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Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Pavel Latushka about the periodic suggestions not to "provoke" Lukashenko “These statements are astonishing and simply unacceptable to me. Let's remember August 2020 and consider whether we should really leave Lukashenko alone. How many people were detained simply for taking to the streets after the elections? Since that day, repressions in Belarus have reached unprecedented proportions. There were beatings, torture, and the most inhumane treatment carried out by security forces. Just consider this: in the heart of Europe, individuals who took to the streets following the rigged elections were compelled to run past a line of security forces armed with batons, who mercilessly beat them as if on an assembly line. Belarusians were coerced into kneeling for hours, lying face down on the ground with their hands bound behind their backs, and enduring prolonged stress positions. When they requested water, medicine, or the use of restroom facilities, the security forces responded with even greater cruelty, resorting to the use of force. People were marked with markers indicating the severity of their beatings. For the castigators, this served as an indication that the person had not yet been "processed." Upon being detained, individuals were piled on top of each other, forced to trample on national symbols, and subjected to abuse if they spoke Belarusian. The Okrestino detention center functioned as a real torture camp. Cells originally designed for 6-7 people were crammed with 30-40 individuals, lacking proper ventilation. This occurred during the coronavirus epidemic. Detainees were deprived of food, receiving only one bottle of water per day. Meanwhile, agonizing screams from tortured detainees reverberated in neighboring cells. What can we call all that? The regime led by Lukashenko committed a genuine crime against humanity through acts of torture. Such a brutal treatment of the people cannot be forgotten. And has it stopped? We know the answer: “No”. Should we forget these acts of torture, the horrors endured, and the lives lost? Is it worthwhile to simply turn the page and erase this from the history of the Belarusian people?

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Lukashenko's draft decree, which proposes a reduction in the maximum cash payment for goods and services, has been submitted for so-called public discussion. Lukashenko's draft decree outlines a gradual reduction, over the next two years, of the maximum amount of cash payments accepted by legal entities and individual entrepreneurs from individuals. The reduction would decrease from 20,000 BYN (around 6,000 USD) to 4,000 BYN (around 1,200 USD) when selling goods, works, or services. This Decree was enacted against the backdrop of the fact that, since March 1 of this year, the security forces of the Lukashenko regime, including employees from the prosecutor's office, state security, internal affairs, the investigative committee, and the operational analytical center, have been granted 24-hour super access to all non-cash payments made by Belarusians. This access was granted based on a decree issued by the usurper in August 2023, which aimed to counter unauthorized payment transactions. Against this backdrop, security forces have already started calling Belarusians for "conversations," and have taken measures such as blocking their accounts. During these "conversations," individuals in uniform ask a standard set of questions, including full name, address, place of work, inquiries about cryptocurrency transactions, and details of payments or transfers made, including recipients and destinations. Typically, these inquiries are then forwarded to the investigative committee, potentially leading to a common scenario: the initiation of a criminal case, detainment, and a subsequent demand from the same security forces to resolve the case through payment. Refusal to comply could result in several years of imprisonment. Sadly, innocence or lack of wrongdoing holds little significance within the current system established by Lukashenko. The regime and its servants are in dire need of money. Starting from April 1, employers are also required to provide data on their employees' income to Lukashenko's tax system. This creates yet another "database" of Belarusians controlled by the regime, this time specifically related to income, which was established back in 2023. This regulation mandates that employers provide tax authorities with information regarding nearly all employee income, including benefits and personal income tax amounts. Furthermore, the updated tax code obligates banks to provide tax information about individual clients whose total incoming transactions for a calendar year exceed 150,000 BYN (around 45,700 USD). Hence, the Lukashenko regime aims to exercise complete control over the monetary transactions of Belarusians, enabling them to monitor income, entrepreneurial activities, and significant purchases such as apartments, country houses, or cars. This control could potentially lead to the seizure of what they deem as excess funds, favoring the dictator's loyal servants. In light of these circumstances, we once again recommend minimizing non-cash payments and considering alternatives to storing savings in Belarusian banks. It is crucial to remember that if a state of emergency or martial law is declared in Belarus, your accounts and savings may be frozen overnight. These measures to strengthen control over the finances of Belarusians occur simultaneously with an increase in the prices of various goods and services within our country, including mobile operator services and cigarettes. The illegitimate authorities are intensifying their control over so-called "parasites" and socially vulnerable groups of citizens. For instance, Belarusians traveling abroad for more than two months with children under three years of age will be required to inform social services. Consequently, these services will suspend benefit payments until the individuals return to the country. Failure to comply may result in becoming a debtor to the state and potentially facing criminal charges. Simultaneously, the regime is impacting Belarusians with counter-sanctions by prohibiting the import of numerous food products from European countries. Additionally, duty-free limits on parcels from abroad and goods imported by land are being reduced. It appears that Lukashenko has no intention of retracting his previous promise to eliminate entrepreneurs. Notably, Lukashenko's quasi-parliament has passed legislation that restricts the permitted types of activities for individual entrepreneurs. Meanwhile, in Minsk, new individual entrepreneurs have not been registered for the third consecutive year, allegedly due to technical reasons, resulting in a decrease of over 10,000 individual entrepreneurs in Belarus over the past year. Lukashenko is confidently steering the Belarusian economy towards a state resembling impoverished Cuba, where essential food products are currently in short supply.

