NAM Deputy head, Artsiom Brukhan, in an interview with "6TV Biełaruś" channel, stated: "The Constitution now stipulates that presidential elections should take place 'no later than' a certain period, but nothing is said about 'no earlier than.' Early elections for Lukashenko make political sense. Reformatting of the system is taking place in one way or another — the reassignment of the All-Belarusian Assembly, the Parliament — and its logical conclusion should be the presidential election. Three scenarios should be considered: The first scenario is that he will run in the 2025 presidential elections in July, according to the latest possible deadline. The second scenario can take place in February 2025. Lukashenko held "no-choice elections" in February 2024. We saw that the society went through strong repressions, the field was cleared — so the elections were held in silence. Why not hold the same kind of election in February 2025? It's cold outside, people take a break after the Christmas holidays, nobody needs anything — the most ideal situation for a dictator to hold elections. The political calendar in the West is just beginning to function; people in Russia have not yet come to their senses after long holidays. The third scenario — if the "presidential" campaign of Lukashenko's speeches is already underway, it is quite logical that the election will be organized in the near future, for example, in the summer. Not in August — the month of August still brings up painful memories in people. But, as an option, elections can be held in July — the month when Lukashenko came to power 30 years ago. He really likes this symbolism, so this option also has a right to exist.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador "This will be our performance, where we will play the main role and act as directors ourselves." On International Theater Day, I want to remind you of the deep roots theater has in the history of Belarus. Folk theaters, including the famous Batleyka, and aristocratic theaters like the 18th-century Niasvizh Radziwil Theater and Ruzhany Sapieha Theater, have greatly influenced Belarusian culture. Ihnat Bujnicki is an exceptional figure in Belarusian theatrical art. Over a hundred years ago, he established the first Belarusian theater troupe in the early 20th century on the Palivachy farm in Hlubokaje region. The Belarusian theater has not only served as a center of national culture and language but has also played a role in the formation of statehood. In 1917, the First All-Belarusian Congress took place in the building of the city theater in Minsk, which is now known as the Yanka Kupala Theater. It was during this congress that the right of the Belarusian people to self-determination was proclaimed. During my tenure as the Minister of Culture of Belarus, we successfully implemented a program for the restoration, reconstruction, and repair of 27 state theaters across the country. Notably, the National Theater named after Yanka Kupala, the country's first drama theater with a hundred-year history, and the regional puppet theater in Hrodna, which dates back to the 18th century, hold a special place in my memory. We also initiated the rebuilding of the drama theater in Slonim, founded by Michail Oginski in the 18th century. Furthermore, I recall initiating the festival "Evenings of the National Opera and Ballet Theater in the Radziwil Castle" in Niasvizh and the festival of drama theaters of Belarus called "Urshula Radziwil Theatre," also held at the Niasvizh Palace. In 2020, in the capital alone, representatives from 12 theater groups demonstrated what freedom means to them and showed support for peaceful protests. They illustrated that theatrical art cannot be shackled. The renowned Yanka Kupala Theater led the way in this regard. On this International Theater Day, I would like to congratulate all actors and theater employees, both those currently abroad and those remaining in Belarus. I firmly believe that we will reunite at the Yanka Kupala Theater, and even the available seats will not suffice. We will fill the park, the square in front of the theater, and the adjacent streets and alleys. To achieve this, it is crucial for us to take center stage and become the directors ourselves. Happy International Theater Day! Former Minister of Culture of Belarus, Permanent Representative of Belarus to UNESCO, and Director-General of the Yanka Kupala National Academic Theater

We have managed to establish three proto-state institutions outside of our country, institutions that have proven to be remarkably stable: President-elect Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya; United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus; Coordination Council. Simultaneously, we have witnessed the development of sustainable socio-political and civil initiatives, including the Office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the National Anti-Crisis Management, ByPol, BelPol, Honest People, Bysol, and many others. A network of representative offices for the Cabinet and people's embassies of Belarus in over 20 countries worldwide was established. Independent media outlets and NGOs are functioning abroad, analytical centers and independent analysts contribute to our cause. Furthermore, we even have an opposition! Collectively, these elements form a unique structure of democratic forces abroad, which serves as the foundation for our current endeavors and has the potential to ensure a successful transition period in the future. While I acknowledge the work of our institutions, including my own self-criticism, it is important to recognize that they have created a POLITICAL FRAMEWORK. Therefore, we must ask ourselves whether we possess the will, strength, energy, and, most importantly, the desire to build upon this framework and continue our struggle. What I would expect from the president-elect is the making of political decisions. I understand the importance of foreign policy work, but today we need political decisions to strengthen our institutions. I say this as an ally, and this is how my words should be perceived. Regarding the United Transitional Cabinet, despite the lack of resources to fulfill its executive function, it continues to operate. However, the Cabinet must reinforce its personnel to effectively address the tasks ahead. Currently, two positions remain vacant: the Representative for Law and Order (which I would refer to as Internal Affairs), and the Representative for Economics and Finance. It is important for these roles to be filled, and I believe that the Representative for Law and Order does not necessarily have to be a security officer. This individual could focus on domestic political work in Belarus and coordinate the activities of various structures to establish communication with those inside the country. The second position, the Representative for Economics and Finance, should be responsible for seeking various forms of financing and developing the "Belarusian economy" abroad. The goal is to encourage Belarusian businesses to return to Belarus and support the domestic economy when the appropriate time comes. As for the Coordination Council, elections to this body should serve as a collective campaign for the entire democratic movement. We require a representative institution, and the Coordination Council can fulfill this role through democratic elections. Every voice of each Belarusian counts. Elections have been a proven method of governance for centuries, and I propose that the Constitutional Court be involved in the formation of the Cabinet. My suggestion is that 50 percent of the representatives in the Cabinet be appointed by the President-elect, and the remaining 50 percent be appointed by the Coordination Council. Interparliamentary cooperation should be a priority area of activity for the Coordination Council. To conduct elections for this body, it is crucial to assess available resources, test the platform, and establish a Central Election Commission (CEC). Equally important is the clear division of functions and powers between these three institutions. In my vision and proposals, the President-elect should have international representation at the highest level, the Coordination Council should focus on inter-parliamentary cooperation, and the Cabinet should carry out executive functions. These executive functions should be consolidated under one body, in line with the classical definition of the tasks assigned to these institutions. As a representative of the transitional period, I consider it of utmost importance to hold the regime accountable for its crimes against the Belarusian people and other international offenses. Our diaspora must actively advocate for this cause, presenting a united front and pushing for a significant objective: to bring Lukashenko to the 2025 elections as a suspect of international crimes. This represents a crucial precondition for any meaningful change and has the potential to create divisions among the ruling elites. Furthermore, we must strive for an arrest warrant to be issued, as it could have a profound impact on a potential split within the elites. Not everyone will be willing to stand by Lukashenko's side if facing prosecution in The Hague. However, above all else, we must focus on the Belarusians within our country. While being abroad presents us with new challenges, it is essential that we actively seek opportunities to work within our homeland. This should be an ongoing consideration for all of us, constantly searching for these opportunities and taking action. The Belarusian people are our most valuable asset.