Illustrative photo Legal qualification: Article 7(1)(e) of the Rome Statute: unlawful deprivation of liberty. Article 7(1)(f): torture. Article 7(1)(k): other inhumane acts (conditions of detention, use of chlorine). S.D. was a 24-year-old software engineer at a Minsk IT company. He was the kind of person usually described as “apolitical”. He never voted, believing elections were meaningless, and never joined any movements. On the evening of August 9, 2020, he ran out of milk. He went to a shop just 500 meters from his home on Dzerzhinsky Avenue. He wore jeans, a hoodie, and a backpack with his laptop — he had just finished his remote shift. The atmosphere in the city was tense. Shouts and bangs echoed from the courtyards, but S.D. assumed he would get to the shop quickly and return. When he left the shop, two masked men in civilian clothes jumped out of an unmarked black van.“Where are you going, you f…?” — the only thing he heard before they knocked him to the ground and started kicking him. The milk and bread fell on the asphalt. He was dragged into the van, where three other men already lay face down. He was taken to the Frunzenski District Police Department. There he and dozens of others were forced to kneel in the inner courtyard, facing the wall, arms raised. Those who lowered their arms were beaten with batons. “They kept calling us ‘zmagars’ and ‘junkies’,” S.D. recalled. “They demanded the password to my phone. I refused. Then one of them stepped on my hand with his boot. I screamed in pain and told them.” Near midnight they were transported — already beaten and humiliated — to the Okrestina detention center. “Check-in” was a torture ritual. They were forced to strip naked in the corridor, squat, then run while riot police beat them on their backs and buttocks. Then began the hell S.D. describes as “descending into Dante”. He was thrown into cell No. 15, a 4-bed cell. When he was pushed inside, 44 people  were already there.“We were standing. Just standing, like in a bus at rush hour. It was impossible to sit, let alone lie down. People moaned. The heat was unbearable, concrete walls were wet from sweat and condensation. There was a toilet in the corner, but it was impossible to reach it. People had to relieve themselves where they stood.” The first 24 hours passed like this. No food. No water. Sleeping while standing, leaning on each other. By the second day, some began hallucinating. “At night,” S.D. told human rights defenders, “we heard the ‘feeding hatch’ open. We thought they would give us water. Instead, a stream of something sharp and suffocating poured in. It was chlorine. They poured a concentrated solution directly onto the floor. Breathing became impossible. My mucous membranes burned instantly, my eyes felt torn apart, I started choking and coughing blood. People banged on the door, screaming ‘Help!’. We heard laughter behind the door: ‘Disinfection, you scum! Hope you all die!’” After three days S.D. was pulled from the cell. He could barely stand — his legs were swollen and blue. In a small office a laptop screen lit up with a woman’s face. A “Skype trial”. The judge barely looked at him and read the protocol claiming that S.D. had “participated in an unauthorized protest, shouted slogans, and waved his arms.”“Do you plead guilty?”“I was going to the shop…” he whispered.“Fifteen days,” she replied indifferently. He spent four more days in Okrestina before being dumped outside, half-conscious — the cell was needed for new detainees. In hospital he was diagnosed with a traumatic brain injury, chemical burns of the airways, multiple hematomas, and two broken ribs. Six months later, fearing a criminal case already against himself, he fled Belarus illegally.“I still sleep with the lights on,” he admitted. “And when I smell chlorine in a swimming pool, I start to panic. They didn’t just want to punish us. They wanted to break us, crush us, show that we are not human.”

Illustrative photo Legal qualification: Article 7(1)(h) of the Rome Statute: persecution of an identifiable group (critics of the authorities) for political reasons. Article 7(1)(e): arbitrary deprivation of liberty. A.B., 45, was a repair locksmith at the Minsk Tractor Works. A typical “working man”: 20 years at one factory, respected in the shop, two children, a mortgage. He had never been involved in politics, but in 2020 something inside him broke. He saw colleagues fired, beaten, dragged to the KGB for taking part in strikes. His outrage needed an outlet. He found it on Telegram. He subscribed to several channels labeled “extremist” by the authorities and, in the evenings after work, began to “fight” in the comments. Under the nickname “MTZ-Sila”, he wrote what he really thought. In 2021, after another harsh sentence in court, he left a comment under a post about a judge: “Burn in hell, servant.” Under a photo of a riot policeman beating a woman, he wrote: “I hope this …’s children see who their father really is.” Just a few lines of powerless anger. He wrote them and forgot. Eight months later, at 5:30 a.m., SOBR officers broke into his apartment. They didn’t ring. They cut out the lock. A.B. was pulled off the bed, forced to the floor, handcuffed in front of his terrified wife and crying children.“What’s happening?!” he shouted.“You commented yourself into trouble, ‘Sila’,” one of the officers smirked. He was taken to the Investigative Committee. A young lieutenant dropped a folder in front of him — printed screenshots of his comments. His nickname had been de-anonymized. “Yours?” the investigator asked. A.B. was stunned. “Mine… I guess… I don’t remember. It’s just words on the internet.” “‘Just words’, huh?” the investigator mocked. “Well, the Criminal Code sees it differently.” A.B. was charged under two articles: Article 369 of the Criminal Code  — “Insulting a representative of authority” (for the comment about the judge). Article 130 of the Criminal Code  — “Incitement of social hatred” (for the comment about the riot policeman, classified as a representative of the ‘social group’ of security officers). “What incitement?” A.B. protested. “I was just angry!” “Your comments,” the investigator read monotonously, “formed a negative image of representatives of authority, undermined trust in the state, and contributed to the escalation of tension by inciting social hatred based on professional affiliation.” A.B. was placed in pre-trial detention on Valadarskaha Street — “Volodarka”. The 45-year-old factory worker ended up sharing a cell with twenty other “politicals”: a doctor, an IT specialist, a student, an anarchist. All imprisoned for “words”. The trial was demonstrative. It took place in the same district court where the judge he “insulted” worked. Another judge presided, openly hostile. The lawyer tried to prove that the comments contained no “incitement”, only “emotional value judgments”. That “riot police officers” did not constitute a separate “social group”. The prosecutor demanded 4 years in prison. In his final statement, A.B. tried to appeal to the court: “Your Honor, I’ve worked 20 years at the factory. I am an honest worker. I am not a terrorist. I am not an extremist. I simply could not stay silent when I saw injustice. Can a man really be imprisoned for four years for a few angry words? I have children…” Sentence: 4 years in a general-regime colony. As he was being led out, his wife managed to shout: “I love you!”He turned and asked the guards: “For what, men? For words?”They looked away. A.B.’s “comment case” became one of thousands. The state industrialized the criminalization of dissent. An ordinary factory worker was equated with a dangerous criminal and thrown into prison for a few lines of text online — because the regime had declared war not only on actions, but on the very thoughts of its citizens.

