its positions. These are two mutually exclusive strategies.At the same time, dependence on Russia frightens even the most loyal cronies. They understand that if Belarus is absorbed by Russia, the local elite will be replaced by imported Russian officials — as ultimately happened in occupied Crimea and the Donbas. The fifth crack: the absence of any vision of the future. No one in Lukashenko's circle knows what comes "after." This is pushing them to seek back-channel contacts with the West and prepare exit strategies. None of these cracks, taken individually, represents a critical tipping point for the collapse of Lukashenko's regime. But we are witnessing an accumulation of structural tension — a situation in which each group endures its discomfort separately, while the total energy of discontent grows without finding an outlet. And any external trigger — a sharp deterioration in the dictator's health, an economic shock, or a Russian military defeat — will instantly turn these hidden cracks into the collapse of the entire structure. The dictator believes he controls the situation through violence. But violence is a glue that dries out over time and begins to crumble. Our task is to map these cracks clearly — and to be ready for the moment when quantity transforms into quality.

Anzhalika Melnikava. Photo: belsat.eu   Original article: belsat.eu Original article: belsat.eu Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet Pavel Latushka, in a conversation with our colleagues from Centrum Europy, answered questions concerning the disappearance of former Coordination Council speaker Anzhalika Melnikava and the appearance of photographs allegedly showing her in Minsk. Pavel Latushka emphasised that at present there is no unambiguous information regarding the disappearance of Anzhalika Melnikava. Therefore, one can only "draw conclusions based on facts." The politician noted that Poland's Internal Security Agency is still investigating the criminal case initiated by the prosecutor's office on the grounds of Melnikava's violent deprivation of liberty. Within the framework of this case, the missing speaker holds the status of victim. "Everything else may be assessment, speculation," said Latushka. She did not work in the interests of the secret services According to Pavel Latushka, the known facts show that Melnikava  "always held a very concrete and open position against the regime of [Alexander] Lukashenko." He emphasised that it was thanks to her personal efforts that the Polish Senate in January 2025 recognised the Coordination Council as the Belarusian parliament in exile; that a PACE resolution was adopted on the non-recognition of Lukashenko as President of Belarus following the "elections" of 2025 and on the recognition of the Coordination Council, the United Transitional Cabinet, and Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya . She also paid out of her own money for a conference on holding Lukashenko accountable for crimes, when the United States refused to provide funding. Therefore, in Latushka's view, Melnikava's activities "clearly did not correspond" to the interests of Belarusian secret services. "I cannot assert who she was. I exclude nothing. I will only state the facts. She was a member of our team, which is working effectively on holding Lukashenko accountable and for the first time in history brought about the launch of an investigation by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court," said Latushka. According to him, she could theoretically have halted or obstructed many initiatives that were contrary to the interests of the Lukashenko and Putin secret services, but she did not do so. "Moving from facts to speculation, I cannot exclude that at some point she may have fallen into a trap set by the secret services. What happened next, I do not know. The investigation is being conducted by the official authorities of Poland, who may know more about this," he said. And what about the photographs? Regarding the appearance of photographs of Melnikava from Minsk, Latushka does not exclude the possibility that this was done deliberately ahead of the visit to Minsk by US Presidential Special Envoy John Cole. At the same time, according to him, the photographs show only "a person very similar to Anzhalika," who may have been photographed in Belarus, while "everything else is conjecture." Overall, the politician does not exclude the possibility of propagandists also producing an interview with Melnikava, with the aim, among other things, of discrediting the elections to the Coordination Council. Unprecedented pressure Overall, Latushka noted that the Belarusian democratic forces have no right to conduct their own counter-intelligence activities on the territory of EU countries — this is the exclusive competence of local secret services. Nevertheless, Melnikava's identity was verified with the assistance of BYPOL and the Cyber Partisans. Furthermore, she underwent vetting by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Administration and the intelligence services of Poland prior to receiving Polish citizenship. According to him, the Belarusian democratic forces "are facing the greatest resistance in their history and actions aimed at destabilising and discrediting our work on the part of the secret services of the Lukashenko regime." Latushka cited "one Polish minister" who told him that "80% of the efforts of Lukashenko's secret services are directed precisely at the destruction and destabilisation of the democratic forces of Belarus." It is impossible to counter this independently, the politician said. The story of the disappearance As a reminder: during March 2025, Anzhalika Melnikava, through several transactions, transferred to her personal account the entire amount of the grant transferred to the Coordination Council (approximately $107,000), as well as all remaining funds in the account, including those designated for the projects of "Partisan Telegram" and support for journalistic investigations (approximately $30,000). In total, Melnikava withdrew more than $150,000 from the account; the last transaction was made on 24 March 2024. The following day, the 25th, she ceased all communication. It later became known that the former CR speaker had left the territory of Poland and the European Union on 26 February 2025 — travelling via the United Kingdom and Sri Lanka, she arrived in the United Arab Emirates, where her trail went cold. Prior to this, she had been in contact with Coordination Council colleagues via video link, and had not attended in-person meetings, saying she was ill. Investigators also report on possible connections between Melnikava and KGB of Belarus officer Alexei Labeev. As far back as 2022, she allegedly failed the first polygraph test conducted by the BYPOL initiative, but was accepted after a second test. Former Polish counter-intelligence officer Anna Grabowska-Sivets suggests that Melnikava may have been recruited while still in Belarus. A reward of €10,000 is now being offered for information about her whereabouts. Almost a year later, on 19 March 2026, photographs appeared of a woman resembling Melnikava at one of the Minsk gyms, which had only begun operating in January 2025. It is difficult to say whether these are genuine photographs or a deepfake, which is not particularly difficult to create under present-day conditions. However, following their publication, journalists from Nasha Niva managed to reach Melnikava's relatives by telephone. The father of the former CR speaker assured them that she has "been living in Belarus for quite some time," that "she has not disappeared, she is alive and well." According to the man, his daughter asked not to be called and always calls herself, but from a hidden number. Their last conversation took place in winter.

A. Lukashenko. Photo: AP Based on an analysis of macroeconomic data for 2025 — early 2026, the state of global commodity markets, and logistics reporting, a conclusion can be drawn: sanctions pressure on the Lukashenko regime continues to work effectively.  The reorientation of cargo flows to Russian infrastructure has not led to a full recovery of export revenues. On the contrary, it has created a critical dependency on Russian ports, which are currently vulnerable to attacks by Ukrainian UAVs. This is compounded by unfavourable conditions on the global fertiliser market and Belarus's growing foreign trade deficit. 1. Blockade of Traditional Logistics and Dependency on Russian Ports Illustrative image. Photo: pexels.com European sanctions, in particular EU Regulation No. 765/2006 (Article 1i), have erected a rigid legal barrier. The European Commission's interpretation of the concept of "transfer" has completely deprived the Lukashenko regime of access to transit through the ports of the Baltic states (primarily Klaipėda) and the services of Lithuanian Railways. In response, Belarus was forced to reorient its cargo flows to 20 Russian ports (Baltic, Azov, Caspian, and Black Sea basins). The key hub became the Grand Port of Saint Petersburg and especially Ust-Luga , where by the end of 2025 the volumes of transshipment of Belarusian petroleum products had grown several times over, and structures such as "Belbudtsentr" are investing in the reconstruction of terminals. Analysis of transshipment dynamics:  Despite the manifold increase in the use of Russian ports, the overall freight turnover statistics of Belarus show a decline: minus 2.6%  at the end of 2025 and a continued fall of minus 0.9% in January–February 2026 (Belstat data). This means that Russian infrastructure has been unable to physically and economically compensate for the loss of the short and inexpensive Baltic route. 2. The Ukrainian Drone Factor: New Risks for Petroleum Products Ukrainian military adjusting a Poseidon drone before directing it towards Russian troop positions at an undisclosed location near the front line in the Donetsk direction, Ukraine. Photo: Yevhen Titov / Abaca Press / East News The reorientation towards Ust-Luga and other Russian ports has made Belarusian exports (primarily petroleum products) hostage to the military situation. Ukrainian drone strikes on terminals create a direct threat of physical destruction of cargo and infrastructure. Even with Russian authorities' claims of "timely extinguishing" and no casualties, the Ukrainian side records a slowdown or halt in shipments following strikes. Price and margin dynamics:  On the global market, petroleum product prices are subject to fluctuations; however, for Belarus the main problem is not the global price but the discount and logistics costs. The increase in transportation distance along Russian railways, transshipment at Russian ports, and rising vessel insurance costs due to UAV strikes are critically reducing the profitability of Belarusian petroleum exports. 3. Stagnation in the Potash Market: The Failure of Attempts at Price Dictation Illustrative image. Source: zviestki.info The Belarusian potash sector has found itself in a trap. Despite artificial attempts to restrict supply, global potash prices are stagnating. The market is oversaturated. Competitors are actively expanding capacity: production growth is expected in Canada, Russia, and Laos (through Chinese investment). Dynamics:  In conditions of global supply surplus, Belarus cannot compensate for the decline in export volumes through price increases. Sanctions force the sale of fertilisers at a discount through complex logistics chains, while competitors (such as Nutrien, with 20% of the market) are capturing market share. 4. Trade with the EU: Asymmetry and Growing Deficit Empty shelves in Minsk shops. Minsk. 