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- Belarus on the Verge of Digital Totalitarianism
Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. Recently, it became known that about 19,000 surveillance cameras are planned to be installed on apartment buildings in Minsk What is digital totalitarianism? It is not just a dictatorship that uses digital technologies. It is a dictatorship that lives off digital technologies. One that does not merely punish, but predicts, tracks, and controls human behavior using networks, platforms, cameras, and databases. It all began with familiar words: “We are doing this for your safety.” In 2017, the regime launched the Republican Public Security Monitoring System . It seemed to be crime prevention. But already in 2018, its real brain appeared — the Kipod platform, developed by the company Synesis, connected to former security officers. This is a system capable of recognizing faces and car license plates in real time , determining routes, analyzing behavior and movements. At the start — 100 cameras.In 2020 — 700.In 2023 — 6,000 only in Minsk.Toda y— 60,000 cameras across the country, capable of tracking each of us. And in Minsk, about 19,000 surveillance cameras are planned to be installed on apartment buildings. Decrees № 384 (2020) and № 319 (2021) required shops, bars, and restaurants to connect to the Republican Public Security Monitoring System. Cameras in entrances are paid for by residents as a “communal service.” After the protests of 2020, the technologies began to be used not for safety, but for persecuting dissenters . Attend a peaceful protest — your presence is recorded by a camera. Talk to someone labeled an "extremist" — the camera sends a signal. The surveillance system, including cameras with facial recognition, is integrated with the Ministry of Internal Affairs databases, the passport system, and the traffic police system. It allows tracking citizens’ movements in real time. You might not even know that you have already been identified. Here is the story of one woman: she received “house arrest with electronic monitoring” for participating in protests. She went to her mother’s hospital, and an hour and a half later, an inspector called her: “You were in Minsk. The camera recorded everything.” She was arrested. This is not the plot of a dystopia — this is Belarus in 2025. But it did not stop there. Currently, laws are being discussed in Lukashenko’s parliament that would make fingerprinting mandatory for everyone — Belarusian citizens and foreigners alike. In effect, everyone will receive a digital identifier — a personal number to which fingerprints, photos, videos, movements, purchases, communication history, and social media will be linked. You do not need to be detained on the street — just appearing in the frame for a few seconds is enough . A new stage—Decree № 368, signed last year. It created an electronic interaction system between: KGB, the Administrative and Analytical Center (OAC), internet providers, website owners. Now internet providers are obliged to cooperate with security force s. Websites must transfer data. The private digital sphere disappears completely . Every message can be intercepted. Every site is under control. The internet is no longer yours — it has become a tool of surveillance. As if that were not enough, from March 1, 2024, another decree came into force — "On Measures to Counter Unauthorized Payment Transactions" . Under the pretext of combating cyber fraud, security forces gain permanent access to all our banking operations . Now they can not only monitor your spending but also suspend transfers and block accounts for up to 10 days — without a court decision. Today, comprehensive databases are being created in Belarus . For example, the Ministry of Internal Affairs has created a database called "Riots". According to BELPOL, about 100,000 citizens have been entered into it. Mediazona reports that all those sentenced to "house arrest with electronic monitoring" for political cases are entered into another special database, allowing security forces to track their movements using cameras. In the famous list of extremists maintained by the Ministry of Internal Affairs, there are already more than 5,500 people , and it is constantly growing. All these people are indefinitely stripped of their rights under the regime. The Ministry of Information maintains a list of extremist materials. Interior Minister Kubrakov openly stated that Belarus is adopting China’s experience in : surveillance, combating “extremism,” automatic crowd control. But China at least provides stability, income growth, and technological breakthroughs. What does the Belarusian regime give? Only fear. Only survival under the cameras’ gaze. What does this mean for each of us? It means that you are no longer anonymous, neither in the subway, nor on the street, nor online. That you cannot feel free even in your own apartment. That any mistake, a gesture, the color of your clothes, a post, can be a reason for arrest. This is not just control. This is fear automated . But this can still be stopped. I will tell you that totalitarianism only looks omnipotent while we remain silent. What can we do? Talk about it. Each of us, in the family, among friends. Even though people like Chemodanova try to forbid us from even this out of fear. Help those who have already suffered. They are less visible, but they are many. Appeal to the international community. This is not "an internal matter of Belarus", what Lukashenko’s regime is doing is a crime. Work for the future. Openly outside Belarus and possibly secretly inside, create structures that, after the dictatorship falls, will dismantle these systems, break the digital chains, and restore freedom. I want to address those who maintain this system — IT specialists, engineers, those at surveillance control panels. You may think: "I’m just doing my job" . But you are not on a construction site . You are building a prison. Every line of code, every installation act is a contribution to digital dictatorship. Stop. Join the side of freedom. History does not forgive those who serve oppression. We believe: Belarus will be free. And digital too, but serving people, not the regime. An Alternative Future Under the rule of law, democratic legislation, and respect for civil liberties, the very technologies currently used for oppression could bring enormous benefits to society. Surveillance systems with facial recognition could genuinely help prevent and solve real crimes, ensuring citizen safety without total surveillance. Databases could be used effectively to improve public services, digitize healthcare, optimize traffic flows, and create “smart cities” that enhance quality of life rather than track every step. Access to banking operations under strict judicial control could be a tool to combat financial crimes and corruption, not a means of suppressing dissent. In a free and democratic Belarus, these digital tools would become a foundation for innovative development, transparent governance, and the creation of a society where technology empowers people rather than puts them under constant surveillance.
- The Price of Silence: Preventing a Catastrophe
Premiere of the Third Episode of the NAM Documentary " Belarus in the Grip of War " In the first episode of our investigation, "Entering the Kremlin’s Orbit: Militarization and Integration" , we detailed how Belarus under Lukashenko is systematically being turned into a key military springboard for the Russian Federation. We traced changes in legislation, the strengthening of military potential, the creation of a people’s militia, and the unprecedented deepening of military cooperation with Russia, including the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons. In the second episode, "Transformation of Society: Preparing for War at All Levels", we saw how this preparation penetrates the very fabric of Belarusian society: the economy is being reoriented toward military lines, the information space is subordinated to propaganda, and education and healthcare are being militarized. Borders are being strengthened, and the "Khrenin Line" is being established, while civil society faces unprecedented repression. Unfortunately, history knows many lessons about missed opportunities and underestimating threats. In recent history, we again observe a similar pattern. The situation with the growth of Belarus’s trade with the European Union in 2021, against the backdrop of ongoing integration into Russia’s orbit, revealed the strategic shortsightedness of the West. Slow and reactive sanctions, in conditions where Russia and Belarus were proactively establishing bypass schemes and creating parallel economic structures, failed to undermine the resilience of the military-oriented economies of Belarus and Russia. This is an important takeaway for the future: without systemic, proactive, and comprehensive sanction pressure, aggressors will adapt. In the third episode of our documentary, we detailed our recommendations for Western partners on the necessary actions regarding the Lukashenko regime, aimed at preventing Belarus from participating directly in the war. Now, with Belarus having reached a high level of readiness to enter the conflict, the situation has become critical. The Lukashenko regime is not merely in a state of heightened combat readiness — it is psychologically, ideologically, and materially prepared for active participation in the conflict. This means that the threat hangs over every home, over every family in Belarus. The window of opportunity to prevent a full-scale war is not just shrinking—it is rapidly closing. Time is running out. The film is based on the analytical report of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) : "Systematic Preparation by the Lukashenko Regime for Possible Entry into the War on Russia’s Side and Recommendations for Preventing This Scenario". Watch the third episode of the NAM documentary "Belarus in the Grip of War" , share it with your friends and family if it is safe for you to do so, and support the NAM team with donations so that we can continue to tell the truth about the situation in Belarus and fight for a free, democratic, and peaceful Belarus.