Security forces searched and sealed the office of the Belarusian Association of Journalists. Source: bbc.com Legal qualification: Article 7(1)(h) of the Rome Statute: persecution of an identifiable group (independent journalists) on political grounds. Article 7(1)(k): other inhumane acts (intentional destruction of a profession). D.S., 30, was one of the best investigative journalists in the country. He worked at the leading independent news portal in Belarus (let’s call it “the Portal”). His specialization was not protests but corruption in the upper echelons of power. He uncovered schemes related to drug procurement, construction of luxury real estate for officials, and businesses close to the Lukashenko family. After 2020, his work became not just difficult — it became impossible. The authorities launched a total purge of the information space. First, the Portal lost its media status. Then its website was blocked. Then, in 2021, the KGB designated the Portal and all its social media channels as an “extremist formation”. That changed everything. Any work for the Portal — even sending a picture or a message to the editors — became “participation in an extremist formation” (Article 361-1 of the Criminal Code of Belarus), punishable by up to 7 years in prison. The editorial team had to urgently evacuate to Warsaw and Vilnius. D.S. left together with his colleagues. But his elderly parents remained in Belarus. His father fell seriously ill and needed a complex surgery. At the beginning of 2023, despite all warnings, D.S. decided to travel to Minsk. He went as a private person, “clean” — no work laptop, an empty phone. He hoped to pass unnoticed. He was taken off the bus at the border. Two men in plain clothes silently took him by the arms. “Come with us, Dmitry. We've been waiting for you.” He was taken straight to the KGB pre-trial detention center. The charges that followed shocked even his lawyer. He was accused not only of “participating in an extremist formation”, but also of “High Treason”  (Article 356 of the Criminal Code). The logic of the KGB was the following: by working in the “extremist formation” (the Portal), D.S. published corruption investigations. These investigations, according to the investigators, “discredited the Republic of Belarus internationally”, “damaged national security”, and constituted “assistance to foreign states in hostile activities”. In other words, his journalistic work — his articles exposing officials’ theft — was officially equated with treason. Interrogations were conducted personally by a KGB colonel. “Who are you working for, Dima? For the Poles? For the Americans? How much do they pay you to betray your Motherland?” “I work for my readers,” D.S. replied. “I write the truth.” “Your ‘truth’ is betrayal,” the colonel snapped. “You are an information saboteur. And you will serve time as a saboteur.” The trial took place in a regional court behind closed doors. The case was marked “Secret”. The lawyer was under a non-disclosure agreement, even regarding the details of the indictment. No one was allowed into the courtroom — not even D.S.’s mother. The process became a pure formality. The “evidence” of his “treason” consisted of his own articles from the past three years. The prosecutor claimed that D.S., “using his professional skills, intentionally collected and transmitted to foreign organizations (the Portal's editorial office) information discrediting the country’s leadership, with the goal of destabilizing the situation.” Sentence: 10 years in a high-security penal colony. “They have created a legal precedent,” D.S. managed to whisper to his lawyer after the verdict. “They have officially declared that journalism is treason. That telling the truth about those in power is a crime equal to espionage. They have killed the profession.” D.S. was transferred to a colony, where he was immediately placed in a PKT (cell-type confinement) as “prone to extremism”. He was denied correspondence and visits. The regime completely isolated one of the most dangerous people for them — a man who knew how to find and reveal the truth.