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador On March 28, the World Russian People's Council, at its extraordinary congress chaired by Patriarch Kirill of Moscow, declared nothing less than a "holy war" on Ukraine, that is "jihad" in other words. Think about it, this was not done by some terrorists from Islamist groups in the Middle East; this was done by a meeting under the leadership of the leader of one of the largest Christian churches. The extraordinary congress of the World Russian People's Council approved a document called the Order, which was developed back in November last year in Moscow. "From a spiritual and moral point of view, a special military operation is a Holy War, in which Russia and its people, defending the single spiritual space of Holy Rus', fulfill the mission of 'holding', protecting the world from the onslaught of globalism and the victory of the West, which has fallen into Satanism," the document says. The Council's order also denies the existence of Ukrainians and Belarusians as independent peoples. The authors of the Order consider the destruction of the independence of Ukraine and Belarus to be the key conditions for the survival and successful development of Russia and the so-called "Russian world" in the 21st century. "The reunification of the Russian people should become one of the priorities of Russian foreign policy. Russia should return to the doctrine of the trinity of the Russian people, which has existed for more than three centuries, according to which the Russian people consist of Great Russians, Little Russians and Belarusians, who are branches (sub-ethnicities) of one people, and the concept of 'Russian' covers all the Eastern Slavs - the descendants of historical Rus'," participants of the congress say. In simple terms: Belarusians are not an independent people; they are simply Russians, and Belarus, accordingly, is part of historical Russia. The so-called concept of a triune people which stresses the lack of independence of Belarusians and Ukrainians took its final theoretical shape back in the distant 19th century. And at the beginning of the 20th century, the most reactionary and nationalist political circles of the Russian Empire adopted it. These political forces went down in history under the general name "Black Hundreds." Their political doctrine was characterized by such postulates as: criticism of democracy and commitment to autocratic rule, militant conservatism, anti-Semitism, extreme nationalism, as well as the idea of a strong imperial state suppressing individual freedom. In fact, we are seeing history repeating itself. Should the church set itself political goals to justify wars, massacres, and oppression of other religions and peoples? The question is rhetorical. In turn, history has confirmed more than once that when the church began to engage in the above, it always ended badly, first of all, for the church itself. This is how it was, for example, in the 20th century. The Russian "Black Hundreds" were also actively supported by part of the leadership of the then Russian Orthodox Church. However, it all ended with the February and then the so-called October revolution. Following society's rejection of the "Black Hundred" ideas, repressions eventually overtook the Orthodox Church, part of whose leadership actively supported these ideas. Unfortunately, the current leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church, of which today the Orthodox Church in Belarus is a canonical part, is increasingly drawn into the implementation of the military-political goals of the Kremlin and the Lukashenko regime, justifying military aggression, violence, and denying the right to independent existence of individual countries and peoples. Thus, the leadership of the church itself, with its own hands, undermines public trust in it. We know that in Belarus, many ordinary Orthodox Christians, that is, the laity, the church flock, as well as representatives of the priesthood and monasticism, do not support the reactionary ideas of the current top leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church. Many priests and deacons gave anti-war sermons after the start of the full-scale invasion of Russian troops in Ukraine; many took the side of Belarusian society in 2020, which was massively repressed by the Lukashenko regime. Nevertheless, the leadership of the Orthodox Church of Belarus officially fraternizes and cooperates in every possible way with the Lukashenko regime and also supports Russia's aggression against Ukraine. Some justify this behavior by saying that the church leadership is doing this for the benefit of the church itself, for the sake of its salvation and prosperity. However, instead of trying to raise the importance of the church in the eyes of society, such actions are likely to undermine its moral authority, turning more and more people against it. I would like to appeal to the leadership of the Belarusian Orthodox Church with a request to publicly refuse to support dubious political statements coming from Moscow or, at least, to distance themselves from them as much as possible. This also applies to cooperation with the repressive regime of Lukashenka, which has lost the trust of Belarusians. By supporting ideas that deny the independence of Belarusians as a people with their culture, language, history, and centuries-old traditions, and by endorsing violence, mass repressions, and war, the church goes against the interests of Belarusians and undermines trust in itself as an institution that shapes the moral guidelines of society. Let's not forget that the church is primarily composed of believers; it is a community of Orthodox Christians. Moreover, the majority of Orthodox Belarusians are against the war, in favor of democratic development, and desire to live in an independent state.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador "We are preparing for war. I speak about this frankly," declared the usurper Lukashenko during his working trip to Hrodna. Today, Lukashenko's Ministry of Defense announced that military drills of territorial defense forces are being held in four regions of Belarus, in addition to the ongoing military exercises throughout the country. Officially, these troops, known as the people's militia, are only used during military situations or in times of threat to the country. From April 2 to April 4, a command post exercise is scheduled with the territorial defense forces of the Rahachou and Karmiany districts of the Gomel region. Similar exercises will also take place in the Vialeyka region until April 26. So, what is Lukashenko preparing for? In Belarus, they are now training to implement martial law, which could drastically change the lives of Belarusians. How might this happen? Let's try to figure it out. Only Lukashenko has the authority to impose martial law, and it goes into effect immediately upon his death. Under martial law, citizens are obligated to comply with the demands of government agencies and military authorities. This includes mandatory attendance upon the first request of a government agency. As we already know, individuals can now even be drafted into the army via SMS. Additionally, a curfew may be imposed. Citizens over the age of 16 can be involved in defense work and participate in cleaning up after weapon use and emergency situations. Those registered with the military are prohibited from leaving their place of residence without permission from the military registration and enlistment office or the local KGB department head. Сitizens can be required to surrender their property, including houses or non-residential premises, to government agencies for defense purposes. No compensation is provided for such requisitions. During martial law, rallies, processions, and other public events are prohibited. Military censorship authorities are established, potentially leading to restrictions on printed materials. Inspection of citizens’ personal correspondence is also possible. The regime may also impose limitations on citizens' movement within the country, including restrictions on changing their place of residence. The military's powers will be expanded, granting them the authority to patrol streets, check documents, and detain individuals. In certain circumstances, they may even conduct house inspections. These expanded powers also allow the use of weapons and special equipment. During the implementation of martial law, the National Bank of Belarus may restrict or suspend banking operations, and there may be restrictions on the use of bank cards. It all raises the question of whether Lukashenko's claims of advocating for peace are genuine. Despite his attempts to portray himself as a 'guarantor of peace' in Belarus, we have witnessed a growing number of military training, preparation for martial law and other events involving the Armed Forces. Furthermore, the regime has provided territory in Belarus for the Russian army, recruited Wagner militants for the internal troops, and allowed the presence of nuclear weapons on Belarusian soil. The regime even involves children in militaristic activities, arming them and providing weapons training. All of these actions contradict the principles of peaceful domestic and foreign policies. While the war in Ukraine continues with Russian troops occupying territories, committing war crimes, and causing civilian casualties, Lukashenko, acting as a staunch ally of the Kremlin, claims to be protecting the country from war. However, the reality seems to be quite the opposite. We are well aware that with Lukashenko's consent, Russian tanks advanced on Kyiv during the initial days of the full-scale invasion. Russian planes took off from Belarusian military bases and conducted raids on Ukrainian cities. Ukrainians did not anticipate that missiles would be launched from Belarusian territory, targeting civilian areas in Ukraine. How many deaths of Ukrainian children are the responsibility of the usurper Lukashenko? Additionally, the regime is involved in transferring Ukrainian children from Russian-occupied territories and subjecting them to re-education for the purpose of anti-Ukrainian propaganda. Now, as exercises to implement martial law are being conducted in Belarus, tensions are heightened by the increasing activities of Lukashenko's troops on the Lithuanian border and the signing of a decree titled 'On the Transition of Government Agencies to Work in Wartime Conditions.' Also, during his recent working trip to Hrodna, Lukashenko spelled it out loud and clear: “We are preparing for war.” It is clear that Lukashenko is not the 'dove of peace' he claims to be. He and his regime are complicit in the war against Ukraine. Rather than guaranteeing the safety of the Belarusian people, Lukashenko's actions only serve to increase threats to our country and its population.