2020. Source: udf.name Sanctions have led to a sharp deformation of Belarus's trade balance, confirmed by 2025 data: The trade deficit is breaking records:  in 2025, the goods deficit reached nearly $7 billion (Belstat), while the overall goods and services deficit stood at $1.8 billion (National Bank). Imbalance in growth rates:  in the same year of 2025, imports grew by 5.8%, while exports grew by only 2.6%. Decline and structural shift in trade with the EU:  In 2025 (based on Comext / UN Comtrade data), a precipitous fall in key indicators was recorded. Export from the EU to Belarus: a fall of nearly 1.6 times; imports from Belarus to the EU: a fall of more than 3 times. Total trade turnover declined. Imports of Belarusian goods into the EU have been almost entirely eliminated (reduction from €1.3 billion to €0.4 billion), indicating a near-complete blockage of supplies of sanctioned products (potash, timber, metals, petroleum products). Meanwhile, imports from the EU continue, but are of a critical consumption character: Belarus is purchasing medicines, medical devices, automobiles, agrochemicals, and seeds. Analysis:  Export sanctions are working to deplete foreign currency earnings. Belarus cannot sell its main goods on the premium markets of Europe, but is forced to spend foreign currency on purchasing critically important European imports. 5. The US Sanctions Factor: Why Their Hypothetical Removal Would Not Change the Picture Illustrative image. Source: aa.com.tr Even if the United States fully or partially lifts its sanctions, the overall situation for the Lukashenko regime will not improve. There are three key reasons for this: The primacy of the European logistics blockade:  The main barrier to exports is not the closure of the American market, but the physical impossibility of transporting goods through the nearest Baltic ports. As long as the European ban on transit (transfer) through EU territory remains in force, Washington's permission will not give Belarusian potash a short route to the sea. The "over-compliance" effect:  The global financial and transport systems are deeply integrated. International banks, major maritime carriers, and ship mutual insurance clubs (P&I) will continue to avoid handling Belarusian cargo for fear of violating European sanctions or suffering reputational damage. The lifting of US sanctions will not cancel the toxicity of these cargoes. Market specifics:  For Belarusian petroleum products, the United States was never the primary market (that was Europe and Ukraine). As for potash, over the period sanctions have been in effect, global consumers have restructured their supply chains. Regaining lost positions on the global market, having at one's disposal only expensive and dangerous logistics through Russian ports, will be virtually impossible even in the absence of an American embargo. Conclusions and Forecast Logistics deadlock:  The bet on constructing one's own terminals at Ust-Luga requires long-term investments whose payback period is in question due to systematic UAV strikes on Russian port infrastructure. The ineffectiveness of half-measures:  A weakening of US sanctions is incapable of reviving exports, since physical access to optimal logistics is reliably blocked by European regulations, and global insurance and logistics companies avoid such risks. Loss of market power:  In the potash market, Belarus has lost the ability to influence global prices. Reductions in production volumes no longer lead to price increases due to the commissioning of new capacity by competitors. Deterioration of macroeconomic indicators:  The growing goods deficit of nearly $7 billion and the decline in overall freight turnover are direct mathematical proof that "sanctions work." The Belarusian economy is falling short of export revenues while maintaining a high dependency on imported technologies and goods, which in the medium term will exert enormous pressure on the national currency exchange rate and foreign currency reserves.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. Pavel Latushka on how Lukashenko bankrupted the Ministry of Culture Recently, in early March, a new artistic director was appointed to the Yanka Kupala National Academic Theatre — Dmitry Akimov. He is a citizen of Russia, who previously worked as chief director at a number of Russian provincial theatres. This appointment resembles a forced measure: over all these years, the system has failed to find a single authoritative Belarusian director within the country who would agree to head the main theatrical stage of the nation. Lukashenko's Ministry of Culture was compelled to import artistic leadership from the Russian provinces. The appointment to this position of a person who does not speak the Belarusian language and is detached from national identity is an act of unconditional capitulation and a genuine crime against culture. The imported artistic director has already managed to outline his mission. He stated that he wants to understand what the theatre should be, including in terms of "socio-political indicators". Not to seek artistic meaning. Not to develop national dramaturgy and the Belarusian language. But to fulfil socio-political indicators. The Kupala Theatre has de facto been reduced to the status of a housing maintenance office of culture — a factory for the production of ideological conformity and loyalty. Perhaps this is a one-off personnel mistake? No — this is a systemic collapse in the sphere of culture, a consistent policy of destroying the theatre. Since the events of 2020, no fewer than a dozen casting processes have taken place, yet it has never been possible to assemble a fully-fledged company. Into a theatre where theatrical dynasties once served, they now recruit random people, inexperienced students, and actors from Russia who do not even speak the Belarusian language.