- Pavel Latushka Participated in Ceremonies in Gdańsk on the Occasion of the 45th Anniversary of the August Agreements
Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Pavel Latushka , took part in the celebration of the 45th anniversary of the signing of the August Agreements in Gdańsk. The Cabinet representative also joined the debates titled “Nasza Solidarność” at the European Solidarity Centre, organized and broadcast live by the Polish national television TVP. The discussion included Danuta Wałęsa, Dominika Łasota, Aleksandra Gnatyuk, and Basil Kerski. Pavel Latushka: "Looking at the events of 1980, we must ask ourselves: do we have the right to stop today, in 2025? Back then, the workers and all who took to the streets did not stop, and this led to historic changes in Poland and across Central and Eastern Europe. My answer is unequivocal: no, we do not have the right to give up, because we cannot betray those who are in prisons today. Undoubtedly, geopolitical context was as important during the times of Solidarity as it is today. But the main factor is the will and desire of the people to achieve justice and change. Therefore, today, when we talk about ‘solidarity,’ we hope that international solidarity will be with us until the white-red-white flag is raised over the main buildings in the capital of Belarus. But the responsibility for these changes lies primarily with us, Belarusians. What Poland and the Polish people have done for Belarusians over these years is already written in golden letters in the history of Belarusian-Polish relations. It is important to continue isolating the regime, but not the Belarusians. It is important to separate the Belarusian people from Lukashenko. Solidarity is an inspiration for us to continue the struggle. The Polish experience shows that if you do not stop, if you believe and fight, freedom is absolutely achievable. And Belarusians will achieve this goal. I believe in it and will continue the struggle. The Belarusian people continue their resistance. And proof of this is the fact that Lukashenko does not stop the repressions. If he does not stop, it means he knows that Belarusians have not abandoned their position and continue to fight for their country". On the night of August 31 to September 1, Pavel Latushka, together with the President of Poland, Karol Nawrocki , will participate in ceremonies at Westerplatte, dedicated to the anniversary of the beginning of the Second World War.
- The NAM is an official partner of the Economic Forum in Karpacz
The National Anti-Crisis Management signed an agreement with the Foundation Institute for Eastern Studies in Warsaw, according to which it became an official institutional partner of the 34th Economic Forum in Karpacz. The Economic Forum has been held annually in Poland since 1992 and is now considered one of the largest and most prominent political and economic events in Central and Eastern Europe. The 34th Economic Forum will be held on 2-4 September in Karpacz (Poland). More than 6,000 guests are expected to attend, and over 500 panel discussions on various topics will be organised. Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, will participate in the Forum. Despite its name, the Forum covers not only economic topics, but also the following areas: politics, diplomacy, science, education, medicine, sports, culture, ecology, and many others. The head of the NAM stated : "The NAM team participates in the Economic Forum every year, and we are honoured to become an official institutional partner of the largest political and economic event in Central and Eastern Europe. During panel discussions, interviews and working meetings during the Forum, we will focus the attention of international partners on the Belarusian agenda and the necessary actions to resolve the internal political crisis in our country in the context of geopolitical challenges for Belarus". In 2024, the NAM was a partner of the 33rd Economic Forum.
- Time of Transformation – What Will the Europe of the Future Look Like?
On 2 September, the 34th Economic Forum — one of the largest and most important economic and political events in Central and Eastern Europe — will begin at the Gołębiewski Hotel in Karpacz. The Main Partner of the Economic Forum is the Marshal’s Office of the Lower Silesian Voivodeship. This year's Forum will be held under the motto: “Time of Transformation – What Will the Europe of the Future Look Like?” In the current political and economic situation, Europe must build greater strategic autonomy and a new security architecture — military, energy-related, and digital. The vast majority agree that the Green Deal is a civilizational necessity, but it also requires a realistic path that takes into account the pace of transformation in various countries, as Europe must reconcile climate goals with energy security and industrial competitiveness. The Europe of the future is an economy based on innovation, technology, and digital autonomy — which necessitates investments in research and development. Maintaining competitiveness, especially in the context of an aging population, requires reforms in the labor market, education, and tax systems. This year, the number of guests will exceed 6,000 — leaders from the worlds of politics, business, academia, as well as representatives of NGOs and the cultural sector. The conference program includes over 500 events, including: 6 plenary sessions and hundreds of discussion panels, dozens of author meetings and special events, workshops, and several press conferences. Events will be organized within the following thematic tracks: AI Forum, Cybersecurity Forum, Healthcare Forum, Regions Forum, University Zone, Economy, International Politics and Security, Society, Sustainable Development. Key Forum events will also be held on the Main Stage of the Conference Center in the Gołębiewski Hotel, located on level 2/3. As tradition, the Forum will begin with the presentation of the report “SGH and Economic Forum Report 2025”, the most comprehensive academic study on the state of the economy in Poland and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The report describes current trends and socio-economic phenomena, enabling leaders from various sectors of the economy and politics to make the most important decisions. It has been prepared by experts from one of the country’s leading universities — the SGH Warsaw School of Economics. The presentation of the SGH Report is scheduled for Tuesday, September 2 at 12:00 PM in the Press Center of the Gołębiewski Hotel. For 16 years, an integral part of the conference has been the Healthcare Forum, which brings together the most important figures in Poland’s medical sector. It primarily serves as a platform for discussions on health topics, taking into account the economic dimension based on available data and involving all stakeholders in the healthcare sector in Poland and Europe, in the following areas: financing and management of healthcare, regulatory matters, and innovation. The most ceremonial moments of the Economic Forum are the gala events, during which awards are presented by the Forum’s Program Council to outstanding individuals as well as key companies and organizations in the following categories: Person of the Year, Company of the Year, and Non-Governmental Organization of the Year. Awards will also be presented to the best local government officials — winners of the Financial Ranking ofLocal Governments in Poland, prepared in cooperation with the Wrocław University of Economics. Special awards are also anticipated. The organizer of the Economic Forum in Karpacz is the Foundation Institute for Eastern Studies. The Main Partner is the Marshal’s Office of the Lower Silesian Voivodeship. Other Forum partners include: Hotel Gołębiewski – Strategic Partner, City of Karpacz – Host City, City of Wrocław, and Wrocław Nicolaus Copernicus Airport. For more information, please visit the event website: 34th Economic Forum The National Anti-Crisis Management is an official institutional partner of the 34th Economic Forum. Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, will take part in the forum.
- Wholesale trade in Belarus: a business on the brink of survival
Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council The August 26 meeting of the dictator on the "Belkoopsoyuz" turned into a public verdict on the entire system. Lukashenko hammered the cooperatives over losses of 33 million rubles, for village stores closing, and for the share of trade falling from 25% to 23%. What exactly is the problem? Belarusian wholesale companies reported results for the first half of 2025, and the numbers on paper even look decent. Revenue grew by 12.6% and reached almost 29 billion rubles. It would seem that the market is moving upward, turnover is increasing — one could talk about growth. But behind the rosy numbers lies a very different reality: wholesale trade today is not a business, but survival on a razor’s edge. Despite growing revenue, profits are rapidly falling. Companies’ net profit plummeted by almost 46%, and profit from sales fell by 30%. That is, companies are selling more but earning less. This is a classic situation when turnover is chased just to somehow service debts and cover expenses, rather than for development or the future. The picture is compounded by a monstrous debt burden. Debt payments account for 44.3% of revenue. This means that almost every second ruble earned by wholesale companies goes to servicing loans and interest. The business literally works for banks and creditors, not for itself or its employees. In conditions where profit is almost gone, companies lose the ability to invest in their future, which ultimately leads to stagnation. But the key problem is not even in the debts and falling profits. The real disaster is that under Lukashenko’s dictatorship, companies cannot apply effective methods to save and develop the business. In a normal economy, a businessman would revise the model, cut costs, find new markets, diversify sales. The self-appointed "economist" noted: despite the losses, only in 2025, 1.3 million rubles were allocated from the budget for fuel for mobile shops, and governors are obliged by orders from above to finance store repairs. But in fact, even with direct injections, the system is degrading: stores are closing, sellers are leaving due to low wages, while managers receive salaries higher than ministers. "Belkoopsoyuz" is forced to operate not for people and not for the market, but exclusively to maintain an artificial system where resources go to subsidies and maintaining the management apparatus. This case is not an exception, but the rule. In Lukashenko’s economy, any structure exists not to be effective, but to serve the system. This is the model of the entire Belarusian economy under Lukashenko — a simulation of work, pumped with subsidies and controlled from above instead of real efficiency.