On April 4-5, meetings of working groups established as part of the Strategic Dialogue between the United States and the democratic forces of Belarus are taking place. These events are a continuation of communication based on the outcomes of bilateral meetings held in Washington in December. During those meetings, six working groups were formed between US political representatives and the democratic forces of Belarus. "The creation of a platform for strategic dialogue between the United States and the democratic forces of Belarus is a significant political step by the United States in support of democratic transformations in Belarus. It is unprecedented, and as a Belarusian politician, I highly appreciate this initiative," stated Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management. The dialogue focuses on raising important and strategic issues for the future of the Belarusian people and the state within the established bilateral working groups. The main areas of dialogue include: Democracy and political matters; Human rights and political prisoners; Mechanisms of accountability; Private sector and entrepreneurship; Media and combating propaganda; Identity, culture, education, sports, and diaspora. Pavel Latushka, as a politician, shared his expectations from the strategic dialogue: "As the Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management and a representative in the Cabinet responsible for issues of regime accountability and sanctions policy, it is important to discuss specific mechanisms of pressure and holding representatives of the regime accountable. This involves discussing the use of tools such as the International Criminal Court, the International Court of Justice, and universal jurisdiction. In terms of sanctions policy, it is crucial to harmonize sanctions against the Lukashenko regime and Russia." Pavel Latushka also emphasized: "At the same time, I hope that the strategic dialogue will not only focus on discussing the challenges and threats faced by Belarusian society and statehood but will also lead to concrete steps to ensure that democracy and human rights prevail in Belarus. As a politician, I believe it is essential to prioritize supporting the democratic majority in Belarusian society by demonstrating the effectiveness of democratic institutions, democratic countries, and international legal mechanisms in achieving justice." The Belarusian people are our main strength and weapon. It is vital to continue motivating Belarusian society, proving that democracy is an effective system of governance capable of safeguarding human rights and freedoms, especially considering the severe repression faced by Belarusians, the most extensive in Europe in the past 50 years. What tools can be used to achieve this purpose? Pavel Latushka highlighted that democratic countries are encouraged to utilize the following tools to achieve the goal of democratizing Belarusian society and establishing a democratic form of government where the Belarusian people are the driving force behind political changes: Firstly, holding Lukashenko accountable. Currently, the Belarusian people are suffering, while the criminal actions of Lukashenko are not receiving sufficient international attention. The tactic of “not angering the dictator” is a strategic mistake with potentially dire consequences, eroding faith among Belarusians in the effectiveness of democracy and partners’ solidarity. Secondly, ensuring harmonized sanctions with Russia. Lukashenko leverages the economic ties between Russia and Belarus to benefit from sanctions, thereby maintaining a repressive apparatus and assisting Russia in its ongoing aggression against Ukraine. Thirdly, supporting independent media. There is a decline in support for independent media, despite the majority of Belarusian society being opposed to war and aggression. Reducing support for independent media will limit the availability of objective and free information for Belarusians. Fourthly, supporting national culture and identity. Russia, with the support of the dictator, systematically undermines the national identity of Belarusians, aiming to incorporate Belarus into Russia without military intervention in the future. It is crucial to acknowledge the ongoing destruction of Belarusian culture and statehood happening before the eyes of the world. Fifthly, increasing opportunities for Belarusians to interact with democratic countries, including visa issuance and simplifying border crossings. This is important for fostering pro-European sentiments in Belarus. The time has come for concrete steps. These steps may be small but should demonstrate to Belarusians that the democratic world stands united in its support for Belarusian society.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Lukashenko's statement that he is preparing for war has made a lot of noise. How to assess it? Are these empty threats or is there really a threat of war for Belarus? Let's try to understand. First of all, this is not the first such statement of the usurper. He already said something similar in late February at a meeting with the leadership of his security forces. Then he said: "We don't need war, so we must be prepared for it both mentally and strategically. <...