Ryanair aircraft after its forced landing in Minsk, 23 May 2021. Photo: picture alliance/dpa/ONLINER.BY/AP Legal qualification: Article 2 (Episode 1) of the analysis: Violation of the Chicago Convention of 1944. Violation of the Montreal Convention of 1971 (Act of unlawful interference). Article 7(1)(e): Arbitrary deprivation of liberty (in relation to all passengers). L.M., 35, a Lithuanian citizen, worked as a sales manager. On 23 May 2021, he was flying a regular Ryanair flight FR4978 from Athens to Vilnius. It was the end of his holiday: a week in Crete, sun, sea. On the plane, he was reading a book and dozing. As the aircraft had already begun its descent, approaching Vilnius, the captain suddenly announced over the loudspeaker: “Attention, ladies and gentlemen. Due to a potential security threat on board, we are forced to make an emergency landing at the nearest airport. That is Minsk.” L.M. looked out the window. Vilnius was very close. “Minsk? he thought. Why Minsk? That makes no sense.” Mild unease spread through the cabin. “But the most surreal moment,” L.M. later recalled in an interview, “was when I looked out the window again. Right next to our wing, very close, was a military fighter jet. Grey, with red stars. A MiG-29. It was escorting us. I understood that this was not just a ‘security threat’. This was something else. This was a seizure.” Panic overtook one of the passengers. A young man sitting a few rows ahead clutched his head. He was saying something to the girl next to him and feverishly handing her his laptop. That was Raman Pratasevich. When the plane landed in Minsk, it was immediately surrounded by fire trucks and special forces. Belarusian security officers entered the cabin. “They were not looking for a bomb,” L.M. recalled. “They knew exactly who they had come for. They went straight to Raman and shouted: ‘Get up! Take your things!’. Then they took his girlfriend, Sofia, as well.” The rest of the passengers — more than 120 people from different countries — were forced to leave the aircraft and were herded into the transit zone of the terminal. They were held there like hostages. “It was a theatre of absurdity,” said L.M. “Airport staff with stone faces kept repeating: ‘Security screening in progress. Please wait’. They did not give us water. To go to the toilet, we were escorted by guards. We were EU citizens, on board a European carrier, flying between two EU capitals, yet we were entirely under the control of Belarusian security forces. It felt like total lawlessness.” Their belongings were screened again and again. Dogs sniffed the luggage. But it was obvious it was all a performance. The real goal of the operation had already been achieved — Pratasevich was in KGB custody. After eight hours of humiliating waiting, without any explanation, passengers were ordered to return to the plane. “When we boarded,” L.M. recalled, “we saw that Raman and Sofia were not there. Their belongings had simply been unloaded onto the runway. The cabin was dead silent. Everyone understood everything.” The plane took off and landed in Vilnius 25 minutes later. When the wheels touched Lithuanian soil, a long applause broke out in the cabin. People cried with relief. “I was flying back from vacation, and I ended up in a Hollywood Cold War thriller,” L.M. told journalists at Vilnius Airport. “They hijacked a civilian plane full of people, using a fighter jet. They endangered 120 lives. All of this — just to capture one person they didn’t like. This is not just a violation. This is an act of state terrorism. Today they hijacked a plane. What will they do tomorrow?”

Theses of the speech by Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, at the International conference “Belarus: A Part of or Apart from Europe’s Security?” in partnership with NATO Public Diplomacy Division 01.12.2025, Brussels Dear colleagues, I want to start with a question: Can an axiom be debated? I am not here to prove the axiom. We all know how it sounds: Europe's safety cannot be fully secured if Belarus is not part of the European security system. Europe will not be safe if Belarus is pushed aside and quietly handed over to Russia's protectorate. Yes, we must state the unpleasant truth: at this moment, Belarus already shows clear signs of a protectorate state . The Lukashenko regime, while still performing the functions of government, has some freedom in domestic affairs. But a large part of Belarus's sovereign rights — especially in defense and foreign policy  — has been given away. It has been given to Russia. We have seen the regime's limited contacts with the US . We see how Lukashenko is trying to force contact with neighboring states — Lithuania and Poland — through behavior that the President of Lithuania, Gitanas Nausėda, correctly called terroristic . Can we call this foreign policy? I believe a better description is hybrid aggression . Or even terrorism. And again, this acts against the national interests of Belarus and the interests of its people. The hybrid attacks against the EU and the regime's involvement in the war against Ukraine are done for the benefit of the Kremlin. In return, Lukashenko gets protection to stay in power and carry out his domestic repressive policy in Belarus. A better term for that policy is state terror. The main goal of this terror, which has affected hundreds of thousands of people, is to destroy Belarusian sovereignty. The Lukashenko regime is systematically repressing, persecuting, and expelling the active, democratically- and nationally-minded people. In short, Lukashenko is destroying the very basis of our sovereignty. The outer form of statehood remains. And this fact is often used by those who suggest keeping the status quo, calling Lukashenko the one who — for better or worse — guarantees Belarus's independence . As a former ambassador, I know well who created this concept: Vladimir Makei. This concept sets up a false choice: either Lukashenko or Russia. Surprisingly, this idea still has supporters. They are people who learned nothing from 2022, when that "guarantor of independence" gave Russia the infrastructure and territory of Belarus to attack Ukraine. That event should have been the clearest proof of Lukashenko's true level of independence. Let us look at the situation pragmatically. Lukashenko is an old man. He could die tomorrow. What then? That is the end of the dilemma. Betting on Lukashenko is a losing game; there is no long-term strategy behind it. The lesson of 2022 showed there is no short-term tactic either. Only a truly independent Belarus, running a truly sovereign policy, and not suffering from a deep internal political crisis, can be a source of regional security. Which of these things is the Lukashenko regime providing today? Only a crisis. A crisis he created himself. Without solving this crisis, Belarus will remain a permanent security threat to Europe. This is why we cannot allow Belarus to be left out when creating a new regional security system. At the same time, we must