- Lukashenko does not abandon his militant rhetoric for a single day. Preparation for war is penetrating the very fabric of Belarusian society
The second episode of the documentary film "Belarus in the Grip of War" is now released This is a must-watch. Every Belarusian must know what Lukashenko is preparing for. Watch the second episode — "Transformation of Society: Preparing for War at All Levels" — as part of the new documentary film by the National Anti-Crisis Management "Belarus in the Grip of War". In the first episode, we showed how Lukashenko’s regime is building up its military potential and integrating into the Russian war machine. But preparation for war is not limited to the army and training grounds. In this second episode, we demonstrate how it penetrates all spheres of Belarusian society, transforming it and preparing it for a potential conflict. This transformation affects: the economy , which is being consistently shifted onto military tracks; the information space , which is totally subjected to propaganda; education and healthcare , turning the civilian population into a resource for war. All these measures are not accidental, but part of a single, well-planned strategy to prepare the country for possible direct involvement in aggression. The film is based on the analytical report of the National Anti-Crisis Management "Systematic Preparation of Lukashenko’s Regime for Possible Entry into the War on Russia’s Side and Recommendations for Preventing This Scenario". Watch the second episode of the documentary film by the National Anti-Crisis Management "Belarus in the Grip of War" . Share it with your family and friends if it is safe for you, and support the NAM team with donations so that we can continue to tell the truth about the situation in Belarus and fight for a free, democratic, and peaceful Belarus.
- Report of the Representation on Power Transition of the United Transitional Cabinet
Dear colleagues, esteemed friends of the Coordination Council! I welcome you to our regular reporting meeting. For every democratic state, it is normal when the executive power, represented by the United Transitional Cabinet, and the representative power, represented by the Coordination Council, report on their work to the public. And today's report is not just a regular meeting, but a symbol of what the system of power should be in a new, democratic Belarus. Over the past two years, from August 2023 to August 2025, the Cabinet's Representation on Power Transition, which I head, has conducted targeted work on key strategic directions. We developed and consistently implemented the Strategy of International Accountability for the regime, strengthened sanctions pressure on the regime, continued preparing personnel reserves, helped our compatriots with legalization issues, developed a power transition plan and conducted active fight against disinformation. Along with this, before we begin the hearings of the main part of the report, I would like to note our common achievement - namely the working synergy and unity that we have today between the United Transitional Cabinet and the elected Coordination Council of the third convocation. In addition, I would like to express words of gratitude to the Coordination Council for adopting a series of important documents, such as: Resolution of the Coordination Council "On appeals for visa regime simplification and improvement of border movement in relation to Belarusians"; Statement of the Coordination Council "On supporting Lithuania's appeal to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court with a call to investigate extraterritorial crimes against humanity in the Belarusian situation"; Declaration of the Coordination Council of Belarus on the results of hearings "On the responsibility of Alexander Lukashenko for crimes"; Appeal of the Coordination Council on the anniversary of the beginning of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine; Appeal of the Coordination Council of Belarus "On inclusion in the list of exchange of prisoners of war of citizens of Belarus"; Statement of the Coordination Council of Belarus in connection with the creation of a Special Tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine. These are documents that have strategic significance for our activities and the strategy of democratic forces. And now allow me to move on to a more detailed review of our activities in the reporting period. Bringing the regime to accountability Strategy for achieving accountability Democracy in Belarus will truly win when accountability comes. This is the creed of daily activity related to one of the most demanded by Belarusian society directions of our work. Namely - creating conditions for restoring justice in relation to victims of crimes by Lukashenko's regime and bringing the guilty to accountability. Thus, in 2023, a Strategy for achieving accountability for mass crimes in Belarus was developed and adopted for implementation by the Representation. The implementation of this Strategy actually began immediately after the last report to the Coordination Council in August 2023. Within this Strategy, achieving accountability is envisioned through: first of all, stimulating the investigation of regime crimes by the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court; investigation of said crimes by national law enforcement agencies based on the principle of universal jurisdiction; inclusion in the jurisdiction of the Special Tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine of powers to investigate the crime of aggression committed by the highest military-political leadership of the Lukashenko regime; as well as initiating consideration of a case against Belarus in the UN International Court of Justice for violation of international obligations. Given the peculiarities of international crimes committed by the regime, the adopted Strategy gives absolute priority to the International Criminal Court mechanism as a means of achieving justice. ICC: Lithuania's Historic Step In September 2023, as Representative of the Cabinet on Power Transition, I headed the Belarusian delegation at consultations with the Ministry of Justice of Lithuania, as a result of which work was initiated on transferring the Belarusian situation to the ICC Prosecutor's Office under Article 14 of the Rome Statute, which relates to deportation and persecution of Belarusians as crimes against humanity. Exactly one year later, on September 30, 2024, after collecting necessary information and fulfilling internal state procedures, the Government of Lithuania made a truly historic step in achieving accountability in Belarus, implementing the procedure under Article 14. It can be said that thanks to our work, for the first time in history, Belarus officially appeared on the map of international justice. We are closer than ever to a tangible result of this work specifically for victims. However, much still needs to be done. A key challenge for us today is the need to avoid fragmentation of opportunities for rights restoration for victims of these crimes. Simply put, to avoid a situation where victims who found shelter in one country and are persecuted by the regime extraterritorially would have fewer opportunities for justice restoration than those who found shelter in other countries. This can be avoided if all countries where large numbers of victims from Belarus are located, just like Lithuania, would also implement the procedure under Article 14 of the Rome Statute, or if the ICC Prosecutor's Office would decide to independently begin investigation of this context in these countries. We will strive to ensure that all victims have equal opportunities. Illegal transfer of children: ICC At the same time, we continued the work begun in spring 2023 on bringing the regime to accountability for war crimes. A Second Communication was prepared under Article 15 of the Rome Statute about the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children to Belarus. The result was personal delivery of the corresponding Communication to the Prosecutor's Office in November 2023. The Prosecutor's Office is investigating the mentioned facts. I remind you that according to current estimates, no less than 3,500 Ukrainian children were subjected to transfer to Belarus, including orphaned children. Illegal transfer of children: advocacy The UTC Representation on Transition achieved inclusion of the issue of supporting accountability for illegal transfer of children in the European Parliament resolution of September 13, 2023. The resolution notes that such actions potentially constitute war crimes that fall under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court and calls for including those responsible in sanctions lists. Cooperation of the UTC representative with Belarusian and international experts contributed to the fact that the stated issue was reflected in statements by organizations during the summer session of the UN Human Rights Council 2024. Within the framework of a broad advocacy campaign by the UTC on accountability for these crimes, corresponding facts received wide coverage in media - Belarusian, Ukrainian, and international. We can note that one of the results of our work and advocacy is the cessation of the practice of importing minors from occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus in the period from January to May 2025. Universal jurisdiction Since 2023, the UTC Representation has been conducting an advocacy campaign to stimulate investigation of regime representatives' crimes by national legal systems based on the principle of universal jurisdiction. Information collected by the Representation on Transition has