> We all, first of all people in uniform, simply have to be ready to repel any threats." At that time, he posed the NATO Steadfast Defender 2024 exercise as a threat. But can Lukashenko really believe that NATO will attack Belarus under the cover of the exercises? I think it is worth recalling here who did exactly that in February 2022. Who made a full-scale invasion of Ukraine under the cover of the exercise "Union Resolve 2022". The answer is Russia and the Lukashenko regime, which secured the invasion of Ukraine from the territory of our country. And despite this, neither Ukraine nor NATO has committed a single military response against Belarus. Not a single bomb, not a single missile flew to Belarus, despite more than 800 hundred missile strikes that were carried out on Ukraine from the territory of our country. So what kind of war is Lukashenko preparing for? I suggest going back a couple of months before the full-scale invasion of Ukraine and remember what Lukashenko said at a meeting with his activists in Vitebsk region on December 15, 2021: "No war has passed us by in the past, nor will it pass us by now. God forbid it will be unleashed. Therefore, my task is to protect the state and the people from war. <...> I do not want our people to find themselves once again on the fault line and God forbid in the center of some war. And in order for us not to be there, we must be prepared for it. That is why the new governor, chairmen of district executive committees, city executive committees, you know that we have territorial defense and territorial troops. Look at the facilities that you will have to defend on the ground in case of what happens. Sort everything out." Just a month earlier, the updated Military Doctrine of the so-called Union State had been signed. A joint regional grouping of troops of Belarus and Russia was created. And 2 months after Lukashenko's statement, a full-scale war against Ukraine began. In which Lukashenko's regime became a co-aggressor. That is, any talk that Lukashenko did not know, did not expect such a development of events is, excuse me, utter nonsense. He knew and he was preparing. The only thing he was wrong about was the response of Ukraine. Ukraine decided not to respond with blows to blows, not to transfer the war to the territory of Belarus. And this is solely the merit of Ukraine itself. All Lukashenko's words that he is "protecting Belarus from war" and all the claims of the supporters of this narrative are the same nonsense as the fact that Lukashenko allegedly did not expect that the war in Ukraine would come from the territory of Belarus. Lukashenko dragged Belarus into war. He committed an act of aggression. And nothing can undo this fact. Lukashenko did not protect anyone, did not save anyone. And, no matter how harsh it sounds, Ukraine had the right to respond. Russian military facilities, military-industrial complex facilities at the moment when war came from Belarus to Ukraine, when missiles flew from Belarus to Ukraine — all these became legitimate targets for Ukraine. But Ukraine did not use this right. And it still doesn't to this day. While Ukraine's strikes against legitimate targets in Russia are becoming more and more active. Ukraine is now methodically hitting Russian refineries, depriving Russia of fuel for the war. Belarusian refineries, which will obviously be used to compensate for some of Russia's losses, again, remain untouched. And now Lukashenko once again declares that he is preparing for war. At the same time, Russia announced a spring draft, during which 150 thousand people will be called up for service. This is the largest draft in Russia for the last 8 years. How should we understand Lukashenko's statement? This is a case where his words should be taken literally. He is indeed preparing for war, just as he did in December 2021. Moreover, just like then, he surely knows when it will happen. And he knows that this time no one will tolerate aggression from the territory of Belarus — and there will be military retaliation. Lukashenko knows that war will come to Belarus. And he knows it because, as in February 2022, he is not going to do anything to prevent this war. As then, so now he obediently follows orders from the Kremlin. As then, so now he is no master in the house, but a puppet who will do whatever his master demands. Lukashenko's regime has been living on borrowed time for dozens of years, feeding off the Russian hand for dozens of years. It is only thanks to Russia's support that he stayed in power after 2020. And it is us who are paying for it. And we are paying a terrible price. The actions of Lukashenko's regime have already brought Belarus to the brink of losing its independence. They have already led to an act of aggression in the sense of international law. And now they are leading to the fact that the war going on our country's doorstep may cross it. And when Lukashenko says that he is preparing for war but actually wants peace, that he doesn't really want war — he is lying. Because if he really doesn't want war — he knows what needs to be done. Lukashenko must go. Because he and his dependence on Russia are the reason why our country is threatened with war. Lukashenko's departure and holding democratic elections are the most reliable defense against this threat. The people of Belarus are for independence, for democracy and against war. And that is why it is the Belarusian people, not the usurper, who thinks only about how to sit in his chair, who should be the subject that determines policy, makes decisions and preserves peace on their land.