understand that no new security system will be effective if it does not include a solution to the Belarusian crisis. We, the democratic forces, offer an effective plan to solve the crisis. It is a National Dialogue in the format of a Roundtable between representatives of the democratic forces  — our political institutions — and representatives of the Lukashenko regime. There is a clear national consensus in Belarusian society that can serve as the basis for such a dialogue. This consensus is the desire to live in an independent state, in peace with our neighbors, and a strong refusal to take part in wars. It is true that the Lukashenko regime is not showing great interest in a National Dialogue right now. However, Europe — as a party interested in solving the crisis and ensuring its own safety — has a real tool to influence the Lukashenko regime: sanctions. It is necessary to make a real  National Dialogue  with the democratic forces, as an equal partner, the mandatory condition for stopping and later removing sanctions. It is vital to set this condition instead of trying again to make a deal with a dictator-liar. Such deals today will not even solve tactical problems. At the same time, Europe must avoid a dangerous strategic error that is currently possible. Europe must not totally cut itself off from the Belarusian people. This means that while maintaining and deepening sanctions on the Lukashenko regime until the National Dialogue is held and the political crisis is resolved, we must not let the Belarusian people be thrown behind a new Iron Curtain, turning Belarus into North Korea 2.0 in Eastern Europe. We cannot leave Belarusians alone against Russia and its puppet Lukashenko. In the future, this would mean that Belarus will permanently become Russia's proxy for future aggression. When talking about peace in Ukraine and Europe, the EU must have a strategy that includes, not excludes, Belarus and the Belarusian people. Only the Belarusian people can guarantee the country's independence and regional safety. That is why the Cabinet proposes creating a group of proactive allied nations for an independent democratic Belarus. We also propose holding a political conference dedicated to supporting the Belarusian people, helping to start the National Dialogue in Belarus, and solving the internal political crisis — as a core part of the regional security crisis. Today, talks about peace in Europe are happening without mentioning Belarus. This is a mistake that Russia is using to secure its sphere of influence. If we do not fix it, Belarus will be lost to Europe. It is important to remember that the first line of Europe's defense does not yet run along the EU border with Belarus.  Europe's first line of defense is the Belarusian people. We must not lose them. We must strengthen their agency by supporting the democratic forces and our institutions. We need to strengthen, not cut off, the ties between Belarusians and Europe. And we need to increase, not weaken, the pressure on the Lukashenko regime, with a clear goal: National Dialogue and resolving the political crisis in Belarus. But in this dialogue, the Belarusian people and their democratic institutions (the Cabinet and the Coordination Council) must be a partner at the roundtable, not an object of deals between the regime and Brussels. This has happened too many times in Belarusian history and in the EU's policy toward the Lukashenko regime. We must not repeat this error again. Nothing about us without us. Thank you for your attention.

Illustrative photo Accountability is not only high-level jurisprudence, but also a practical process. It consists of three stages, and the work at the first stage determines the success of the last one. Stage 1: Collection and Preservation of Evidence (Today) The court works not with emotions, but with facts that meet the standard of “beyond reasonable doubt”. Problem: A video from a Telegram channel or a screenshot is not always admissible evidence. The defense in court claims it is “edited” or “fake”. Solution: Standardization of collection. For this, there is the Berkeley Protocol on Digital Open Source Investigations. It defines how to verify and preserve digital data (videos, photos, metadata) so that it can be accepted by the ICC or a national court. Role of the NAM: Coordination of documentation and verification efforts. Creation of a unified, protected archive of crimes (based on the example of the Syrian IIIM archive), where evidence is cataloged and stored according to international standards. Stage 2: Use of Existing Mechanisms (Tomorrow) We do not need to wait for a “big” tribunal. Universal Jurisdiction: the NAM and human rights advocates must not only inform, but act as agents of justice: assist victims in filing cases in Lithuania, Poland, Germany, provide them with lawyers, transfer verified evidence. Sanctions Pressure: Use collected evidence to impose personal sanctions on judges, prosecutors, and mid-level security officials. ICC Lobbying: Submit verified evidence (especially relating to the deportation of children) directly to the Office of the Prosecutor of the ICC. Historic mistake (failure): The case of Omar al-Bashir (Sudan). The ICC issued an arrest warrant, but has no police force of its own. Bashir remained in power for years. This shows that an ICC warrant is only the beginning. Without political will and pressure, it remains just a piece of paper. Stage 3: Transitional Justice (After Change) When change comes to Belarus, the country will face a major challenge: the national judicial system will be completely discredited and deprived of public trust. Debate on models: “Forgiveness” Model (South Africa): Creation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). In post-apartheid South Africa, those who committed crimes could receive amnesty in exchange for full and public admission of guilt. Counterargument: Many consider this a “deal with the devil” and a betrayal of victims who did not see punishment. “National Court” Model (Argentina): After the fall of the junta, Argentina held the Trial of the Juntas in 1985, sentencing its former leaders. Success: It became a powerful act of national cleansing. Problem for Belarus: In Argentina, there remained an untouched part of the judiciary. In Belarus, the system is compromised entirely. Most likely model for Belarus: Hybrid Tribunal What is it? A court integrated into the Belarusian system but with the participation of international judges, prosecutors, and investigators. Examples: Special Court for Sierra Leone (convicted Charles Taylor), Kosovo Specialist Chambers. Advantages: Combines international expertise (impartiality, resources) with national legitimacy (it happens in Minsk, not in The Hague). Conclusion: The path to justice is a marathon. It requires meticulous evidence collection today (Stage 1), persistent pressure through universal jurisdiction tomorrow (Stage 2), and preparation for the creation of a legitimate hybrid tribunal in the new Belarus (Stage 3).