Artsiom Brukhan, Deputy Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, spoke about the concerns of Lukashenko and officials in an interview with Euroradio. "The first indication that Lukashenko will consider a transition is if there is a majority of 'Belaya Rus' in the House of Representatives, and he himself leads a pro-government party. This would signal that he will not run for another presidential term." According to the analyst, Lukashenko currently seeks certain guarantees, such as control over the House of Representatives, in order to ensure that laws will not be rewritten. Is Lukashenko genuinely concerned about his power in Belarus? "The self-proclaimed leader created the so-called All-Belarusian People's Assembly (APA) and now doesn't know what to do with it. The All-Belarusian People's Assembly itself demonstrates the regime's political transformation. Lukashenko understands that he has inadvertently created a system of dual power. He himself stressed that two authorities cannot coexist in the country. Therefore, Lukashenko is compelled to hold both positions in order to maintain control for another five years. One position is 'president,' and the other is 'head of the All-Belarusian People's Assembly.'" Are officials worried? "Yes, their concerns are connected to the influence of Russia and the potential change of the Lukashenko regime to the Kremlin regime. Officials are well aware that if the Russians intervene, they could swiftly be removed from their positions, even at the average and district level. During Lukashenko's tenure, a faction of so-called 'red-green independents' has emerged, who are holding onto their positions." Artsiom Brukhan emphasized that as Russian influence on Belarus grows, Lukashenko's officials will increasingly emphasize their allegiance to their homeland, independence, and territorial sovereignty.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Customs officers of European countries have started rejecting trucks carrying goods destined for Belarus and Russia According to experts from the risk assessment company Corisk, approximately 10 billion euros' worth of goods transited through Belarus to Russia alone between 2022 and 2023. However, it will now be more challenging to do so. Since July 3, 2023, Lithuania has tightened border controls on the movement of sanctioned goods. Lithuanian customs officers now require carriers to present a special document issued by the manufacturer for the export and re-export of goods. This means that manufacturers will be required to have knowledge of and control over the movement of the goods they produce. On July 4, 2023, we sent a separate letter to the Ministries of Foreign and Internal Affairs of Poland, proposing the adoption of similar measures. These proposals were subsequently forwarded to the Polish Ministry of Finance. We also reiterated these proposals in various meetings with representatives of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia. Furthermore, on December 11 last year, we met with the EU Special Envoy for Sanctions in Brussels to discuss the sanctions pressure on the Lukashenko regime, including the issues related to circumventing the imposed restrictions and measures to address them. Meanwhile, such measures have been introduced and harmonized at the individual country level. On January 26, 2024, the heads of customs of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia approved the agreement of the Baltic region on the implementation of common control measures. What do these measures entail? Now, when cargo travels from Europe through Belarus and Russia, it is subject to additional controls, and additional documents are required: Cargo at the border with Belarus must have a "manufacturer's declaration." This means that European customs officers will require an additional document issued by the manufacturer of the sanctioned product. Carriers must demonstrate that the cargo will not remain in Belarus and Russia. Violating this rule will result in liability for both the manufacturer and the carrier, including potential criminal liability. On February 15, 2024, we discussed Poland's participation in the sanctions control mechanism with the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland. During a meeting at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on March 22, we received confirmation that Poland has joined this mechanism. As a result, Poland has joined the sanctions control measures in which the Baltic countries are participating. This development signifies the formation of a unified mechanism for customs control over sanctions at the EU-Belarus border.