Artsiom Brukhan, Deputy Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, spoke about the concerns of Lukashenko and officials in an interview with Euroradio. "The first indication that Lukashenko will consider a transition is if there is a majority of 'Belaya Rus' in the House of Representatives, and he himself leads a pro-government party. This would signal that he will not run for another presidential term." According to the analyst, Lukashenko currently seeks certain guarantees, such as control over the House of Representatives, in order to ensure that laws will not be rewritten. Is Lukashenko genuinely concerned about his power in Belarus? "The self-proclaimed leader created the so-called All-Belarusian People's Assembly (APA) and now doesn't know what to do with it. The All-Belarusian People's Assembly itself demonstrates the regime's political transformation. Lukashenko understands that he has inadvertently created a system of dual power. He himself stressed that two authorities cannot coexist in the country. Therefore, Lukashenko is compelled to hold both positions in order to maintain control for another five years. One position is 'president,' and the other is 'head of the All-Belarusian People's Assembly.'" Are officials worried? "Yes, their concerns are connected to the influence of Russia and the potential change of the Lukashenko regime to the Kremlin regime. Officials are well aware that if the Russians intervene, they could swiftly be removed from their positions, even at the average and district level. During Lukashenko's tenure, a faction of so-called 'red-green independents' has emerged, who are holding onto their positions." Artsiom Brukhan emphasized that as Russian influence on Belarus grows, Lukashenko's officials will increasingly emphasize their allegiance to their homeland, independence, and territorial sovereignty.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Customs officers of European countries have started rejecting trucks carrying goods destined for Belarus and Russia According to experts from the risk assessment company Corisk, approximately 10 billion euros' worth of goods transited through Belarus to Russia alone between 2022 and 2023. However, it will now be more challenging to do so. Since July 3, 2023, Lithuania has tightened border controls on the movement of sanctioned goods. Lithuanian customs officers now require carriers to present a special document issued by the manufacturer for the export and re-export of goods. This means that manufacturers will be required to have knowledge of and control over the movement of the goods they produce. On July 4, 2023, we sent a separate letter to the Ministries of Foreign and Internal Affairs of Poland, proposing the adoption of similar measures. These proposals were subsequently forwarded to the Polish Ministry of Finance. We also reiterated these proposals in various meetings with representatives of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia. Furthermore, on December 11 last year, we met with the EU Special Envoy for Sanctions in Brussels to discuss the sanctions pressure on the Lukashenko regime, including the issues related to circumventing the imposed restrictions and measures to address them. Meanwhile, such measures have been introduced and harmonized at the individual country level. On January 26, 2024, the heads of customs of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia approved the agreement of the Baltic region on the implementation of common control measures. What do these measures entail? Now, when cargo travels from Europe through Belarus and Russia, it is subject to additional controls, and additional documents are required: Cargo at the border with Belarus must have a "manufacturer's declaration." This means that European customs officers will require an additional document issued by the manufacturer of the sanctioned product. Carriers must demonstrate that the cargo will not remain in Belarus and Russia. Violating this rule will result in liability for both the manufacturer and the carrier, including potential criminal liability. On February 15, 2024, we discussed Poland's participation in the sanctions control mechanism with the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland. During a meeting at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on March 22, we received confirmation that Poland has joined this mechanism. As a result, Poland has joined the sanctions control measures in which the Baltic countries are participating. This development signifies the formation of a unified mechanism for customs control over sanctions at the EU-Belarus border.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador "We are preparing for war. I speak about this frankly," declared the usurper Lukashenko during his working trip to Hrodna. Today, Lukashenko's Ministry of Defense announced that military drills of territorial defense forces are being held in four regions of Belarus, in addition to the ongoing military exercises throughout the country. Officially, these troops, known as the people's militia, are only used during military situations or in times of threat to the country. From April 2 to April 4, a command post exercise is scheduled with the territorial defense forces of the Rahachou and Karmiany districts of the Gomel region. Similar exercises will also take place in the Vialeyka region until April 26. So, what is Lukashenko preparing for? In Belarus, they are now training to implement martial law, which could drastically change the lives of Belarusians. How might this happen? Let's try to figure it out. Only Lukashenko has the authority to impose martial law, and it goes into effect immediately upon his death. Under martial law, citizens are obligated to comply with the demands of government agencies and military authorities. This includes mandatory attendance upon the first request of a government agency. As we already know, individuals can now even be drafted into the army via SMS. Additionally, a curfew may be imposed. Citizens over the age of 16 can be involved in defense work and participate in cleaning up after weapon use and emergency situations. Those