Illustrative photo Legal qualification: Article 7(1)(f) of the Rome Statute: Torture (underlying crime).Principle of universal jurisdiction (based on the 1984 UN Convention Against Torture).Article 5 (Stage 2) of the analysis: “Using existing mechanisms”. A.N. was 32 years old. He was a captain of justice, a senior investigator of the Investigative Committee in one of the regional centers. He believed in law and order. He handled complex economic cases, domestic murders, fraud. He saw his job as difficult but necessary. On August 9, 2020, his world, built on codes and statutes, collapsed. He and other investigators were de facto placed under a barracks regime. Their job became the “legal legalization” of thousands of detentions. People were brought into their offices from police departments and detention centers. People who could not stand. People with purple backs, broken arms, damaged kidneys. “I looked at a 19-year-old student,” A.N. later told the Lithuanian prosecutor, “whose protocol stated: ‘used foul language, waved his arms’. And in front of me sat a person who couldn’t even sit down because his buttocks had turned into one solid hematoma.” A.N. tried to act by the law. He documented injuries, issued forensic examination orders, and registered torture complaints. Three days later, his superior summoned him. “Whose side are you on? This is war, captain,” he hissed. “Law now is the order. Stop your ‘expertises’ or leave the system.” That evening, A.N. wrote his resignation. He could not sign false protocols or ignore the screams from the next room. The system retaliated. A week later, three plainclothes officers — the same operatives from GUBOPiK — were waiting outside his home. “So, ‘law man’, let’s talk law,” said one, striking his stomach. He was tortured in the same police department he had once entered as an investigator. They beat him, knowing he was a former colleague. “You betrayed us,” they shouted. He was beaten, threatened with sexual violence, and recognized one of his torturers — a major he knew from work. After two days, they dumped him in an alley. He knew this was just the beginning. A fabricated criminal case would be next — bribery, treason, anything. He didn't go to a Belarusian hospital. He knew his documents would “disappear”. He packed his backpack and crossed the border into Lithuania — through forests and rivers, on foot. In Vilnius, he applied for asylum and contacted Belarusian human rights defenders. “I want them in court,” he told the lawyer. “I know their names, ranks. I know the system from inside.” The lawyer explained universal jurisdiction. “In Belarus, your complaint is already in a trash bin. But Lithuania, as a party to the UN Convention Against Torture, must prosecute torture regardless of where it was committed.” A.N. was not just a victim — he was the perfect witness. He drew from memory the layout of the police department, identified rooms, named the major in charge. His testimony, supported by Lithuanian medical documentation and other victims’ accounts, formed the basis for a criminal case. The Lithuanian Prosecutor General’s Office opened proceedings under Article 100 of Lithuania’s Criminal Code — “Treatment of persons prohibited by international law”. “This day — November 12, 2021 — is a turning point,” A.N. said. “My torturer is now officially a suspect in an international crime. His name will go to Interpol. He is ‘non-travelable’.” A.N. became not just a refugee, but a plaintiff and key witness. A case that slowly but steadily built the very “legal noose” described by Pieter Klein. “It’s a marathon, not a sprint,” he said. “But we will run it. And we will win.”

Photo: Belsat On November 28, 2025 , an informational meeting was held in Warsaw for Belarusian citizens residing in Poland, dedicated to issues of pensions and social benefits . The meeting was initiated by Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus , and organized by the National Anticrisis Administration  together with the Polish Ministry of Family, Labour and Social Policy  and the Social Insurance Institution (ZUS) . Several dozen interested Belarusians attended the meeting, and dozens of questions  were submitted via the NAM chatbot by those who could not attend in person. At the beginning of the meeting, Pavel Latushka expressed gratitude  to the Ministry of Family, Labour and Social Policy and to ZUS for organizing the meeting and assisting socially vulnerable Belarusian citizens residing in Poland, as well as for their willingness to inform Belarusians about current Polish legislation regarding pensions and social security . Reference:  according to the Polish side, 146,000 Belarusians already hold temporary residence permits in Poland , and another 60,000 have permanent resident status . Of these, 138,000 Belarusians pay contributions to ZUS . The meeting included a presentation by Tomasz Szabliński , Head of the Supervision and Customer Service Department of the International Benefits and Insurance Division at ZUS, along with other ZUS experts. In their presentations and responses, ZUS representatives informed participants that: To claim pensioner status in Poland , it is necessary to pay contributions to ZUS at least once . Even if a person receives a Belarusian pension , a Polish pension  is granted only after reaching the Polish retirement age : 65 for men and 60 for women. Only citizens permanently residing in Poland  can request the transfer of a Belarusian pension to a Polish bank account. When transferring a Belarusian pension to Poland, it is possible to receive a minimum Polish pension  if the total minimum contribution period is met: 25 years for men and 20 years for women. As of today, the minimum pension in Poland is 1,879 PLN gross (447 EUR) . Military pensions  are not covered by the bilateral Belarus-Poland agreement and cannot be transferred to Poland . To arrange pension payments, every Belarusian can contact their local ZUS branch , both regarding the assignment of a Polish pension and the transfer of a Belarusian pension, provided they reside permanently in Poland . Regarding the transfer of pensions from Belarus, Belarusians can also contact the First Department of ZUS in Łódź , which is responsible for implementing the Belarus-Poland international agreement. Pavel Latushka informed  that in the near future, a special informational portal in Belarusian  will be launched, dedicated to important issues for Belarusian citizens living in Poland: social support, legalization, document replacement, employment, education, healthcare, and much more. A separate section will be devoted to pensions and other social benefits . A detailed material with answers to the most relevant questions following the meeting, along with the ZUS presentation , will be published soon on the social media of NAM and the Cabinet . Questions submitted to the NAU chatbot at the last minute have already been forwarded to ZUS specialists, who will prepare responses. The ZUS presentation, covering rules for receiving pensions and social benefits in Poland , will also be posted on NAM resources.