already been included in materials of criminal cases in Ukraine and Lithuania concerning illegal transfer of Ukrainian children to Belarus. Thanks to assistance from the Representation on Transition, in Poland in July 2024, a precedent was first created in a case concerning circumstances of use of torture and other inhuman methods of treatment by security forces of the Lukashenko regime. This precedent allows counting on broader application of universal jurisdiction for investigating crimes against Belarusians who were subjected to persecution by the regime. Special Tribunal for Ukraine An important direction of work is bringing the highest military-political leadership of Belarus to accountability for the crime of aggression against Ukraine. Since September 2023, the Representation on Transition actively conducted advocacy work with countries that were part of the group for creating a Special Tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine, with the goal of including in the jurisdiction of this tribunal powers to investigate the crime of aggression committed by the highest military-political leadership of the Lukashenko regime. This goal was successfully achieved. In June of this year, an Agreement between PACE and Ukraine on creating the mentioned Special Tribunal was signed, which grants it corresponding jurisdiction. UN International Court of Justice Currently, the Representation is working with a number of countries to initiate a case in the UN International Court of Justice for violation of Belarus's obligations within multilateral treaties. We are forced to limit ourselves to this thesis because such work requires maximum confidentiality. However, Lithuania's recent experience of filing such a case in the UN International Court of Justice for violation of Belarus's obligations within the Protocol against illegal importation of migrants, which supplements the UN Convention against transnational organized crime, testifies to the importance and prospects of this work. Overall assessment of results The Representation will not be modest in assessing the results of work in the direction of achieving accountability. This is work we are not ashamed of before Belarusians and thousands of victims of crimes in Belarus. And speaking directly - hundreds of thousands of victims. Because according to current estimates, victims of extraterritorial crimes against humanity can be about 600,000 people or about 6.5% of Belarus's population. This is a shocking number, but justice will be achieved, we work on this every day. And over the past two years (and I say this without pathos) - truly historic initiatives were implemented. The Representation, our team, we are convinced that the precedents that are now being created within the framework of the International Criminal Court mechanism on the Belarusian situation will not only become an example for achieving justice in similar cases in other countries, but will also enter the history of new Belarus. Sanctions pressure Sanctions as an instrument of pressure Regime accountability for its criminal actions and repressive-aggressive policy has another adjacent dimension. And this is the second of the most important directions of the Representation's work - sanctions pressure on the regime. However, here it is important to immediately precisely define the difference to correctly interpret the instrument of sanctions and its strategic tasks. Sanctions are not simply a measure of accountability, but, what is much more important, a key instrument of coercion aimed at changing the repressive domestic and aggressive foreign policy of the Lukashenko regime. And we firmly stand on this position - sanctions must be increased until the regime does not begin to really, not cosmetically, change its policy. Lukashenko knows better than anyone what needs to be done for sanctions to be lifted. He does not need this explained to him. In this sense, it is also important to note that the history of modern Belarus shows that sanctions, as an instrument for policy change, actually worked: under their pressure, Lukashenko was forced to release political prisoners and go for certain liberalization. And it is precisely the presence and prospect of lifting sanctions that remains a cornerstone condition for achieving progress in stopping repressions and releasing our fellow citizens from regime prisons. Evolution of EU sanctions policy In total, today we have 14 packages of economic, personal, or mixed EU sanctions against the Lukashenko regime, adopted from 2020 to 2025. Chronology of key packages It all started in October 2020 with personal restrictions, which quickly expanded to military enterprises and large companies. The turning point was June 2021 after the Ryanair incident, when the first sectoral sanctions were introduced, affecting potash, oil products and the financial sector, as well as giants like BelAZ and MAZ. With the start of the war in Ukraine in 2022, measures significantly intensified: disconnection from SWIFT, prohibition on cargo transit and wide trade restrictions. The recent years, 2023-2025, were marked by active harmonization of trade sanctions with Russia to close ways of circumventing restrictions, and by the beginning of 2025, 90% of trade sanctions were harmonized. Results of sanctions: European Union Thanks in part to our work, today 312 individuals and 47 legal entities are under EU sanctions. Key results from our proposals We actively promoted inclusion in lists of dozens of judges who issued illegal sentences, heads of places of detention of political prisoners, and propagandists. Among our specific achievements - inclusion in the sanctions list of CEC leadership and known supporter of the "Russian world" Oleg Romanov. Sanctions circumvention through banks It is particularly important to note our success in fighting sanctions circumvention: after our appeal and provision of analytical materials, in June 2024, the Russian analogue of SWIFT - SPFS came under sanctions, and in February 2025 - Belgazprombank and Bank BelVEB. Results of sanctions: USA and allies In addition to the European Union, the USA also imposed unprecedented sanctions, including adding to the SDN list 105 legal entities and more than 100 individuals. After the start of the war in Ukraine, sanctions measures were strengthened. One of our significant achievements was the inclusion of all of Lukashenko's air transport means, including his Board No. 1, in the US sanctions list. Canada and Great Britain also introduced their restrictions - both sectoral and blocking. Sanctions for illegal export of Ukrainian children It is particularly important to emphasize sanctions imposed by the EU, USA, and Canada for illegal export of Ukrainian children, which became the result of our targeted work. Other sanctions In general, 18 countries of the world, besides the EU, including Japan and Australia, joined sanctions against the Lukashenko regime, and the World Bank and EBRD suspended financing of Belarus. Our contribution to sanctions policy Our role in sanctions policy is multifaceted: we coordinate efforts, prepare justifications, lobby and promote proposals. We regularly transmit our positions and proposals to the European Commission, governments of the USA, Great Britain, Canada, and Ukraine, having sent more than 100 letters in total. Personal meetings are held with key persons, such as EU Special Representative for Sanctions David O'Sullivan. Specific proposals for personal sanctions We also proposed sanctions against 13 military-industrial complex enterprises and major propaganda institutions. It is clear that we are not the only ones dealing with sanctions pressure. We are grateful to everyone who works in this direction, especially investigative journalists and organizations like Belpol, Bypol, and Cyber Partisans. Challenges and effectiveness of sanctions A frequently asked question: why are sanctions not effective enough? The effectiveness of sanctions depends on several criteria: operativeness, preventiveness, synchrony, scale, and harmonization. Unfortunately, not all these conditions are always met. The problem is that sanctions are imposed on different grounds - not only for human rights violations, but also for the Ryanair incident, migration crisis, or complicity in Russian aggression. We also face a lack of political will among some partners and overload of their services with sanctions topics due to the priority of sanctions against Russia. Nevertheless, we see that accumulated sanctions are already having a significant impact, and our goal is to force Lukashenko to really change his policy. Sanctions work: pressure on the economy The situation in the economy is seriously worsening for the regime. Sanctions work: Belarus's foreign trade deficit continues to grow. According to results of the first half of 2025, Belarus's goods trade deficit amounted to $3.18 billion, which is 83% more than for the same period last year. Exports fell by 3.7% - to $19 billion. Imports, on the contrary, grew by 3.3% - to $22.19 billion. The numbers speak for themselves: the regime's economy cannot cope with sanctions pressure. Losses are growing, distortions are intensifying. Promises of "reorientation" and "economic miracle" with the eastern vector in practice turn into economic crisis. These data are clear confirmation that sanctions work. They hit resources that the Lukashenko regime directs to repressions and war support. And they must be maintained and strengthened until the regime changes this policy. Countering myths Let's address several popular myths used by sanctions critics. The first - that sanctions push Belarus into Russia. This is absolutely not true. Lukashenko