registered with the military are prohibited from leaving their place of residence without permission from the military registration and enlistment office or the local KGB department head. Сitizens can be required to surrender their property, including houses or non-residential premises, to government agencies for defense purposes. No compensation is provided for such requisitions. During martial law, rallies, processions, and other public events are prohibited. Military censorship authorities are established, potentially leading to restrictions on printed materials. Inspection of citizens’ personal correspondence is also possible. The regime may also impose limitations on citizens' movement within the country, including restrictions on changing their place of residence. The military's powers will be expanded, granting them the authority to patrol streets, check documents, and detain individuals. In certain circumstances, they may even conduct house inspections. These expanded powers also allow the use of weapons and special equipment. During the implementation of martial law, the National Bank of Belarus may restrict or suspend banking operations, and there may be restrictions on the use of bank cards. It all raises the question of whether Lukashenko's claims of advocating for peace are genuine. Despite his attempts to portray himself as a 'guarantor of peace' in Belarus, we have witnessed a growing number of military training, preparation for martial law and other events involving the Armed Forces. Furthermore, the regime has provided territory in Belarus for the Russian army, recruited Wagner militants for the internal troops, and allowed the presence of nuclear weapons on Belarusian soil. The regime even involves children in militaristic activities, arming them and providing weapons training. All of these actions contradict the principles of peaceful domestic and foreign policies. While the war in Ukraine continues with Russian troops occupying territories, committing war crimes, and causing civilian casualties, Lukashenko, acting as a staunch ally of the Kremlin, claims to be protecting the country from war. However, the reality seems to be quite the opposite. We are well aware that with Lukashenko's consent, Russian tanks advanced on Kyiv during the initial days of the full-scale invasion. Russian planes took off from Belarusian military bases and conducted raids on Ukrainian cities. Ukrainians did not anticipate that missiles would be launched from Belarusian territory, targeting civilian areas in Ukraine. How many deaths of Ukrainian children are the responsibility of the usurper Lukashenko? Additionally, the regime is involved in transferring Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories and subjecting them to re-education for the purpose of anti-Ukrainian propaganda. Now, as exercises to implement martial law are being conducted in Belarus, tensions are heightened by the increasing activities of Lukashenko's troops on the Lithuanian border and the signing of a decree titled 'On the Transition of Government Agencies to Work in Wartime Conditions.' Also, during his recent working trip to Hrodna, Lukashenko spelled it out loud and clear: “We are preparing for war.” It is clear that Lukashenko is not the 'dove of peace' he claims to be. He and his regime are complicit in the war against Ukraine. Rather than guaranteeing the safety of the Belarusian people, Lukashenko's actions only serve to increase threats to our country and its population.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador On March 28, the World Russian People's Council, at its extraordinary congress chaired by Patriarch Kirill of Moscow, declared nothing less than a "holy war" on Ukraine, that is "jihad" in other words. Think about it, this was not done by some terrorists from Islamist groups in the Middle East; this was done by a meeting under the leadership of the leader of one of the largest Christian churches. The extraordinary congress of the World Russian People's Council approved a document called the Order, which was developed back in November last year in Moscow. "From a spiritual and moral point of view, a special military operation is a Holy War, in which Russia and its people, defending the single spiritual space of Holy Rus', fulfill the mission of 'holding', protecting the world from the onslaught of globalism and the victory of the West, which has fallen into Satanism," the document says. The Council's order also denies the existence of Ukrainians and Belarusians as independent peoples. The authors of the Order consider the destruction of the independence of Ukraine and Belarus to be the key conditions for the survival and successful development of Russia and the so-called "Russian world" in the 21st century. "The reunification of the Russian people should become one of the priorities of Russian foreign policy. Russia should return to the doctrine of the trinity of the Russian people, which has existed for more than three centuries, according to which the Russian people consist of Great Russians, Little Russians and Belarusians, who are branches (sub-ethnicities) of one people, and the concept of 'Russian' covers all the Eastern Slavs - the descendants of historical Rus'," participants of the congress say. In simple terms: Belarusians are not an independent people; they are simply Russians, and Belarus, accordingly, is part of historical Russia. The so-called concept of a triune people which stresses the lack of independence of Belarusians and Ukrainians took its final theoretical shape back in the distant 19th century. And at the beginning of the 20th century, the most reactionary and nationalist political circles of the Russian Empire adopted it. These political forces went down in history under the general name "Black Hundreds." Their political doctrine was characterized by such postulates as: criticism of democracy and commitment to autocratic rule, militant conservatism, anti-Semitism, extreme nationalism, as well as the idea of a strong imperial state suppressing individual freedom. In fact, we are seeing history repeating itself. Should the church set itself political goals to justify