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council Lukashenka persistently tries not only to turn back the time allotted to him, but also to reverse the course of rivers and control the movement of air. He wants to take nature and the environment under his dictatorial control . None of this succeeds, and it never will. Lukashenka is like the old woman from the fairy tale about the fisherman and the fish… But what he has definitely managed to do is create real mountains in Belarus . And these mountains consist of unsold products produced by the country’s industrial enterprises . These mountains illustrate the real state of the industry better than any official statements. These are record warehouse stocks , which today reach volumes unseen in at least 12 years . According to Belstat, from January to October 2025 alone, Belarusian enterprises had 11.311 billion rubles worth of products sitting in warehouses . This is one-third more than a year ago , and more than twice the level of 2020 . The ratio of stocks to average monthly output rose to 81% — a level not seen in the country for more than a decade . This means that the economy is not working for the market or demand, but into a void . Factories continue to produce, but they cannot sell what they make. Huge sums of money turn into mountains of unsold goods simply sitting in warehouses . 11 billion rubles is not just goods — it is money.  Money that should have been working. Money that could have gone to salaries, raw materials, modernization, and new developments. Instead, it just sits idle. The economy loses circulation, enterprises lose liquidity, the country loses development . When stocks grow at such a rate, it means one thing : the market does not buy Belarusian products. Belarus has lost the markets of the EU, other Western countries, and Ukraine ; key export routes are inaccessible; in Asian markets, Belarusian goods are uncompetitive; and Russia itself is drowning in its own low-competitiveness products. Lukashenka always destroys everything he touches.  In industry, he has consistently created conditions where enterprises are forced to produce what nobody needs, yet must show plan fulfillment on command from above. Producing into a void is expensive.  It requires raw materials, energy, and wages. And when there are no sales, it is all financed through debt — bank loans. Loans are taken, a new mountain of unsold products is produced — and this automatically creates new mountains called debts, arrears, losses, and responsibilities . Yes, the mountain of responsibility also grows . The dictator never takes responsibility for his decisions and demands; he shifts it onto those who diligently carry them out. But his decisions are generally ineffective for the economy and aim for personal enrichment . Lately, they have also become almost absurd — about air and rivers. Therefore, fulfilling these orders is impossible , unless you are a fairy tale character, yet someone still must answer for it . On paper, production grows. On paper, it’s a success. In reality, this growth simply accumulates as unsold warehouse stock . Source: трактор.бел This is not an economy. This is a simulation of an economy , where reporting is more important than selling. But after reporting comes the next problem — warehouse stock becomes obsolete , especially in mechanical engineering. Equipment sitting in warehouses for years loses value, standards fall behind, models become outdated , and it is no longer needed. To sell anything, enterprises are forced to dump prices , which guarantees losses, revenue collapse, and new debts . Instead of acknowledging the problem, Lukashenka continues tightening the screws of demands, blackmail, and threats . He orders state structures to buy up stockpiles, unload warehouses by administrative methods, manually distribute products “somewhere,” force enterprises to meet plans at any cost, and threatens with imprisonment . But he has no mechanism to pressure buyers and partners . And these record stocks create a pressure point in the regime system . If these mountains of unsold products are not sold soon , Lukashenka will be forced to choose between two risky scenarios : Launching massive credit issuance to rescue unprofitable state enterprises , which will lead to inflation, or Acknowledging their effective bankruptcy , which carries social and political risks. Both options are dangerous for the regime.  Lukashenka understands that the record level of warehouse stocks is not an accident or temporary fluctuation, but a direct consequence of his decrees and rule . Yet he refuses to understand that an economy run by fear and coercion always ends the same way — with stagnation, debt, and catastrophe . Reality will force him to acknowledge it. Perhaps Lukashenka truly needs all these mountains of produced but unwanted goods ? Author: Sviatlana Belous. Source: money.onliner.by Maybe he has long seen himself as the fairy-tale Koschei the Immortal , forever sitting over his treasures that no one dares touch. Koschei is not just an evil old man from folklore: he symbolizes greed, stagnation, and destructive power, keeping a country in chains . He steals princesses, hides them in dark dungeons, terrifies whole kingdoms… and himself withers over his gold — immobile, dead, meaningless . So it is with Lukashenka : instead of a living economy — stockpiles of unsold products; instead of development — numerous decrees and orders; instead of the future — attempts to revive what has long lost value. And the larger these stockpiles grow, the more the image of the dictator turns into a caricature of Koschei over a rusting throne , guarding not wealth but evidence of his own impotence.