himself from the first day of his rule purposefully drags Belarus into the embrace of the Russian Federation. If he wants to change this course, he knows what to do: stop repressions, complicity in war, and release political prisoners. The second myth - lifting sanctions from Lukashenko and simultaneous assistance to Ukraine (in particular, joining the ranks of volunteers). But this is absolutely contradictory populism, because lifting sanctions from Lukashenko will be assistance to Russia in continuing the war. Our position - in response to real policy change by the regime, possible suspension, not immediate complete cancellation of sanctions, because Lukashenko cannot be trusted at his word. Only concrete and lasting policy changes can be grounds for canceling sanctions. Further plans We will continue our work on preparing justifications for new sanctions lists, advocating for maintaining and harmonizing existing restrictions, as well as informing the public about the harm of counter-sanctions that Lukashenko imposes. Our goal is an independent, free, democratic European Belarus without political prisoners, repressions, and aggression toward neighbors. Personnel reserve What is "Personnel Reserve" To be ready for the transition from the current state of our state to sustainable democracy with sustainable state institutions, we must create an appropriate Personnel Reserve. The issue of preparing professional personnel needs to be resolved now to minimize the personnel vacuum that New Belarus will inevitably face in the transition period. An important achievement of the Representation on Power Transition's activities in this direction is the implementation of the "Personnel Reserve" program - an initiative aimed at creating a community of professionals ready to take responsibility for the restoration and development of democratic Belarus. "Personnel Reserve" is not just an educational project, but an active platform for consolidating future personnel in the transitional and post-transitional period. In conditions of forced emigration and destruction of state institutions in Belarus, preparing a new generation of personnel is a priority for democratic forces to ensure continuity of political and institutional processes. Achievements: Participants and potential Over two years, the "Personnel Reserve" campaign achieved significant results. 329 people joined us over the past two years, and the total number of participants exceeded 700. It is important to note that more than 30% of them continue to be in Belarus. Our participants are highly qualified: almost 90% have higher education, and 54% have management experience. We also observe improvement in gender balance. Educational activity In the educational sphere, a training program for 168 participants was conducted, a special course "Path to Democratic Belarus" for about 100 people, and active work on reform projects, where 40 proposals were prepared and 6 draft laws were discussed with more than 600 comments. Achievements: Platforms, analytics, international visits We launched effective work platforms. Our online platform for discussing reforms covers 6 sectors and collected more than 600 comments. A Personnel Matrix was created for selecting priority workplaces in state governance. Participants prepared 40 analytical works, 10 of which are published on the website. In addition, we organized 7 educational visits to governance bodies of European countries, in which 84 people participated. This allows our reservists to gain direct experience of international and European governance. Communications and security We achieved significant media coverage: over two years, more than 260 unique materials were published. Our social networks, such as Telegram, Facebook, and Instagram, have hundreds of thousands of coverage. In addition, 9 analytical videos featuring our reservists gained almost 50 thousand views. Security is our priority. We successfully withstood dozens of cyberattacks, including a powerful DDoS attack at the beginning of 2024, and our database remained unbreached. Unfortunately, the regime continues persecution, and 2 court proceedings in Belarus have already been recorded where people were forced to admit participation in "Personnel Reserve." Interaction with other structures "Personnel Reserve" actively interacts with key democratic structures. We cooperate with the Coordination Council in developing reforms, with the UTC in supporting platforms and international contacts, and with Svetlana Tikhanovskaya's Office in finding internships and involving participants in their team. NAU helps in planning the transition period, and the Congress of Regional and Local Authorities of the Council of Europe supports us in conducting seminars on local self-governance. Special thanks to our teaching collective, including representatives of various factions of the Coordination Council, UTC and Svetlana Tikhanovskaya's Office, as well as Svetlana Matskevich, author of the educational course concept. Further plans Our plans for the near future include continuation of educational events, such as a second cycle of online seminars on local self-governance and an educational visit to Germany. A particularly important initiative is the creation of Reformers' Clubs in European cities. These clubs will bring together active Belarusians ready to work on developing documents, draft laws, and positive cases, both offline and online. Conclusion In conclusion, I want to emphasize that "Personnel Reserve" is not only about the future, but also about the present. We are not just preparing specialists, but already today involving them in activities to bring about changes in Belarus. We are confident that the strength of democracy lies in people, and it is precisely such people that "Personnel Reserve" helps to identify, prepare, and unite. "New personnel for New Belarus" In addition to the "Personnel Reserve" program, we place special emphasis on preparing diplomatic personnel. A strategically important initiative in this direction is the "New Personnel for New Belarus" program. It was launched in 2020 by the Center for Eastern European Studies of Warsaw University with support from the National Anti-Crisis Management. Thanks to organizational and financial support from Poland's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, since the end of 2020, training is conducted on a regular basis. The program's goal is to form highly qualified personnel potential that will ensure effective work of the future Ministry of Foreign Affairs of New Belarus. Training content and practical impact The training program covers a wide range of professional disciplines - from basics of political theory to international legislation and diplomatic protocol. Training is conducted by experienced European diplomats and teachers from foreign universities, which guarantees high quality preparation. Most importantly, graduates of all five cohorts are already today actively participating in building the future democratic Belarus, working in the Coordination Council, United Transitional Cabinet, and other democratic structures. Program achievements Just in the reporting period, the "New Personnel for New Belarus" program prepared 35 graduates within two cohorts. In total, since launch in 2020, 96 specialists were prepared in five cohorts. This allows us to say already now that we have created a personnel base sufficient for effective work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of New Belarus. Assistance to Belarusians in legalization matters Resumption of work of the group on legalization issues of Belarusians in Poland In addition to educational programs and forming the Personnel Reserve for New Belarus, caring for the future, we must not forget about the present. And about the assistance that hundreds of thousands of our compatriots who found themselves in forced emigration already need now. And here I want to specifically focus on our work helping Belarusians with legalization issues. One of the key achievements of the Representation in this direction is the resumption of work of the working group on legalization of Belarusians at the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Poland. Two meetings and five bilateral encounters have already been held. I head the Belarusian side as Cabinet Representative, the group also includes the deputy Representative on social policy. Representatives of the Coordination Council and public organizations participate in group meetings. In particular, I would like to express words of gratitude to Council delegate Volha Karpushonok and head of "Partyzanka" association Hanna Matsiyeuskaya. Results of group meetings As a result of meetings, we prepared a package of proposals on changes to the Law "On Foreigners." These proposals include increasing the validity period of temporary identity certificates from three to six months and granting travel documents the status of documents confirming identity. We also ensured urgent consideration of 14 complex cases of former political prisoners. Our main task is to maximally facilitate the legalization process of Belarusians in Poland. Impact on Poland's migration strategy The deputy Representative on Power Transition is a participant in the Working Group on cooperation with non-governmental organizations at the Interagency Group on Migration headed by the deputy minister of internal affairs of Poland. Our main goal in this group is lobbying Belarusian interests in developing and implementing Poland's new Migration Strategy for 2025-2030. This allows us to contribute proposals to long-term decisions affecting thousands of Belarusians. Visa support and connection with Belarus Visa support for