wars, massacres, and oppression of other religions and peoples? The question is rhetorical. In turn, history has confirmed more than once that when the church began to engage in the above, it always ended badly, first of all, for the church itself. This is how it was, for example, in the 20th century. The Russian "Black Hundreds" were also actively supported by part of the leadership of the then Russian Orthodox Church. However, it all ended with the February and then the so-called October revolution. Following society's rejection of the "Black Hundred" ideas, repressions eventually overtook the Orthodox Church, part of whose leadership actively supported these ideas. Unfortunately, the current leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church, of which today the Orthodox Church in Belarus is a canonical part, is increasingly drawn into the implementation of the military-political goals of the Kremlin and the Lukashenko regime, justifying military aggression, violence, and denying the right to independent existence of individual countries and peoples. Thus, the leadership of the church itself, with its own hands, undermines public trust in it. We know that in Belarus, many ordinary Orthodox Christians, that is, the laity, the church flock, as well as representatives of the priesthood and monasticism, do not support the reactionary ideas of the current top leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church. Many priests and deacons gave anti-war sermons after the start of the full-scale invasion of Russian troops in Ukraine; many took the side of Belarusian society in 2020, which was massively repressed by the Lukashenko regime. Nevertheless, the leadership of the Orthodox Church of Belarus officially fraternizes and cooperates in every possible way with the Lukashenko regime and also supports Russia's aggression against Ukraine. Some justify this behavior by saying that the church leadership is doing this for the benefit of the church itself, for the sake of its salvation and prosperity. However, instead of trying to raise the importance of the church in the eyes of society, such actions are likely to undermine its moral authority, turning more and more people against it. I would like to appeal to the leadership of the Belarusian Orthodox Church with a request to publicly refuse to support dubious political statements coming from Moscow or, at least, to distance themselves from them as much as possible. This also applies to cooperation with the repressive regime of Lukashenka, which has lost the trust of Belarusians. By supporting ideas that deny the independence of Belarusians as a people with their culture, language, history, and centuries-old traditions, and by endorsing violence, mass repressions, and war, the church goes against the interests of Belarusians and undermines trust in itself as an institution that shapes the moral guidelines of society. Let's not forget that the church is primarily composed of believers; it is a community of Orthodox Christians. Moreover, the majority of Orthodox Belarusians are against the war, in favor of democratic development, and desire to live in an independent state.

We have managed to establish three proto-state institutions outside of our country, institutions that have proven to be remarkably stable: President-elect Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya; United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus; Coordination Council. Simultaneously, we have witnessed the development of sustainable socio-political and civil initiatives, including the Office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the National Anti-Crisis Management, ByPol, BelPol, Honest People, Bysol, and many others. A network of representative offices for the Cabinet and people's embassies of Belarus in over 20 countries worldwide was established. Independent media outlets and NGOs are functioning abroad, analytical centers and independent analysts contribute to our cause. Furthermore, we even have an opposition! Collectively, these elements form a unique structure of democratic forces abroad, which serves as the foundation for our current endeavors and has the potential to ensure a successful transition period in the future. While I acknowledge the work of our institutions, including my own self-criticism, it is important to recognize that they have created a POLITICAL FRAMEWORK. Therefore, we must ask ourselves whether we possess the will, strength, energy, and, most importantly, the desire to build upon this framework and continue our struggle. What I would expect from the president-elect is the making of political decisions. I understand the importance of foreign policy work, but today we need political decisions to strengthen our institutions. I say this as an ally, and this is how my words should be perceived. Regarding the United Transitional Cabinet, despite the lack of resources to fulfill its executive function, it continues to operate. However, the Cabinet must reinforce its personnel to effectively address the tasks ahead. Currently, two positions remain vacant: the Representative for Law and Order (which I would refer to as Internal Affairs), and the Representative for Economics and Finance. It is important for these roles to be filled, and I believe that the Representative for Law and Order does not necessarily have to be a security officer. This individual could focus on domestic political work in Belarus and coordinate the activities of various structures to establish communication with those inside the country. The second position, the Representative for Economics and Finance, should be responsible for seeking various forms of financing and developing the "Belarusian economy" abroad. The goal is to encourage Belarusian businesses to return to Belarus and support the domestic economy when the appropriate time comes. As for the Coordination Council, elections to this body should serve as a collective campaign for the entire democratic movement. We require a representative institution, and the Coordination Council can fulfill this role through democratic elections. Every voice of each Belarusian counts. Elections