Carroll Gallery of Tulane University, New Orleans 22.02.2024 Dear organizers and guests of the exhibition, ladies and gentlemen. I thank all of you, as well as the leadership of the Gallery, Tulane University, Yale University, the organizers and participants of the exhibition and personally Mr. Andrei Kureichik for making this event possible. And that within its framework I have an opportunity to address you on behalf of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus and the Belarusian democratic forces. On the 20th of February, it became known about the death of political prisoner Ihar Lednik. His death became the fifth known case of death of a political prisoner in Belarus. The first known case was the death of Vitold Ashurak in May 2021. In May 2023, political prisoner, blogger Mikalai Klimovich died in the colony. In July 2023, the famous Belarusian artist, political prisoner Ales Pushkin died. In January of this year – Vadzim Khrasko. I don't have much time today, just a few minutes, but I ask you to join me in honoring the memory of the deceased political prisoners with a minute of silence. Thank you, solidarity is very important. When Belarusians are killed in Lukashenko's prisons — killed by torture, inhuman conditions of detention, lack of medical care — solidarity of the civilized world with Belarusan political prisoners is more important than ever. Solidarity and the widest possible publicity. We cannot keep silent and inactive when in a European country there are almost one and a half thousand (!) officially recognized political prisoners. Although in reality this figure is at least three times higher. We cannot keep silent when people are tortured, when they are deprived of the right to any communication with the outside world. And we know nothing about the condition of political prisoners Mikalai Statkevich, Ihar Losik, Siarhei Tsikhanouski, Maria Kalesnikava and many others. We don't even know if they are alive. We cannot keep silent and inactive when the Nobel Peace Prize winner, the famous Belarusian human rights activist Alies Bialiatski is in prison. When all independent mass media, NGOs, political parties are liquidated. These are thousands of organizations, banned and expelled from the country by the regime. When more than 200 political prisoners in Belarus are on the humanitarian list. These are elderly people, people with disabilities, people with oncology and other serious diseases. The lives of these people are in real danger. In principle, any political prisoner in Belarus is at risk. And not only political prisoners. All those who disagree with the regime are at risk. And such Belarusians are the majority. To estimate the scale, let me cite one figure — according to the report of the Justice Hub Center for Law and Democracy, from May 2020 to May 2023, at least 136 thousand (!) people became victims of the regime's crimes against humanity. Illegal deprivation of liberty, torture, murder, rape and other grave forms of sexual violence, including against minors, enforced disappearances, deportations — this is what happens in Belarus. Every day. This is the reality in which Belarusians have been living for almost 4 years. And this reality will not change as long as the Lukashenko regime exists in our country. Until the dictator and his accomplices are held accountable and until this regime is abolished. It is impossible to negotiate with it, to pacify it, to appeal to its common sense. Such regimes understand only the language of accountability and force. Any other approaches only strengthen their conviction that Western democracies are weak and helpless. Only motivate, yes, to continue and scale up their crimes. Because even the deepest concern of Western politicians does not compare to how deeply Lukashenko does not care about it. Lukashenko can be spoken to only in the language of force, in the language of action, if we are talking about the release of thousands of Belarusian political prisoners. And if we are talking about stopping his complicity in Russia's war against Ukraine. And he has been participating in it from the first day. It was from the territory of Belarus, with the full assistance of dictator Lukashenko, that troops entered the Kiev region. And organized a terrible massacre in Bucha and other cities. It was from the territory of Belarus that more than eight hundred missiles were fired at Ukraine. Lukashenko's regime has put the Belarusian economy on military rails. It produces and transfers to Russia weapons, shells and ammunition that kill Ukrainians. It helps Russia circumvent sanctions — because sanctions against the two aggressors, Lukashenko's regime and Russia, are still not the same. And many goods that should not be imported into Russia are imported into Belarus. And then — to Russia. And finally, Lukashenko is involved in the kidnapping of Ukrainian children. A war crime. Last year, our team, the National Anti-Crisis Management, collected evidence, prepared and submitted to the International Criminal Court in The Hague a Communication on the Illegal Deportation or Transfer of Ukrainian Children from the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus. On the 16th of November, 2023, the Humanitarian Research Lab of the Yale School of Public Health published a report revealing Alexander Lukashenko's involvement in the systematic transfer of Ukrainian children to Belarus. The published report contains references to our materials, and the report itself confirms all the facts provided by the National Anti-Crisis Management to the ICC. But the responsibility has still not come. So what to do? How to stop people like Lukashenko? They must be punished. They must be punished with tough, shock economic sanctions — without deferrals, without derogations, without possibility of circumventing them. They must be held criminally liable. There is more than enough evidence of crimes against humanity and war crimes committed by Lukashenko. There are also grounds for issuing an international arrest warrant against him. It just needs to be done. And this is important not only for helping Belarus. But also to help Ukraine, which is fighting for its very existence. Back on the 30th of November, at a meeting of NATO foreign ministers in Bucharest, Urmas Reinsalu, then the Estonian Foreign Minister, said: "The strongest sanction we can impose against the Russian regime is the fall of the Lukashenko dictatorship." But this requires political will. Which, unfortunately, is still lacking (лЭкин) in the West. But we, you, me, can shape it. If we are not silent. If we stand in solidarity. I will finish with one more quote, which I think many of you have heard: "The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing." Today, unfortunately, evil triumphs. For now. And that means it's time to act! Thank you for your attention. Жыве Беларусь! И слава Украине!

The formation of the All-Belarusian People's Assembly has begun in Belarus. DW explains who will be part of the new constitutional body and why it will not become an “honorary pension” for Lukashenko, as previously planned Source: dw.com "This is the 7th convocation, but it is special. It is constitutional," stated Alexander Lukashenko during a meeting on preparations for the All-Belarusian People's Assembly (ABPA). The nomination process for candidates to the new constitutional body has already begun and will continue until March 31. According to Prime Minister Roman Golovchenko, the first meeting of the ABPA will take place on April 24-25. Initially, the ABPA was intended to facilitate the transfer of power in Belarus and serve as an honorary position for Lukashenko. However, under the new Constitution, the All-Belarusian People's Assembly will possess significant powers, assuming some functions of the president and other government entities. These powers include initiating amendments to the Constitution, evaluating the legitimacy of elections, declaring a state of emergency, and even removing the president. How is the nomination process for candidates to the All-Belarusian People's Assembly proceeding, and what role will Lukashenko, who has no intention of stepping down, assign to the new body? The people do not participate in the formation of the All-Belarusian People's Assembly Despite the inclusion of the word "People's" in its name, the people do not have any nominal or actual involvement in the formation of the All-Belarusian People's Assembly, notes  Alexander Klaskovsky, political analyst of the Pozirk news agency. "During the February elections (for parliament and local councils–Ed.), although the outcome was predetermined, people still went to the polling stations and cast their votes, thus fulfilling the ritual. However, the All-Belarusian People's Assembly is formed exclusively by governmental officials," explains the expert. In total, there should be 1,200 candidates for the ABPA, with one-third of them being representatives of local authorities at various levels. The composition of the ABPA began immediately after the Unified Voting Day on February 