Illustrative photo Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management Pavel Latushka held a meeting with the Special Envoy on the Return of Ukrainian Children of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, Karina Odebrink. The meeting took place at the initiative of the member of the Swedish Parliament and Special Envoy on the Return of Ukrainian Children of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly. Assistance in organising the meeting was provided by the Head of the Coordination Council delegation to PACE, Coordination Council delegate Aleksandra Mamaeva. Pavel Latushka presented information gathered by the National Anti-Crisis Management: more than 3,500 Ukrainian children were forcibly transferred to Belarus from the occupied territories of Ukraine — the Kherson, Donetsk, Luhansk, and Zaporizhzhia regions. These actions were carried out on the basis of a personal written decision by Lukashenko, taken within the framework of the so-called Union State. The report is planned to be presented at the upcoming session of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly. The member of the Swedish Parliament noted the importance of reflecting the role of the Lukashenko regime in the commission of this war crime. Karina Odebrink emphasised that the materials of her report will include information transmitted by the National Anti-Crisis Management regarding the commission of this crime by representatives of the Lukashenko regime.

Lithuanian Minister of Internal Affairs Vladislav Kondratovich, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, delegate of the Coordination Council Pavel Latushka. Photo: NAM Media. Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, delegate of the Coordination Council Pavel Latushka, during a conversation with Lithuanian Minister of Internal Affairs Vladislav Kondratovich on the sidelines of the 50th Session of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe, thanked Lithuania for its principled position on the issue of holding representatives of the Lukashenko regime accountable for the commission of crimes against humanity against the Belarusian people. The Deputy Head of the Cabinet noted that it is precisely thanks to Lithuania's principled position that the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court launched an investigation into the Belarusian situation in connection with crimes against humanity being committed by Lukashenko and his accomplices. During the conversation, Pavel Latushka noted that at his meetings, both as a representative of the Cabinet and as a delegate of the Coordination Council, he consistently raises the question of the importance of this work, emphasises Lithuania's leading role in this process, and advocates for the necessity of other states joining the investigation into the crimes of the Lukashenko regime. During his stay in Strasbourg, Pavel Latushka is conducting consultations with heads of diplomatic missions and at the Secretariat of the Council of Europe on matters related to holding Lukashenko accountable for crimes against the Belarusian people, aggression against Ukraine, and war crimes connected with the illegal removal of Ukrainian children from the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus and their subsequent indoctrination in the ideas of the "Russian world".