have been a proven method of governance for centuries, and I propose that the Constitutional Court be involved in the formation of the Cabinet. My suggestion is that 50 percent of the representatives in the Cabinet be appointed by the President-elect, and the remaining 50 percent be appointed by the Coordination Council. Interparliamentary cooperation should be a priority area of activity for the Coordination Council. To conduct elections for this body, it is crucial to assess available resources, test the platform, and establish a Central Election Commission (CEC). Equally important is the clear division of functions and powers between these three institutions. In my vision and proposals, the President-elect should have international representation at the highest level, the Coordination Council should focus on inter-parliamentary cooperation, and the Cabinet should carry out executive functions. These executive functions should be consolidated under one body, in line with the classical definition of the tasks assigned to these institutions. As a representative of the transitional period, I consider it of utmost importance to hold the regime accountable for its crimes against the Belarusian people and other international offenses. Our diaspora must actively advocate for this cause, presenting a united front and pushing for a significant objective: to bring Lukashenko to the 2025 elections as a suspect of international crimes. This represents a crucial precondition for any meaningful change and has the potential to create divisions among the ruling elites. Furthermore, we must strive for an arrest warrant to be issued, as it could have a profound impact on a potential split within the elites. Not everyone will be willing to stand by Lukashenko's side if facing prosecution in The Hague. However, above all else, we must focus on the Belarusians within our country. While being abroad presents us with new challenges, it is essential that we actively seek opportunities to work within our homeland. This should be an ongoing consideration for all of us, constantly searching for these opportunities and taking action. The Belarusian people are our most valuable asset.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador "This will be our performance, where we will play the main role and act as directors ourselves." On International Theater Day, I want to remind you of the deep roots theater has in the history of Belarus. Folk theaters, including the famous Batleyka, and aristocratic theaters like the 18th-century Niasvizh Radziwil Theater and Ruzhany Sapieha Theater, have greatly influenced Belarusian culture. Ihnat Bujnicki is an exceptional figure in Belarusian theatrical art. Over a hundred years ago, he established the first Belarusian theater troupe in the early 20th century on the Palivachy farm in Hlubokaje region. The Belarusian theater has not only served as a center of national culture and language but has also played a role in the formation of statehood. In 1917, the First All-Belarusian Congress took place in the building of the city theater in Minsk, which is now known as the Yanka Kupala Theater. It was during this congress that the right of the Belarusian people to self-determination was proclaimed. During my tenure as the Minister of Culture of Belarus, we successfully implemented a program for the restoration, reconstruction, and repair of 27 state theaters across the country. Notably, the National Theater named after Yanka Kupala, the country's first drama theater with a hundred-year history, and the regional puppet theater in Hrodna, which dates back to the 18th century, hold a special place in my memory. We also initiated the rebuilding of the drama theater in Slonim, founded by Michail Oginski in the 18th century. Furthermore, I recall initiating the festival "Evenings of the National Opera and Ballet Theater in the Radziwil Castle" in Niasvizh and the festival of drama theaters of Belarus called "Urshula Radziwil Theatre," also held at the Niasvizh Palace. In 2020, in the capital alone, representatives from 12 theater groups demonstrated what freedom means to them and showed support for peaceful protests. They illustrated that theatrical art cannot be shackled. The renowned Yanka Kupala Theater led the way in this regard. On this International Theater Day, I would like to congratulate all actors and theater employees, both those currently abroad and those remaining in Belarus. I firmly believe that we will reunite at the Yanka Kupala Theater, and even the available seats will not suffice. We will fill the park, the square in front of the theater, and the adjacent streets and alleys. To achieve this, it is crucial for us to take center stage and become the directors ourselves. Happy International Theater Day! Former Minister of Culture of Belarus, Permanent Representative of Belarus to UNESCO, and Director-General of the Yanka Kupala National Academic Theater

Bielsk Podlaski Abstracts of the speech March 25, 2024 Dear Mr. Director, Mr. Prefect, Mr. Burgomaster, dear parents’ council, dear teachers and students of the Lyceum, It is a great honor for me to speak today on such an important day and in such a unique place as the Second General Education Lyceum with the Belarusian language of study, named after Bronislaw Tarashkevich, in Bielsk Podlaski. With great respect and gratitude for your invaluable work, I congratulate the management, teachers, students, and everyone present here on the 80th anniversary of the Lyceum. I am proud that I have the opportunity to speak to you in my native Belarusian language, to see so many talented, wonderful, educated young people, boys and girls, to know that we understand each other perfectly and have a common love for Belarus in our hearts—and this invaluable opportunity exists thanks to each and every one of you. Thank you very much for this. And it is even more valuable to meet you on the day of one of the main holidays for Belarusians around the world—Freedom Day. A holiday that unites us with common values that make us who we are. After all, what is the will of the Belarusians? Who are we, and what do we want? The Belarusian classic Yanka Kupala said, "We want to be called people." But what kind of people? Belarusians. And this national consciousness is our most important choice. The first step is to be a free and conscious person. Belarusians did not have freedom for a long time. But step by step, they walked towards it. Step by step, difficult, sometimes bloody, sometimes starting all over again, sometimes waiting for an opportune historical moment. But Belarusians did not stop their struggle for freedom. The struggle for their land, independence, and statehood. For being called Belarusians. On March 25, 1918, this path led to the proclamation of the Belarusian People's Republic, the first national state of Belarusians. 