25, and newly elected House of Representatives MPs automatically become delegates of the ABPA. Additionally, members of the Council of the Republic (the upper chamber of the Parliament), who are expected to be appointed soon, will also be part of the ABPA. Members of local councils, who obtained mandates during the elections on February 25, must choose their representatives as delegates to the ABPA. The second third of the ABPA delegates consists of senior Belarusian officials, including Alexander Lukashenko, as well as representatives from the executive and judicial branches. The remaining third is composed of the so-called "civil society." The Ministry of Justice has already identified five public associations entitled to delegate their representatives to the ABPA: "Belaya Rus," the Belarusian National Youth Union, the Belarusian Women's Union, the Federation of Trade Unions of Belarus, and the Belarusian Public Association of Veterans. "In a metaphorical sense, the system is retreating into itself. The people have become superfluous. The people, who demanded fair elections in 2020, now frighten and irritate Lukashenko. Thus, he aims to shield this new body, empowered by the new Constitution, even from the indirect influence of the people's will," comments Klaskovsky regarding the principle behind the formation of the ABPA. The ABPA is the "fifth wheel" in the power system When discussions of constitutional reform first began, and the ABPA gained the status of a constitutional body, many believed that Russia was pushing for changes to the constitution to ensure a smooth transition of power in Belarus. It was assumed that Lukashenko would take on the role of chairman of the ABPA, and early presidential elections would be organized – Lukashenko himself did not rule out this possibility. "However, the situation has changed, he was able to solidify control in society and regain control of the state through repressive methods. He no longer needs this transition," says Artsiom Brukhan, an analyst at the National Anti-Crisis Management. According to him, the ABPA has now become "the dog's fifth leg" for Lukashenko, as he fails to understand why such a system should be created, though the initial agreement had to be fulfilled. Brukhan argues that Lukashenko's misunderstanding of the role of the ABPA in Belarus' political system is evident in his statement: "The ABPA must find its place but not interfere with the president." "This means that the body has been created, but Lukashenko is still discussing its essence. There are no plans for a transition now, but they may be considering its use in the future. Although I wouldn't be surprised if he later removes the ABPA from the constitution altogether," adds Artsiom Brukhan. Klaskovsky, on the other hand, notes that the issue of a transition has become irrelevant due to the repression in the country and the full-scale war in Ukraine, which eliminates the need for Putin to change Lukashenko. Additionally, Lukashenko himself is unlikely to want to experiment with a transition, considering the experience in Kazakhstan. The extensive powers of the ABPA create the problem of dual power Given that the constitution grants the ABPA "thermonuclear powers," as described by Klaskovsky, this potentially creates a dilemma of dual power and a competition with the president's functions. "Lukashenko, as an experienced individual, understands very well that a state cannot have two powers. He himself has created a system of dual power, and as a result, he is concerned about which center will gain influence within the nomenklatura," explains Brukhan. According to both analysts, Lukashenko intends to resolve this dilemma in his own way – by assuming the role of the ABPA chairman, as permitted by the constitution, while also holding the position of president. "If, for some reason, Lukashenko is unable to fulfill his duties, then the ABPA could genuinely become an instrument of power struggle, given its broad powers. Lukashenko recognizes this danger, but for now, he pushes these thoughts away, relying on his physical resources and re-election in 2025," says Klaskovsky. The ABPA, similar to the congresses of the CPSU, is not intended for discussions Nevertheless, officials also encounter the challenge of determining the role of the ABPA in Belarus' power system, considering all the circumstances. For instance, Vadim Gigin, the director general of the National Library, suggested incorporating the fundamental principles of the Belarusian state ideology into the ABPA. However, Alexander Klaskovsky holds the belief that the ABPA will not possess any distinctive or exceptional role or functions. "It seems that they simply included this powerful body in the constitution and are now struggling to figure out what to do with it. Hence, the discussions about approving state ideology in the ABPA. It is evident that with the current composition of loyalists and individuals devoted to the leader, expecting any discussions or alternative opinions is quite naive. Everyone will raise their hands in agreement, just like at the congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union," states the analyst. Brukhan suggests that Belarus' democratic forces, who have already criticized the ABPA as undemocratic for consolidating Lukashenko's illegitimate power, should prepare for the next electoral campaign, the upcoming presidential elections in 2025. "We must prevent the regime from carrying out the next campaign calmly and without any problems, as they have planned. After all, silence is the ideal environment for a dictatorship."

Keynote points of Pavel Latushka, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus 20 March 2024, Warsaw Dear ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, I am pleased to welcome all the guests - the EU Member States Special Envoys for the Eastern Partnership, and especially Ambassador Dirk Schuebel for organizing the meeting and the opportunity to speak up. We are in the Free Belarus Museum - which not only collects artifacts of protest Belarus of 2020 and beyond, makes exhibitions of Belarusian artists, theater performances, but is also an open socio-political and discussion platform for the entire democratic community. The museum is one of the projects of the National Anti-Crisis Management team, which I represent here. To show you the scale and permanence of repression, which operates like a conveyor belt, we have taken news about arrests, detentions and trials on political grounds over the last 10 days only. As you can see on the screen, all this happens in Belarus every day. New information from Belarus this morning. Detentions, trials - and so on every day. It's been 4 years since the beginning of the events of the summer of 2020 in Belarus. 2 years since the beginning of the war of Russia and Lukashenko's regime against Ukraine. In the context of world history, these years and events are only a moment. But for millions of Belarusians the events of the last years became the biggest and hardest test in their lives. And the longest. According to the human rights center "Dissidentby", as of today there are 1602 officially recognised political prisoners in Belarus. 1082 political prisoners have already served their terms. As you can see, Lukashenko's regime puts new political prisoners in place of those released. At least five political prisoners have already died in prison: Vitold Ashurok, Ales Pushkin, Mikalai Klimovich, Vadzim Khrasko, Igorr Lednik. Torture, inhuman conditions, lack of medical care - this is what political prisoners face in Lukashenko's prisons. And they die. 6 political prisoners are in incommunicado status. The leader of the Social Democrats Mikalai Statkevich has been in incommunicado status for more than 400 days. We know nothing about his fate. According to the report by the Centre for Law and Democracy Justice Hub, from May 2020 to May 2023 at least 136 thousand people became victims of crimes against humanity in Belarus. Illegal deprivation of liberty, torture, murder, rape and other serious forms of sexual violence, including against minors, enforced disappearances, deportations - this is what happens in Belarus. Every day. All independent mass media have been liquidated in Belarus. During these 3.5 years 1500 non-governmental organizations have been eliminated in Belarus, 950 are in the process of liquidation. All 11 political parties have been liquidated. We can state the almost complete destruction of civil society. What is Lukashenko’s power based on To date, Lukashenko has held on to power primarily thanks to the security forces and financial and economic support from the Russian Federation. One of the important factors of the regime's financial sustainability is the use of opportunities to circumvent EU, US and other sanctions through Belarus in the interests of Russia. Smuggling, corruption schemes, as well as actually legal income due to the lack of synchronization of sanctions against Russia and Lukashenko's regime. All this allows the dictator to earn quite a lot of money. The