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council Pavel Latushka on how the regime is gradually building an updated repressive system in Belarus. Recently, the commander of the internal troops Nikolai Karpenkov announced a major reorganization of special units. The special purpose detachment "Buran" in the Gomel region has been transformed into a separate military unit No. 3033. In the near future, the special purpose detachment "Shtorm" in the Brest region will also be transformed into a military unit. The Minsk military unit 3310 will become a special purpose brigade, and the capital's unit 5448 will receive the status of an operational purpose unit. These units are being equipped with grenade launchers, anti-tank systems, flamethrowers, large-caliber machine guns, and BTR-82 armored personnel carriers. Special unmanned aviation centers are being created. There are already three such centers within the internal troops, and a fourth will be established specifically in the "Buran" detachment. What does this mean? It means the expansion and institutionalization of forces designed to suppress internal crisis. Moreover, the regime speaks about this completely openly. Karpenkov directly stated that the reforms of the special units are being carried out taking into account the experience of suppressing so-called "color revolutions" in other countries — in Georgia, Serbia, and Iran. And when we see how in Belarus the control over the economy and the special units for suppressing protests are being strengthened simultaneously, it becomes clear: the regime is not preparing for the development of the country — it is preparing to retain power at any cost. But such a system has a fundamental problem: it destroys the economy.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. On the banning of books and the persecution of the intelligentsia in our country Let us first turn to fiction. The novel It's Hard to Be a God  by the Soviet science fiction writers the Strugatsky brothers depicts a society — a fantastical world resembling the Middle Ages — where the authorities consciously destroy intellect and enlightenment. There, under the rule of a local tyrant, education is equated with crime, and those who dare to think, write, or learn face violent death. "Literate? Impale him! Writing verses? Impale him! Know your tables? Impale him — you know too much!"  — these words from the novel ring today like an alarm bell for us. In the Strugatskys' fictional world, the destruction of "bookmen" — scholars, poets, doctors, engineers — was not an act of barbarism but a systemic strategy of power: to keep the people in silent and manageable "greyness." The protagonist of the novel tries to save these people, preserving the seeds of reason. This literary image remarkably accurately echoes what is happening in Belarus today. According to official data, the Republican List of Extremist Materials contains more than 9,000 items. Of these, 225 printed publications are banned from distribution, and 190 of them were added in 2025. In December of last year alone, 52 books were added. The banned publications span children's, scientific, historical, and literary fiction, as well as contemporary pop culture. The reasons for the bans are often absurd: from "danger to national interests" to "harm to moral values." In practice, this is censorship for the purpose of controlling thought, which makes the list frankly medieval and repressive. The banned list includes: Historical and political science works:   Essays on the History of Belarus (1795–2002)  by Zakhar Shybeka, The Belarusian People's Republic 1918–1920  by Dorota Michaluk, Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe (1946–1956)  by Anne Applebaum. These books are banned for offering interpretations of history that do not align with the official ideology, which clearly demonstrates a political motive. Fiction and novels:  Works by Belarusian authors such as Sasha Filipenko, as well as foreign authors — John Boyne, Patrick Ness, André Aciman, Vladimir Sorokin, and Viktor Pelevin. The ban affects not only political themes but also those of coming of age, love, psychology, and sexual identity, indicating censorship of ideas and worldviews. Children's and young adult literature:   Where Do Babies Come From , My Mum , Let's Talk About IT . The aim here is obvious: to control sex education and "traditional values," which constitutes direct interference in education. "On average, we have around 40 books under review at any given time, identified in the course of monitoring. Identifications occur across the entire republic. Both specialists from regional commissions and members of the public are involved. And on average, we are compelled to ban around 30 books from distribution on the territory of the Republic of Belarus,"  said Deputy Minister of Information Denis Yezersky in a broadcast on STV. This is a modern-day example of literature being banned under ideological, moral, and political pretexts. History knows such practices well: Islamist Iran, communist USSR, Nazi Germany — always under the guise of "morality" and "security," they attempted to destroy freedom of thought and literature. They literally burned books in public squares. In our country, the content of books and access to them is controlled by the so-called Republican Commission for the Assessment of Symbols, Attributes, and Informational Products. The commission is dominated by ideologists and, for some reason, by representatives of the security services: the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Investigative Committee, the Military Academy, and the Border Service. Books may be banned on the basis of the National Security Concept and Lukashenko's Directive No. 12 if, in the authorities' view, they contradict the interests of the country, violate moral, ethical, or religious norms, or contain "extremist materials." Recent events have shown that the broad definition of "extremism" encompasses not only individual works but entire publishing houses. In February of this year, a wave of searches and detentions of book publishers and distributors took place. Among those detained were Vatslav Bogdanovich, founder of the Tekhnalohiya publishing house; Andrei Kim, a well-known translator and creator of the Kinakonha project; Dmitry Kolos, head of the eponymous publishing house; and