Photo: NAM Media "When I visit the European Solidarity Centre in Gdańsk, I think about Belarus. This was the place of Solidarity, of struggle, of protest, and of victory. I think about Belarus. And I want to say now: Belarus is not a black hole or a blot on the map of Europe. Belarus, represented by the Belarusian people, is a part of the European Solidarity Centre, of European solidarity", emphasized Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Lech Wałęsa Solidarity Prize laureate, during official events marking the 18th anniversary of the European Solidarity Centre at the site of the famous shipyard. Photo: NAM Media During the event, Pavel Latushka, on behalf of the Cabinet, presented Bazyl Kerski , Director of the Centre, with the United Transitional Cabinet award — the Medal "For Fruitful Work for Belarus" . The award was presented in connection with Bazyl Kerski’s completion of his term as Director of the European Solidarity Centre. Pavel Latushka noted that Kerski represents modern solidarity and has done a great deal for democratic Belarus and Belarusians living in Poland: campaigns such as "Solidarity with Belarus", Dignity Day, the "Long Live Belarus" exhibition, and the Kościuszko Forum under the patronage of the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs . Photo: NAM Media Additionally, Pavel Latushka presented the former director with a gift — a Belarusian embroidered shirt  — symbolically connecting his speech to the history of the 1967 performance in Sopot by one of Poland’s most famous singers,  Czesław Niemen , who was born in Vasilishki, Grodno Region. During that famous performance, Czesław Niemen wore a Belarusian shirt. "I remember 1989, what happened then in Gdańsk. In the 1990s, we thought a new Europe was emerging. Democracy and Solidarity would prevail. Then there was a turning point in the history of our country. Then the struggle of many Belarusians, and again the Belarusian uprising in 2020, and again a turning point. Some may say we lost. No. I disagree. We have not lost, because Belarusians continue to fight. Thousands of political prisoners remain in Belarusian jails, every day — about which, unfortunately, very little is said in Europe — arrests, detentions, sentences continue. Lukashenka has deported at least 600,000 Belarusians. Belarusians continue to fight" , emphasized Pavel Latushka. The ceremony at the European Solidarity Centre was attended by former President of Poland Lech Wałęsa , Marshal of the Sejm Małgorzata Kidawa-Błońska , Minister of Culture Marta Cieńkowska , Voivode of the Pomeranian Voivodeship  Beata Rutkiewicz , Marshal of the Pomeranian Voivodeship Mieczysław Struk , President of Gdańsk Aleksandra Dulkiewicz , as well as ambassadors and diplomats accredited in Poland and Gdańsk. Photo: NAM Media During his visit to the city of Gdynia, Pavel Latushka, as a former ambassador, Lech Wałęsa Solidarity Prize laureate, and one of the representatives of Belarusian democratic forces, addressed the Polish public. This speech was organized by t he Lech Wałęsa Institute as part of a special program of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs  to inform the Polish public about foreign policy and diplomacy. Bogdan Wałęsa , son of Lech Wałęsa , attended the speech. This was the second of Pavel Latushka’s meetings supported by the Polish MFA and the Lech Wałęsa Institute; the previous one was held in Olsztyn with the city’s community.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council I propose that we talk about what is actually happening with the financial wellbeing of people in our country. Not about propaganda videos, not about television fairy tales about “stability,” but about real life — the way citizens themselves see it. And we will speak not on the basis of assumptions or someone’s emotions, but on the basis of official studies conducted by the very institutions that the illegitimate authorities themselves like to call “objective” and “trustworthy.” Recently, the marketing service of Belarusbank conducted a large-scale study of the financial behavior of its clients . Nearly 18,000 people took part in it. This is such a large dataset that it cannot simply be dismissed. And the results speak with the voice of the people — a voice the illegitimate authorities refuse to hear. What do we see? The photo is illustrative The average Belarusian lives exclusively on their salary. For 73% of respondents, this is the main source of income. And this is not because people do not want to develop, create businesses, or look for additional income. It is because the country lacks conditions in which such initiatives would be protected. And among the main mandatory expenses are, of course, utilities, which continue to rise, consuming more and more of the family budget. Just look at how much heavier your bills have become recently. I think many of you have unfortunately already felt this. But let us look further. According to the Belarusbank study, 65.5% of respondents attempt to save money or set aside funds for specific goals. It may seem like good news. But what follows is exactly what the regime would prefer to hide. The level of investment activity is only 3.7% . This is not just low — it is evidence of total distrust in the financial system. And this distrust is confirmed by another figure: 79.9%  consciously refrain from investments. Almost 40.6%  keep cash at home, and 39.3%  simply leave money on their bank cards. Only 18.6%  choose bank deposits. What does this mean? People do not trust those who manage the banks. People do not trust a system that for years has been reshaped to serve the interests of a narrow circle of appointees. And when 47.4%  avoid credit or view it negatively, this is not about "financial literacy". It is about people not believing that if they take a loan, they will be able to live normally afterwards — rather than end up trapped in a system that does not work in their interests. Let’s be honest: all of this reflects distrust toward those who today stand at the helm of the banking system — toward those who suppress competition, close financial markets, and manually regulate interest rates. It reflects the fear people feel about tomorrow — a fear the authorities themselves create. Look at another fact. Despite the loudly proclaimed "de-dollarization", 40.9%  of Belarusians continue to keep their money in foreign currency. This is the people’s direct response to officials’ statements: Belarusians vote with their savings — and they are not voting for the Belarusian ruble. And one more important point. In the absence of trust in the state, 31.9%  of respondents invest in themselves. People understand that in a country where rules change at someone’s