Belarusians is another important direction. We constantly raise these issues at all meetings and provide individual support in complex cases. Together with the Association of Former Political Prisoners "To Freedom," we helped more than 150 people obtain humanitarian visas. In addition, with support from the Coordination Council, we achieved a decision by the Polish side that allows persons under international protection to send invitations to their close relatives. Our main goal is to ensure connection with Belarusians in Belarus and the possibility of urgent evacuation if necessary. At the same time, it is worth understanding, unfortunately, that migration and legalization processes in Poland will be strict. Lukashenko creates too many security challenges for Poland, and the state is forced to respond to them, which also affects migration processes, visa issuance, and legalization. Our challenge is to convince that not all Belarusians should be thrown into one pot. But it must be understood that Lukashenko will increase his efforts to discredit Belarusians and create security threats for Poland. And responsibility for the difficulties that Belarusians now face lies precisely on him. Social security and pensions We also actively work on social security issues. After a series of meetings with the vice-minister of family, labor, and social policy and representatives of Poland's Social Insurance Service (ZUS), important agreements were reached. ZUS will prepare a memo in Belarusian with detailed explanations of the procedure for applying for pension assignment for Belarusians living in Poland. A meeting with ZUS representatives in Warsaw is also planned, which will be broadcast online for Belarusians throughout Poland. Additionally, at our proposal, a solution is being considered for organizing social security for Belarusians of retirement age who are under international protection status. Opening bank accounts An important step for daily life of Belarusians in Poland was solving the problem of opening bank accounts. Thanks to our methodical and consistent communication with Poland's Financial Supervision Commission, we achieved that banks began opening accounts based on temporary identity certificates issued during consideration of cases for granting international protection. This significantly simplifies access to basic financial services for our compatriots. Information portal in Belarusian At our proposal, the Government Information Center at the Polish Prime Minister's Chancellery began creating an information portal on the gov.pl platform, entirely in Belarusian. This portal will become a comprehensive resource for Belarusians living in Poland and will include information on all key issues: from legalization and employment to social assistance, pensions, driver's license replacement, and opening bank accounts. This will significantly improve Belarusians' access to necessary state information. Interaction with other Representations Our work is not limited only to legalization issues. We actively interact with other Representations of the United Transitional Cabinet. We attracted funds for new theatrical productions for the Free Kupalaucy and the Museum of Free Belarus. We also support a summer camp for children of political prisoners organized by the representation on social policy and assist other representations in preparing important UTC resolution projects. This demonstrates our real interaction in comprehensive work for Belarus's benefit. Power transition plan Action plan for the transition period Power transition issues are the direction around which almost 90% of the Representation's activities are built. However, within the report, I want to focus on work most focused on developing documents related to transition. First, a draft Action Plan of democratic forces for the transition period was prepared. This Plan represents a complex of universal organizational-legal measures calculated for 70-90 days - from the moment of the Lukashenko regime's departure to holding free democratic elections. The document covers various scenarios of power change, such as dialogue, negotiations, or round table, and works out all aspects in detail: from legal regulation and personnel provision to international recognition and information support, as well as measures to counter possible challenges and threats. Discussion and further work on the plan On December 18, 2024, a closed presentation of the Plan draft took place, where we discussed its refinement and potential use. Based on discussion results, it was decided not to bring the Plan into public space. Revealing its content could be used to benefit the Lukashenko regime. The presentation result was recognition of the expediency of further work on methods and scenarios of power transition and, in particular, developing a detailed scenario of power transition specifically through the "round table" format. Power transition scenario through "Round Table" Within preparation for developing a power transition scenario, our representation organized and conducted an expert event called "Ways out of political crisis in Belarus using the example of the Polish Round Table." This allowed us to study international experience and adapt it to Belarusian realities. As a result, based on obtained expert conclusions, a document was prepared: "Round Table/national dialogue for finding ways to solve the political crisis in Belarus," which will become the basis for further actions. But what now? Do we really believe that a "round table" is possible and that it will work in our situation? I answer - yes, it is possible. And moreover, the round table and national reconciliation is the best way out for our country from political crisis and the grip of war that Lukashenko continues to drag Belarus into. I remind you that during the last hearings, I personally openly addressed regime representatives with a dialogue proposal. Back in 2021, 700,000 Belarusians voted for starting dialogue on the Voice platform. And democratic forces never refused dialogue as an instrument for resolving the crisis. At the same time, let's be realistic. Lukashenko does not demonstrate such readiness. On the contrary, he continues to worsen the situation and deepen the crisis. And as soon as the issue of dialogue, round table arises in public space and is articulated by democratic forces - what response sounds from that side? Self-liquidate. Get on your knees and crawl to repent. But we will not talk to you. We are recognized as terrorist organizations. Our institutions are under permanent attack, we permanently face threats, attempts at intimidation, recruitment. Together with the Council Speaker, we talked about this in detail at a press conference on July 31. Therefore, at the moment, the position can be outlined as follows: we propose dialogue, our international partners support this. But Lukashenko does not. Thus, proceeding from the dictator's non-constructive position, we believe that dialogue and round table are possible without his participation or when he will not be in power. However, this does not mean we will simply wait. We develop documents, scenarios, work on instruments of pressure and forcing the regime to dialogue and transition. Our super-task is to create conditions when the regime cannot refuse dialogue anymore and Lukashenko will not be able to prevent it. Promoting power transition issues At the same time, we work on promoting transition and dialogue issues on the international arena. Which includes work on strengthening international recognition of our institutions. And we will continue to keep these issues at the center of attention and seek international support for future changes in Belarus. Fight against disinformation Introduction: Communication against disinformation In concluding the report, I want to remind about the importance of information work by democratic forces. It cannot be forgotten that the regime actually conducts an undeclared war against us and democratically-oriented society. Including information war. And therefore the communication, media front is one of the most important directions of activity for every institute and every organization of Belarusian democratic forces. Including the Representation on Power Transition. Our main goal is to convey truthful information to Belarusians inside the country, as well as to our partners on the international arena. We actively oppose state propaganda and simultaneously promote formation of a unified international position regarding the Lukashenko regime. This is one of the key elements in our strategy of changes and bringing closer the transition from dictatorship to democracy. How we work inside Belarus We daily reach the Belarusian viewer despite all obstacles. Our YouTube channel gained more than 22 million views per year, with half of them from Belarus itself. On TikTok these numbers are even more impressive: more than 31 million views, of which over 70% are from Belarusians. On Instagram we have about 4.5 million views, half of which are also from Belarus. These are Belarusians who daily receive an alternative to propaganda. We cover such important topics as the state of the Belarusian economy, regime crimes against humanity in relation to Belarusians, war crimes and inform about the case against Lukashenko in the International Criminal Court. And what is very important - we show and offer Belarusians an alternative: a state that works for the citizen, not against him. How we influence the external world Our voice is also heard on the international arena. Interviews with leading world media such as BBC, Le Monde, Der Spiegel, Euronews and others allow us to convey our position to millions of people. On