electoral cycle has started in Belarus. First stage. On the 25th of February Lukashenko organized the appointment of deputies to the parliament. We defined this day as a "day with no choice". There were only two candidates for one mandate in Lukashenko's parliament. The forecast of independent political analysts and journalists about whom Lukashenko would appoint to his parliament was 100% confirmed. We proceed from the fact that this institution can’t have international recognition and participate in international parliamentary organizations due to the fact that this body is not a body representing the Belarusian people. Second stage of electoral cycle. On the 25-26 of April Minsk will host a session of the All-Belarusian People's Assembly, a constitutional body created by Lukashenko. This body will actually become higher than the parliament. It actually appoints deputies of various levels, judges, prosecutors, representatives of the power bloc, the government, Lukashenko's administration and non-governmental organizations fully controlled by the regime - 1200 members. Lukashenko has created 4 parties, which are not political structures in the general sense of the word, and are fully incorporated into Lukashenko's totalitarian system. The third stage after the establishment of the All-Belarusian People's Assembly will be the election of the President of Belarus, which can take place either in 2024 or 2025. The decision on the date of the election is in the exclusive competence of the dictator. Today we can state that Belarus has a totalitarian system. Lukashenko is under Putin's considerable control and is in fact a puppet implementing policies in his interests. Lukashenko balances the issues of maintaining power inside Belarus, using tools to obtain economic resources from Russia and performing military-political and diplomatic tasks in the Kremlin's interests. Democratic Forces of Belarus We can state a unique situation that has developed among the democratic forces of Belarus. It is unique from the point of view of the history of modern Europe. We actually have three institutions that represent the interests of Belarusians abroad and carry out actions aimed at influencing the internal agenda in Belarus. The first institution is the President-Elect, and at the same time the head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus - Svetlana Tsikhanovskaya. The second institution is the United Transitional Cabinet as the executive body of the democratic forces, which I have the honor to represent today. The third institution is the Coordination Council. Preservation, strengthening and development of these institutions is the general strategy of the democratic majority in Belarusian society today. We face the important task of organizing direct elections to the Coordination Council, which could take place between May and September 2024. At the same time, a number of new institutions with both socio-political, civic and human rights orientation have emerged in recent years. Among them we can single out the Office of Svietlana Tsikhanovskaya, NAM, organizations of former law enforcers of Belarus - Belpol and Baypol, workers' movement - Rabochy Rukh, Cyberpartisans and others. Due to the impossibility to carry out professional activities on the territory of Belarus, a wide network of independent media has been created abroad, among which it is important to mention Belsat, Euroradio, Radio Racja, Nasha Niva, Malanka TV and others. Belarusan bloggers and relevant channels operate from abroad. The non-governmental sector of Belarus in connection with relocation is also represented abroad, however, as well as the above-mentioned institutions, it continues to interact through confidential channels with Belarusians living inside the country. Here we can note the presence of dozens, if not hundreds, of non-governmental organizations. Thus, we have a unique situation of actual preservation of institutions, non-governmental organizations, political structures and independent media, which work daily to change the situation in Belarus. We are self-critical about our performance, but at the same time, the fact that we have managed to maintain consolidation and a certain degree of efficiency over three and a half years is important. Strategy towards Belarus Unfortunately, we have to admit that since 2020 there has been no clear understandable strategy of actions aimed at changing the situation in Belarus. During this time Lukashenko: Unfolded the most large-scale mass repressions against the Belarusian society for the last 50 years of European history. Crimes are committed in Belarus, which according to official documents of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the European Parliament and the UN Human Rights Council are recognised as crimes against humanity. Organized the hijacking of a Ryanair civilian aircraft, thereby actually committed an act of terrorism. Organized an undeclared war with the use of illegal migrants against Belarus' neighboring states that are EU members. Provided the territory of Belarus for aggression against Ukraine. Has become Russia's main ally in military-industrial and trade and economic cooperation. Neither North Korea, nor Venezuela, nor any other countries can match the scale of tactical and strategic assistance provided by Lukashenko in Russia's aggression against Ukraine. Achieved the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons on the territory of Belarus. We can predict that the next step will be the deployment of strategic nuclear weapons on the territory of the country. As of today, we must state that the only country that has a clear systematic strategy of actions in relation to Belarus is the Russian Federation, which has set as its strategic goal the incorporation of the territory of Belarus into the Russian Federation. The so-called Union State of Belarus and Russia is used for this purpose. If we see today the actions of Russia aimed at the military occupation of Ukraine, then at the same time we must state that Russia carries out actions of non-military occupation of Belarus. What is the strategy of the Russian Federation? Their strategy is to provide informational, ideological, cultural influence on the Belarusian society. At the same time, they marginalize Belarusian culture, Belarusian language in Belarus, strengthen the perception inside the country, among Belarusians, of unity with Russian society, rewrite history, etc. This is militarisation of society, identification of the European Union, the United States of America, and democratic values in general as common enemies. For this purpose, both informational propaganda tools and creation of pro-Russian non-governmental organizations on the territory of Belarus, bribery, corruption of state officials, introduction of persons connected with Russian special services into the system of national defense and security are used. An important thesis that I would like to voice. We are fully aware that the responsibility for the future of Belarus as an independent, sovereign state, first of all, lies with the Belarusian people. And our goal is not to shift this responsibility to our partners, who are assisting us in this difficult period of struggle for our sovereignty and independence. However, without international support, without a mutual strategy of actions, the achievement of our goal will be longer in time and less realistic. I don’t think that we have too high expectations of possible action from our partners. Rather, we are often faced with an underestimated desire to use the available arsenal to prosecute and hold the Lukashenko regime accountable for all the violations of international law and human rights that I have mentioned. Main challenge and threats Today Belarus is in the geopolitical context of the war initiated by Russia against Ukraine. It should be understood that territorially Belarus is surrounded by Ukraine, Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia and is in the center of geopolitical events. The “Belarus balcony” is of strategic importance for the interests of the Russian Federation and will certainly be further used by Russia in continuing the war against Ukraine and destabilizing the situation in the neighboring countries of Belarus. Is it possible to reach an agreement with Lukashenko? This is an unrealistic scenario. By his mentality, Lukashenko is a man connected with the Russian world and devoted to the interests of the Russian Federation. At the same time, he is a man who would like to retain a certain control over the territory of Belarus. And he will balance his relations with Putin only in the context related to obtaining more economic resources to preserve his power, gradually giving up a part of sovereignty in favor of the Russian Federation. Any steps in the direction of the West can mean only one thing - the desire to receive even more funds for loyalty to the Kremlin. The key factor that can change the situation in Belarus is the Belarusian people, who need to regain their subjectivity in terms of influence