whim and decisions are made behind closed doors, the most reliable asset truly remains one: one’s own knowledge, skills, and health. Investment in real estate is possible for only 22.7% . This is also telling. When an economically active and hardworking population cannot afford to buy housing, the problem is not with the people. Now about loans. According to the study, only 33.2%  take loans out of necessity, in extreme situations — when they need to cover vital needs, not to invest in something long-term or develop their business. Loans today are not an instrument of development — they are an instrument of survival. And now the most alarming part. Only 50.9%  have a financial safety cushion. And half of them — specifically 24.2%  — have savings sufficient for no more than three months. This means that 73.3%  of Belarusians live without meaningful savings, without protection, without confidence that an unexpected illness, job loss, or economic shock will not turn their life into a catastrophe. And finally, the question of the future — the question of pensions. 81%  of respondents do not consider pension planning through existing savings systems at all. This is not just a number. It is a diagnosis of the system. People do not trust the state. They do not believe that decades of honest work will provide them with a dignified old age. And this is also the result of years of policies that destroyed trust in institutions. There is another study — published by the National Bank last year. It is a study of the financial literacy of the Belarusian population, conducted by the Sociology Institute of the National Academy of Sciences. This study not only confirms the conclusions of the survey I already described, but paints an even darker picture. What does it show? The photo is illustrative Belarusians have once again stopped relying on the state. Only 8.5%  rely on this system for their financial future. Belarusians are so poor that the vast majority cannot afford serious savings. Only 9.4%  had savings exceeding three months of expenses. This means that 90%  live essentially from paycheck to paycheck. Belarusians distrust the credit and financial system to such an extent that 44%  have never taken a loan or installment plan. They consider such loans unprofitable, dangerous, and unaffordable under current conditions. The country lacks conditions for investment — and this is shown by another figure: only 8.4%  are ready to invest additional income. The rest are satisfied simply to preserve their money. Therefore, some of those who have any savings at all put them into real estate — 23%  of respondents — as it appears to be the only way to protect their wealth. What does all this mean? The photo is illustrative It means that the system that was supposed to provide confidence, development, and protection has been destroyed. That state institutions have lost trust. That Belarusians have learned to rely only on themselves — because there is no one else to rely on. All these numbers are not just statistics. They are the stories of millions of families. Stories of people who are tired of living in fear, tired of keeping money "under the mattress" because they fear losing everything in one day. Stories of people who see that their work does not provide them safety. Stories of people who understand: the problem is not them — the problem is the system. But there is another side to these studies. They show that Belarusians can  be responsible, can  plan, can  work, can develop . They are ready to save, ready to invest in themselves, ready to secure the future of their families. Belarusians do not lack discipline — they lack conditions . And these conditions can be created. This is not something impossible. This is not an “economic miracle” that exists only in textbooks. This is normal life, in which a citizen is protected, their money works, their efforts pay off, and the state is a service provider — not an instrument of pressure. We are fighting for exactly this kind of Belarus. For a country where: banks operate honestly and transparently, loans are a tool for development, not a trap, investment is an opportunity, not a risk, savings are not a luxury, older people are confident about tomorrow, and the state is a partner, not a supervisor. We are fighting for a country where it is not 3% but the majority who can freely invest and grow. Where not half, but nearly everyone has a solid financial safety cushion. Where 40% do not hide foreign currency at home, fearing yet another sudden decision from above. Where people are not afraid to look into the future. Belarus can be such a country. Belarus must be such a country. And the clearer people see the real picture, the closer the day when trust in institutions will be restored, when the economy will work for citizens, and when power will belong to society — not to a narrow circle of individuals. And I am confident: when the system changes, Belarusians will demonstrate how quickly a country can be rebuilt — a country that becomes a home for everyone. Without fear. Without pressure. Without distrust.

Illustrative Photo We invite Belarusians living in Poland to participate in an informational meeting on social support and pensions with representatives of ZUS As we reported earlier, thanks to the agreements between Pavel Latushka , Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, and the People’s Anti-Crisis Administration, with the Polish Ministry of Family, Labour and Social Policy and the Social Insurance Institution of Poland (ZUS), an informational meeting for Belarusians will be held in Warsaw with ZUS representatives. We express our deep gratitude to all Belarusians for your active participation in this matter! Thanks to your active messages sent via the NAM chatbot   @nau_by_bot , including detailed questions regarding pensions, social benefits, support for children and people with disabilities, as well as interactions with ZUS, we are able to make this meeting as productive and useful as possible. ZUS representatives will be ready to answer the most relevant and pressing questions you submitted. Your active involvement allowed us to prepare a substantive agenda. Now you have the opportunity to hear answers directly from ZUS specialists, which will help you resolve your practical, real-life issues. The meeting will take place on November 28 from 10:00 to 12:00. Address:  ZUS Inspectorate, Praga-Północ District, Warsaw, 11 Listopada Street, 15A, Room 300, 3rd floor (Google Maps). Polish-Belarusian interpretation will also be provided. We invite all interested Belarusians to attend and hear the answers. This is an opportunity to obtain information and address social matters related to your stay in Poland.