book distributor Ales Yevdakha. Immediately following these arrests, independent publishing houses began to be mass-designated as "extremist formations," including some that had previously been considered safe. Among them: Gutenberg Publisher, the literary and human rights organization Belarusian PEN, as well as the publishers Kamunikat.org Foundation, Lohvinau Publishing House, and Andrei Yanushkevich Publishing. It is important to understand: this is not merely the persecution of specific individuals. This is a systemic attempt to destroy the independent literary and publishing space, to restrict access to knowledge and the translation of world literature into the Belarusian language, and to deprive society of critical thinking. In other words, today "we have no need for the clever" — as in the Strugatskys' Arkanar — and tomorrow the consequences may affect everyone. Particularly alarming is the fact that banned books cannot only not be purchased, but also cannot be passed on, gifted, or even retained at home if one already possesses them. This means that any contact with the works of independent publishers now carries the threat of administrative or criminal liability. Even the mere possession of books from publishers designated as "extremist formations" may serve as grounds for prosecution. What do we lose in this war against the bookmen? We lose our history, our cultural memory, the right to education, and the ability to think independently. Such actions not only violate fundamental human rights but also destroy the intellectual foundation of society. It is books, it is enlightenment, that give a people the capacity to analyse, to criticise, to build a future. Without this, we are condemned to "greyness," to manageability, to indifference. The history of humanity has shown time and again: those who destroy books kill the future. The example of the Strugatskys' science fiction novel is not merely a literary allegory — it is a warning that remains relevant for Belarus today. We see how publishing houses are being destroyed, how writers and book distributors are being intimidated, how independent literary organisations are being shut down. We are obliged not only to remember these events but to act: to preserve books, to support independent publishing houses, to assist writers and translators. Every book, every line, every text translated into the Belarusian language is an act of resistance, an act of preserving reason in a society that is being silenced. The future of Belarus will depend on whether we are able to defend intellectual freedom, the right to literature and knowledge. The protagonist of the Strugatskys' novel tried to save a dying medieval society; today we must save our cultural heritage, our books, and our writers. Otherwise, tomorrow we will wake up in a world without books — a world where "we have no need for the clever."

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. "Freedom for Belarus begins with our will. And I have the will to fight for freedom. I am convinced that those who have gathered here today in the square in Warsaw also have the will to fight for our freedom. And this will, I have no doubt, exist in those Belarusians who are in Belarus today and, unfortunately, cannot come out. But we come out for them. And our hearts beat together", — said Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management Pavel Latushka during his speech at the March in Warsaw dedicated to Freedom Day. March of Belarusians on Freedom Day. Warsaw, Poland. 2026. Photo: NAM Media. "We have the will, and we are realizing this will. Today we can say that we are fulfilling what we promised. You remember that more than once, speaking at our meetings, I said that we would seek accountability for Lukashenko and his accomplices for crimes against the Belarusian people. And it has happened! On March 12, the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court officially opened an investigation into crimes against humanity committed against the Belarusian people. I thank Lithuania, I thank human rights defenders, I thank my team of the National Anti-Crisis Management for the fact that we launched this in 2023, and today we are very close to a result," said Pavel Latushka. The Deputy Head of the Cabinet noted that today a very good and symbolic piece of news had come. It was announced that the decision on issuing an arrest warrant for Lukashenko will be made by 3 women — 3 judges of the International Criminal Court. Symbolically, in the very year of the woman that he declared, once again, as in 2020, 3 women will decide his fate. Speech by Pavel Latushka at the March of Belarusians on Freedom Day in Warsaw, Poland, 2026. "Lukashenko may receive not only one warrant from the International Criminal Court. He may receive 3 warrants and become a three-time 'warrant holder.' He could effectively become a world record holder." The first warrant — from the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity committed against the Belarusian people. The second warrant — for the illegal deportation of Ukrainian children and their indoctrination in the ideas of the "Russian world." The third warrant — for the act of aggression against Ukraine. "As a delegate of the Coordination Council, as a member of the delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, together with my colleagues I was able to introduce an amendment to Council of Europe documents stating that the top military and political leadership of Belarus, headed by Lukashenko, will be held accountable for the act of aggression. We will work towards this — so that he becomes a three-time 'warrant holder'". The National Leader of Belarus and Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the UTC on Power Transition and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management Pavel Latushka at the March of Belarusians on Freedom Day in Warsaw, Poland, 2026. Photo: NAM Media. Also during his speech, Pavel Latushka called on Belarusians to participate in the elections to the Coordination Council, which will take place from May 11 to 17, as this institution gives us the opportunity to defend our interests before international partners and resolve issues of legalization, including for political prisoners. This body, democratically formed by Belarusians, must be the voice of us — the Belarusian people.