on the internal and external policy of Belarus. The key factor and strategy of the democratic forces of Belarus is to support Ukraine and the victory of Ukraine over Russia as an aggressor country. Russia is currently pursuing a strategy aimed at demotivating Western partners to provide financial, economic and other assistance to Ukraine. In my opinion, the West can apply a similar, somewhat mirror-like strategy towards Russia. The most powerful sanctions against Russia are the elimination of Lukashenko's regime in Belarus. Even destabilization of his regime will force Russia to invest more in supporting Lukashenko. In 2020, the Belarusian people took to the streets in protest and declared their desire to live in a democratic state, in a common European home. At that time, we noted the highest possible degree of motivation of Belarusians to fight for their rights, for the European perspective. For almost four years, the Belarusian people have been subjected to the most large-scale repressions, which led to human casualties and to the deportation of a huge number of Belarusians. And at the same time, there is a perception in the Belarusian society that the partners are not interested in supporting the Belarusian people. I do not say this on my own behalf, I bring this thesis based on the information that we receive from inside Belarus, from the active part of the Belarusian society. Belarusians often feel frustration because in response to the struggle for their freedom, for democracy, for supporting Ukraine, Belarusians have lost their lives. Many Belarusians have been killed, have been repressed, and are in prisons on sentences of more than 20 years of imprisonment. But there is no appropriate reaction against those persons who are guilty of committing these crimes. Therefore, it seems crucial to implement the following strategy of actions and concrete steps: First. It is important for us to identify among the member states of the European Union the partner countries at the level of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Ministries of Justice, which would be ready together with us to carry out targeted legal actions to transfer the materials on crimes against humanity for consideration in the International Criminal Court in the context of deportation of at least 100 thousand Belarusians to the territory of the member states of the European Union. According to the lawyers of the National Anti-Crisis Management, this approach is the most realistic in terms of raising the question of bringing Lukashenko to justice for the international crimes committed. This is an instrument of justice, influence on the presidential election, on the split of elites in the future. Second. Ukraine's support in initiating an arrest warrant against Lukashenko for war crimes related to the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children to the territory of Belarus and their indoctrination is important to us. According to the National Anti-Crisis Management, our team, at least 3,000 Ukrainian children from 20 settlements were taken to the territory of Belarus between September 2022 and May 2023. We submitted two communications to the ICC in The Hague. The question of Lukashenko's responsibility for the war is of strategic importance. For today Lukashenko sells the thesis about his non-involvement in the aggression to the Belarusian society. And this is another strategic informational mistake. The international attention is not focused on Lukashenko's responsibility for the aggression, for the victims that the Ukrainian people bear. This leads to the perception among Belarusians that Lukashenka is not guilty of anything, is not involved in the aggression, and, on the contrary, does everything to establish peace. The third element of the strategy. We need a program of support for independent media. Recently, we have noted a decrease in financial support for the independent media in Belarus. The fourth element of the strategy is to support the national identity of Belarusians, to support Belarusian culture in emigration, to create centers of Belarusian culture and education - the Belarusian National University, the National Theatre, other cultural institutions for preserving the national culture, its subsequent relocation to Belarus, and through these institutions to spread informational and cultural influence on Belarusian society inside the country. The fifth element of the strategy. The Lukashenko regime has taken actions aimed at reducing the possibilities of the consular services of the European Union on the territory of Belarus; we are fully aware of this. At the same time, it seems important to jointly work out approaches that would allow more opportunities for Belarusians to visit the European Union, to obtain multiple-entry and Schengen visas. Greater openness of the European Union for the Belarusian society will contribute to the formation of a positive image of the EU among Belarusans. The sixth factor of the strategy is the key one - the Belarusian people. Closure of border crossings We are fully aware of the importance of ensuring the national security of Belarus’ neighboring states and understand the logic aimed at increasing control over Belarusian citizens entering the territory of these countries. At the same time, Belarusians perceive these actions as directed against them, not against Lukashenko's regime. Since, as I said above, there is no international responsibility, no large-scale sanctions are imposed, and this leads to the perception of Belarusians that it is the citizens of Belarus, and not the dictator, who are responsible for what happens in the country. As a politician, I absolutely support all the actions of our partners aimed at strengthening national security and defense. The acquisition of F-16 aircrafts, leopards and other military weapons is certainly necessary and important. At the same time, I think it is important for us to realize that the main weapon is the people. The Belarusian people, who in 2020 opposed the dictator, who in 2022 opposed aggression against Ukraine. The Belarusian people, who are subjected to repressions on a daily basis, are our main weapon in the situation if the Putin regime and Lukashenko decide to reuse the territory of Belarus for aggression against Ukraine or one of the EU member states. And motivation is very important here. I think none of us would like to see a Belarusian soldier on the border with the European Union in a few years, who is ready to enter the territory of the EU. Therefore, purposeful actions to support Belarusians, exactly actions, are very important today. I thank sincerely all our partners, the foreign ministries of the EU member states for their principled position in supporting our struggle for freedom. The Eastern Partnership is an initiative that undoubtedly contributes to stimulating the European choice of Belarusians. But in order to bring this choice closer, it is very important for us to motivate Belarusians. The actions I mentioned above are only a part of a possible strategy. For us, of course, it would be a very serious step if the democratic forces of Belarus were given a place in the Eastern Partnership. It is difficult, but it is a very important political decision. We are ready to take this place, we are ready to intensify our cooperation within the framework of the Eastern Partnership. It is also important for us to feel and understand that without civil society and democratic forces of Belarus today the issues of the future of Belarus cannot be solved. We're stronger together.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Speech by Pavel Latushka during participation in the festive events in Warsaw on the occasion of Freedom Day: National consciousness is our weapon and our shield. This is the reason why we, Belarusians, a relatively small nation (compared to the Eastern Empire, next door to which we were "lucky" to exist in quotation marks) - managed to save itself, managed to survive, despite centuries of Russian-imperial and Russian-Soviet occupation. In spite of violent Russification, in spite of terror, in spite of everything. We rebelled, suffered defeats, and rebelled again. Our leaders and our national elite were executed on the scaffold, shot at night in Kurapaty, and yet we rose again. Our statehood was destroyed, but we rose again. It was national consciousness that brought more than 1,800 delegates from all over Belarus to Minsk for the first All-Belarusian Congress 107 years ago. And despite the fact that the congress was dispersed by the Bolsheviks, a few months later, the BPR, the Belarusian People's Republic, was declared and formed—the first independent Belarusian national state. Because that was the will of Belarusians. At least those who managed to keep their national consciousness, who did not lose hope, and who were determined enough to seize the historical moment and opportunity of that time. 106 years have passed since that date, March 25, 1918. But that seed of national consciousness, that seed of desire for our own statehood, having