Twitter our content gained almost 3 million views per year. One of the main theses we convey to external partners: Europe's first line of security is Belarusian society, not the border. We insist on increasing support for Belarusian society through solidarity programs, support for independent media and bloggers, scholarship programs. At the same time, we lobby both in media and specifically work on pressure on the regime, regularly preparing proposals that are taken into account by the European Union and other partners. Research and reports One of the important aspects of our work fighting disinformation is preparing deep analytical reports that are public and available on the NAU website. These documents help both our partners and the wide audience to get a deeper understanding of the situation in Belarus and our actions. In particular, reports were prepared by us: "Union State as an instrument of covering Russia's imperial policy" in December 2023; report "Sanctions pressure in relation to the Lukashenko regime" in March 2024; as well as report "Systematic preparation of the Lukashenko regime for possible entry into war on Russia's side and recommendations for preventing this scenario," which was prepared in June 2025. Based on this report, a documentary film "Belarus in the grip of war: chronicles of transformation" was also made, which consists of 3 parts. What the regime itself says about our effectiveness The regime's reaction to our information work is the best indicator of its effectiveness. The regime recognizes our pages as extremist, tries to block and achieve shadow restrictions. Just in recent months, the YouTube channel was repeatedly added to the list of extremist materials, the Facebook page was twice recognized as extremist, the faction's Telegram channel was banned, and TikTok access was temporarily blocked in Belarus. Why do they react this way? Because they see a threat in access for Belarusians to receive an alternative point of view. The stronger they fight with us, the more we are convinced that we are doing the right thing. Information campaigns and results One of the most effective examples of our media work was the campaign against recognition of the fake elections of 2025. We launched broad systematic work through all our channels: videos, statements, posts. And as a result, not a single democratic country recognized these elections. This demonstrates direct and significant impact of our media activities on international politics and public opinion. Conclusion: Fight for truth and change In conclusion, I want to emphasize: we are not simply informing, we are fighting.The media work of the Representation is not just informational activity, but strategic action aimed at shaping the understanding of the necessity of change both inside Belarus and abroad. We influence public consciousness in Belarus, we have carved out our niche in the foreign policy discussion about the future of the country, and we will continue to fight against the regime’s information aggression. Our goal is truth and change for Belarus. Closing Statement Dear friends! The importance of our institutions — the United Transitional Cabinet and the Coordination Council — cannot be overstated for continuing our struggle for freedom, democracy, and the independence of Belarus, and for ensuring the transition of power to the democratic majority. The regime fears our institutions and wants to destroy them, because it sees in them a real political and, most frightening for it, democratic alternative. But we withstand the blows and strike back — we act, and we act effectively. I am convinced that change is inevitable. We must preserve and strengthen our institutions, continue our active work, despite all of Lukashenko’s attempts to counter us. And we will certainly prevail, if we remain strong, if our institutions remain strong, if we continue to work actively toward our common goals and remain united in the strategy to achieve them: "ACCOUNTABILITY" — because democracy will not truly triumph unless the regime is held responsible for its crimes. And we will continue our work in the directions already defined. "SANCTIONS PRESSURE" — because this is the instrument to change the regime’s policy. Its potential has not yet been fully used, but it is already having a significant impact on the state of the economy. This pressure must be continued and increased to achieve change. "STRENGTHENING OUR INSTITUTIONS" — because they represent the political alternative to the regime that is needed today and will be needed tomorrow when the transition begins. We must preserve and strengthen this alternative, despite all attempts by the regime to oppose us. "PERSONNEL RESERVE" — because people are the foundation for ensuring the stable functioning of the state during the transition of power and the resilience of democracy in the post-transition period. And we will continue to prepare our personnel reserve for the New Belarus. "ASSISTANCE TO BELARUSIANS" — because people are our highest value and our main support in preserving independence and ensuring democratic change in Belarus. "INFORMATIONAL WORK" — because we cannot allow the regime to win the battle for people’s minds. We must fight against disinformation, be a source of reliable and truthful information, and a strong alternative to propaganda. We must keep Belarus on the international agenda, defend the image of Belarusians, and demonstrate that Europe’s first line of defense today is not the border with Belarus, but Belarusian society itself. "ROUND TABLE" — because it is the only peaceful and adequate way out of the political crisis and the military trap into which Lukashenko has dragged Belarus. And our strategy, I am convinced, is the path that will create the necessary conditions to arrive at this solution and at the changes we all await. Because Belarusians will always be able to come to terms with Belarusians — when Lukashenko is no longer able to stop us. Long live Belarus!
- Canada’s support for Belarusian democratic forces will continue
Фото носит иллюстративный характер A meeting was held between the Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Head of the NAM Pavel Latushka , the Speaker of the Coordination Council and Deputy Head of the NAM Artsiom Brukhan , and the Ambassador of Canada to Poland, Catherine Godin. The following topics were discussed: expanding cooperation within the framework of the OSCE, including with the Canadian mission to the OSCE in Vienna. The parties agreed to organize working meetings with representatives of Canada’s mission to the OSCE; the possibility of conducting legal consultations in the near future with Canada’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, among other topics. The Canadian side was informed about the work being carried out to collect evidence as part of the investigation conducted by the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court into crimes against humanity committed by Lukashenko and his accomplices against the people of Belarus. The Canadian Ambassador was presented with proposals to impose Canadian national sanctions against representatives of the Lukashenko regime — propagandists, judges, and a number of defense industry enterprises supporting Russian aggression. The Ambassador noted that the materials would be promptly forwarded to Global Affairs Canada for further consideration. The Speaker of the Coordination Council, Artsiom Brukhan , informed the Canadian side about preparations for the "New Belarus" conference. The Canadian Ambassador confirmed that a representative of Canada would participate in the conference events as an invited guest. The Ambassador reaffirmed that Canada’s support for Belarusian democratic forces will continue consistently and purposefully.
- Lukashenko is more ready for war than ever
Premiere of the first episode of the documentary film "Belarus in the Grip of War" The NAM (National Anti-Crisis Management) has released the first episode — "Entering the Kremlin’s Orbit: Militarization and Integration" — as part of the new documentary series "Belarus in the Grip of War". In this episode, you will see how Belarus, in just a few years, has gone from a nominally neutral state to a key military foothold for Russia. We will tell and show: the constitutional changes and new laws that stripped Belarus of its neutral and non-nuclear status, and opened the door to deploying troops abroad and launching preemptive strikes; the gradual strengthening of the Belarusian armed forces; how the Belarusian army has been integrated with the Russian armed forces, including the formation of a joint Belarusian-Russian regional military group and the involvement of Wagner PMC in training the Belarusian military; and many other facts that point to a systematic militarization of the country and preparation of the Lukashenko regime for war. These steps are not random or “forced measures.” They are a systematic and deliberate preparation of the Lukashenko regime for possible involvement in an armed conflict on the side of Russia. Today, we can state with full confidence: the Lukashenko regime has never been as ready for war as it is now. The film is based on the analytical report by the National Anti-Crisis Management: "Systematic Preparation by the Lukashenko Regime for Possible Entry into the War on Russia’s Side and Recommendations for Preventing This Scenario" . Watch the first episode on YouTube, share it with friends and acquaintances, if it’s safe for you, and support our team with donations . Together, we can continue to expose the truth about the regime’s military plans and fight for a free, democratic, and peaceful Belarus.
- Where is Lukashenko’s gold?
Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. Why is Belarus increasing its gold and foreign currency reserves amid a trade deficit and current account imbalance? Today I want to talk about an important and, at first glance, paradoxical phenomenon in the Belarusian economy: why, despite a negative foreign trade balance and a current account deficit, the illegitimate authorities continue to build up gold and foreign currency reserves — and what this means for the country’s economic development and future. What is the Lukashenko regime preparing us for? Let me start by reminding you: foreign exchange reserves are foreign currencies, gold, special drawing rights, and other assets that the National Bank and the government can use to: service external debts, smooth out exchange rate fluctuations, maintain confidence in the national currency. In other words, foreign exchange reserves (FERs) are the state’s "insurance policy" in case of external economic shocks. If we look at the official statistics, we see an interesting fact: At the beginning of 2025, Belarus’s foreign exchange reserves totaled just over USD 8.9 billion . By July 2025 , they had surpassed USD 11.5 billion . The share of gold in the reserves increased from USD 4.5 billion to USD 5.7 billion , and the currency part also grew — from USD 3 billion to USD 4.4 billion . At first glance, growing reserves would seem to mean more opportunities to maintain economic stability. But this growth is happening against the backdrop of a negative foreign trade balance and a current account deficit . In the first quarter of 2025 , the negative balance — that is, the net outflow of money from goods, services, and capital — became larger than for the entire previous year . Specifically, for January–March 2025 , the current account deficit amounted to minus USD 2 billion , which is about 11% of GDP for that period. At the same time, according to Belstat, the trade deficit in goods for January–May 2025 reached USD 2.6 billion — a billion more than during the same period in 2024. According to the National Bank, the negative trade balance in goods and services for the first four months of this year was USD 856 million . What does this mean? It means the country is clearly spending more foreign currency than it earns . In recent months, Belarus has seen: a decline in export earnings , partly due to sanctions and shrinking markets; a rise in imports , including raw materials, components, and consumer goods; a need to service interest and repay principal on foreign debt . Usually, such conditions lead to a decline in reserves , because if a country spends more currency than it earns, its "safety buffer" should shrink. So why isn’t this happening? Where is the foreign currency coming from? The answer is — external financing . Belarus’s gross external debt increased by USD 2.2 billion in the first quarter of 2025 and as of April 1 stood at USD 37.4 billion . Belarus received loans and financial assistance from Russia , and partially borrowed through Eurasian mechanisms . Some of these funds go directly to debt servicing and economic support , and some are deposited by the National Bank into reserves . This raises a logical question: why accumulate reserves when there’s a deficit? There are several reasons: Servicing external debt. Belarus has to repay and service foreign debt annually — this amounts to several billion dollars per year . If there’s suddenly not enough currency, the government would be forced either to sharply devalue the ruble or declare a default — both scenarios are extremely dangerous. Smoothing exchange rate fluctuations. The Belarusian ruble is sensitive to political and external shocks . One piece of news can send the population rushing to buy up currency — and the exchange rate may collapse. Having sufficient reserves allows the National Bank to intervene in the market and prevent panic. Containing inflation. The Belarusian economy is import-dependent . Ruble devaluation leads to higher prices for raw materials, equipment, and consumer goods . A stable reserve acts as a "brake" on inflation . Image. A sufficient reserve is a signal to investors and domestic businesses . It’s a trust factor . What does this mean for the exchange rate and inflation? First, the current account deficit hasn’t disappeared . If a country accumulates foreign exchange reserves not from its own earnings, but from external loans , this means a growing debt burden . Loans, after all, must be repaid eventually. Second, it increases dependence on allies . If the external financing conditions change tomorrow or are reduced, the country could face a rapid depletion of reserves . Without a trade surplus, there’s no way to close the gap . Third, an increase in foreign exchange reserves does not automatically mean increased economic resilience , if the structural problems remain: low export diversification and high dependence on specific markets and creditors . If external support continues , Belarus can continue to keep the ruble relatively stable . Inflation will not spike dramatically . If support is reduced , but debt obligations remain , the country will have to either spend the reserves or devalue the ruble . Devaluation will inevitably accelerate prices . The smaller the reserves at that moment , the harder the blow will be. Accumulating foreign exchange reserves during a deficit is a tactic, not a strategy . It’s a forced measure that buys time: to smooth over the current situation, to meet debt obligations, to maintain exchange rate stability. But without sustainable foreign exchange earnings through export development, improved trade conditions, and market diversification , this buffer could be quickly exhausted. For long-term resilience, Belarus must: expand export geography, deepen raw material processing, reduce import dependency, strengthen the domestic market, seek new sources of investment. Thus, the accumulation of foreign reserves today is more a symptom that the country is preparing for possible external or internal shocks. It is reasonable in the short term, but in the long term, the issue of structural deficit and dependence on borrowing must be addressed. But what kind of shocks is the regime preparing for? This question remains open. Yet history offers examples of countries accumulating reserves under atypical conditions. For example, Nazi Germany before World War II. The Third Reich accumulated currency and gold reserves and developed barter schemes to reduce dependency on currency settlements. Today, the Lukashenko regime increasingly resorts to barter and cash transactions. Lukashenko pays in cash. For instance, leaked correspondence regarding recent deals between the Myanmar militaryand the Lukashenko regime indicates that the latter sent a direct request to Myanmar’s Directorate of Procurementasking for immediate cash payments “in accordance with previous practice.” The request also noted that the Lukashenko regime could even send a plane to Myanmar to collect the cash, referring to prior experience. And this raises an interesting question: how are such cash-based foreign trade operations reflected in official statistics? Or are these cash flows simply turned into personal funds? Another example: Iraq before the 2003 war. Despite numerous restrictions, Saddam Hussein sought to increase foreign exchange reserves. And the most recent and relevant example — Russia before launching its full-scale aggression against Ukraine. From 2014 to 2021, Russia actively built up reserves and diversified them — moving away from the dollar, buying gold and yuan. It is now clear: this was preparation for the risks of a major conflict. An increase in foreign exchange reserves in itself does not always mean preparation for war, but combined with other signs — militarization, increased defense budgets, strategic purchases — it can be one of the indicators. In recent years, we’ve seen all these signs in Belarus. Thus, it is already becoming clear that the Lukashenko regime is preparing Belarus for a tragic scenario. These examples — from Nazi Germany to Putin’s Russia — show that regimes, when preparing for shocks, whether wars, sanctions, or internal crises, often adopt similar strategies: accumulate reserves, switch to barter or cash settlements, and minimize traces in the international financial system. In the case of Lukashenko, deals with Myanmar and the emphasis on cash hint not only at an attempt to bypass sanctions, but also, possibly, at an effort to conceal financial flows — which may be landing in the personal accounts of Lukashenko’s inner circle.
- An embargo has been imposed on Belarusian financial institutions
Photo illustrative The European Union has expanded its sanctions list with enterprises of the Lukashenko regime: those involved in Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, and has also enhanced banking sanctions. Information about some of these enterprises had previously been submitted to EU authorities by the team of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM). In particular, OJSC "VISTAN" produces goods for the needs of the Russian military-industrial complex. The production program of OJSC "VISTAN" is focused on the technological support of the automotive, electrical, aerospace, and other sectors of the mechanical engineering complex. A partner of the enterprise is JSC "Federal Research and Production Center 'Titan-Barricades'" — a multi-profile enterprise of the Russian defense industry, which is part of JSC "Corporation 'Moscow Institute of Thermal Technology'" (under the state corporation "Roscosmos"). In recent years, VISTAN has also been supplying products to the Scientific and Production Corporation "Uralvagonzavod" , which includes more than 20 enterprises of the Russian Federation’s defense complex. It also collaborates with enterprises of Rosatom . Currently, OJSC "VISTAN" is implementing a large investment project — "Union Machine Tool Plant" — within the framework of integration programs between Belarus and Russia. The company is already under Ukrainian sanctions. In total, 8 defense enterprises of the Lukashenko regime have been included in the EU’s 18th sanctions package against Russia ( UE "Belvneshpromservice" , NP LLC "OKB TSP" , LLC "KB Unmanned Helicopters" , OJSC "Zavod Legmash" , UE "Scientific and Technical Center LEMT 'BelOMO'" , LLC "Laser Devices and Technologies" , LLC "Rukhservomotor" ). While some analysts had published unconfirmed information about the complete cessation of EU cooperation with all Belarusian banks, on June 11, 2025 , the head of NAM, Pavel Latushko , commented to Euroradio that the banks previously disconnected from SWIFT would now have their correspondent accounts closed . This indeed came to pass: Belagroprombank , Bank Dobrobyt , Development Bank , and Belinvestbank came under new EU restrictions we had been pushing for. In addition to disconnection from SWIFT, the EU has banned any transactions with them . As Pavel Latushko noted, these measures constitute a targeted and precise strike on the financial infrastructure of the Lukashenko regime , without affecting the everyday needs of Belarusians. This demonstrates the EU’s consistency in isolating the military and economic support Lukashenko provides to Russian aggression, while also confirming the effectiveness of joint efforts by democratic forces in advancing the sanctions policy.