106 years have passed since then. And these years have not been easy for Belarusians. But for the 106th time, we commemorate that most important historical event when we declared to the whole world: we exist, we have the will, we have national consciousness, and we have the right to build our future. We are Belarusians. We live, hence Belarus lives! And today, on the 106th anniversary of the declaration of independence of the BPR, on our Freedom Day, I am glad to say these words. I am glad to see responsible Belarusians who preserve their traditions, culture, faith, and roots in an independent, European, and democratic Poland. The Belarusian minority in Poland, here in Podlasie, is a vivid example of the responsible preservation of what came to you from your grandfathers and great-grandfathers since the dawn of time. And I thank you for not losing your national consciousness, for not losing our language, our culture, Belarusian traditions, the traditions of your fathers, grandfathers, and great-grandfathers, for preserving the Belarusian spirit and these valuable grains. Unfortunately, today a terrible regime reigns in Belarus, which destroys the Belarusian national spirit, our culture and language, which also fights against the Polish ethnic minority living in Belarus. Belarusians in Poland and Poles in Belarus are the wealth of the two countries, something that should unite us and be a bridge to cooperation. Unfortunately, the current dictatorial regime does not understand this and opposes good neighborly relations between the two peoples. I believe that Belarus will soon reject dictatorship, and we will be like two European states. Belarus and Poland will cooperate and even open borders as they do in the European Union. It is important that the authorities of Poland, the authorities of Podlasie, and Bielsk Podlaski support Belarusians in Podlasie. I hope that this will always be the case. I believe that such a wonderful institution as the II Lyceum with the Belarusian language of study will celebrate not only its 80th anniversary but also its 100th anniversary and many, many years later. Thank you for the invitation. Thank you for your attention. Happy holiday, happy anniversary! Long live Belarus!

Pavel Latushka, the head of the NAM and deputy head of the United Transitional Cabinet, delivered a lecture at the Faculty of International Law at the University of Bialystok, discussing the existing legal mechanisms for holding Lukashenko and his accomplices accountable for the international crimes they have committed. What are these mechanisms? The first mechanism is the State referral of the „Belarus situation” to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. Some may argue that since Belarus is not a party to the Rome Statute, the ICC does not have jurisdiction over international crimes committed in our country. However, the jurisprudence and practice of the ICC suggests that the Court can potentially exercise at least jurisdiction over the crime against humanity of deportation, which refers to situations where the civilian population is forced to leave a country's territory due to an “atmosphere of fear and terror” created by the perpetrators. Civilians who were compelled to flee Belarus to Poland after being persecuted on political grounds by the Lukashenko regime can be considered victims of deportation. Since Poland is a state party to the ICC and deportation is a crime committed on the territory of at least two countries (Belarus and Poland), it is possible to establish the ICC's jurisdiction. Poland has the right to refer the "situation in Belarus" to the ICC Prosecutor's Office for potential investigation. The second mechanism is universal jurisdiction. This principle allows states to investigate the most serious international crimes, even if they were committed on the territory of another country and neither the perpetrator nor the victim are nationals of the state initiating the criminal investigation. Applications have already been submitted under this mechanism in Poland, Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Germany, and Switzerland. The third mechanism is the referral of the dispute to the International Court of Justice. Considering the widespread commission of acts constituting torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment, there are grounds to assert that Belarus has violated its obligations under the relevant international Convention against Torture of 1984, to which Belarus is a party. Since the violated provisions of the Convention are obligations to the entire world community (erga omnes), virtually any state party to the Convention can file an application against Belarus to the International Court of Justice. Furthermore, A. Lukashenko and his accomplices may be subject to criminal liability for war crimes. With the onset of Russia's large-scale war against Ukraine, in which the Lukashenko regime is involved, the NAM has been documenting instances of the illegal displacement of children from Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus. Such actions potentially constitute a war crime. It is known that from September 2022 to May 2023, approximately 2,100 children aged 6 to 15 years, hailing from at least 15 occupied Ukrainian cities, were transported to the Belarusian Dubrava camp under the pretext of "rehabilitation." In this regard, the NAM has prepared and submitted two Communications under Article 15 of the Rome Statute to the ICC Prosecutor's Office.