survived the Bolshevik terror, the Stalinist repressions of the 1930s, Kurapaty, and the decades of the USSR, that seed let sproot. The truth about Kurapaty, the first Chernobyl Pass demonstration, the national rise and movement of the late 80s and early 90s, the proclamation of the Republic of Belarus. And then, unfortunately, Lukashenko came to power with the support, once again, of Russia. The beating of deputies of the Supreme Council, shameful referendums, murders of political opponents, "integration" with Russia, the formation of the Union State. But the resistance of Belarusians continued. Election protests “Ploshcha 2006” and “Ploscha 2010”, demonstrations of “parasites”... And finally, the revolutionary events of 2020, which, contrary to the ideas that existed at that time about the secondary nature of the national component of the protest, were held under the national white-red-white flag. And what do we have today? Yes, there is backlash and mass terror in Belarus. There are thousands of political prisoners. There are more than 136,000 victims of the Lukashenko regime's crimes against humanity. There is a war against Ukraine, in which Lukashenko's regime is participating on the side of Russia against the will of the Belarusian people. There is a new threat to our independence and the very existence of our statehood from Russia through the activities of the pro-Kremlin Lukashenko regime. But we still have our national consciousness. We have the will for freedom. The will for independence. Both inside Belarus and outside its borders, because the Belarusian diaspora does not lose this will and consciousness even in forced emigration. And we have the support of the civilized world. And I thank all our partners for this. I thank the authorities of Poland, where we are today, for all the support that Belarusians receive on your land. But most importantly, I thank all Belarusians, wherever you are today, for not giving up, not surrendering, and continuing the struggle. Everyone is in their place and acts to the extent of their capabilities. Thank you for not losing our national consciousness, for not losing our language, for preserving these precious grains from which Belarus has repeatedly risen, even in the face of the most difficult challenges. And of course, I pay homage and express gratitude to our partisan heroes for stopping the movement of Russian trains. I thank our heroes from the Kalinouski Regiment, who have been defending Ukraine from the Russian invasion for 2 years. My eternal gratitude, honor, and glory goes to Belarusian heroes, living and dead. Our country and our nation have seen many difficult times. But we continue to live. Our consciousness continues to live. Our will continues to live. And Belarus continues to live. Belarus lives and will definitely be free. Free and independent. Happy Freedom Day! Long live Belarus!

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Instead of assisting those in need, the regime focuses on providing jacuzzis and saunas for the dictator. Such characteristics exemplify the regime's approach to social policy. Despite regime propaganda claiming that Belarus is a socially oriented state, this definition has been nothing more than a propaganda tactic for many years. Today, we will shed light on how Belarus is moving away from social orientation and who benefits from this shift. The Belarusian state finances social needs through the annual budget, which is adopted each year. Currently, the regime of an illegally empowered dictator is responsible for distributing this budget. The policy of budget distribution, primarily funded by our taxes —the taxes of Belarusians — clearly demonstrates Lukashenko's true priorities. This is the first point we will discuss today. Let's examine the budget structure more closely. Part of Belarus' social spending includes allocations for healthcare, education, and social policy, totaling slightly over 7 billion rubles in 2024. These funds are intended to finance expenses, including assistance to vulnerable segments of the population. Now, let's compare this figure with some expenditures that are not directly related to the social sphere. For instance, more than 30 billion rubles have been collectively allocated for national activities, national defense, and the judicial and security system. This amounts to over four times the allocation for healthcare, education, and social policy. Why does such an imbalance exist? Are Belarusians truly living so well that the main issues to be addressed revolve around the functioning of the state system and the security apparatus? This is a rhetorical question because the answer is obvious: Lukashenko's objectives do not lie in improving the well-being of the Belarusian people but solely in preserving his own illegally retained power, including through the use of force. Consequently, the majority of the state budget is allocated for these purposes. This is the primary reason why Belarusians in dire circumstances, who require state support, receive assistance in smaller amounts. Let us consider the example of pensions for children with the most severe disabilities (4th degree of health loss). From February to April 2024, these payments amount to slightly over 440 Belarusian rubles (approximately 125 euros). Now, let's compare this with the salary of a police officer in the Minsk department of the Security Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Belarus. The minimum salary for such a position starts at 2,000 rubles. Thus, the minimum salary of a police officer in Belarus is equivalent to four and a half pensions for children in the most severe disability group. This is despite the fact that employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs enjoy various benefits and privileges, and despite the bloated nature of the power apparatus in Belarus. Can we genuinely consider this a socially oriented state? At the same time, the regime continues to push the underfunded social sphere into a deep hole. A clear manifestation of this can be seen in the widespread elimination of non-governmental organizations after 2020, which is the second point we will focus on today. The unprecedented purge of the non-governmental sector since 2020 has impacted thousands of organizations, including charities and humanitarian ones. Many of them were actively involved in assisting the most vulnerable segments of the population, such as people with disabilities, serious illnesses, low-income individuals, and those without a fixed place of residence. By dismantling this sector, the regime has stripped away support from thousands of citizens who fall into these vulnerable categories. The extent of the damage inflicted by the Lukashenko regime on vulnerable segments of the population is difficult to overstate. Take, for example, one of the largest liquidated organizations, the “Names” charity platform, which raised approximately $3 million for charitable purposes during its five years of operation. It received over 200,000 donations from individuals worldwide. With these funds, the platform financed around 40 projects implemented by 30 NGOs in Belarus, providing assistance to at least 50,000 people in need. Yes, at least 50,000 individuals who relied on this help. What did the regime offer society in exchange for the dissolved humanitarian organizations? In reality, nothing substantial. Instead, the regime decided to take control of the charitable sector and consolidate funds for humanitarian needs into a single fund. In 2022, the Ministry of Justice registered the so-called Fund of the First President of the Republic of Belarus, which bears the same name, "Fund of the Prime One". Last autumn, the association of former Belarusian security officials, BELPOL, conducted an investigation into its activities. Of particular interest was its address — 15 Krasnoarmeyskaya Street in Minsk — where Lukashenko's residence, complete with a spa center, swimming pool, conference room, office, and bedroom, is located. Was this fund actually created to serve Lukashenko's personal needs? It's important to note that the registered residence is just one of at least 18 residences belonging to Lukashenko in Belarus and abroad — only the ones known to the public. A logical question arises: can one person sleep in 18 beds simultaneously? Why does he require so many residences? One might argue that they belong to the state, not him. However, in 2020, the Belarusian people made it clear that they do not wish to finance this. Every residence of Lukashenko, even if he doesn't spend the night there, requires protection, maintenance, cleaning, and landscaping. Just imagine the immense amount of money being wasted, all for the sake of providing Lukashenko with (soon, probably in every district) his own recreational residence. This places an enormous burden on the budget, which ultimately falls on us — the Belarusian taxpayers — because Lukashenko does not pay for it out of his own pocket. He claims to be the "poor" or "poorest" citizen of the country. It is the Belarusian people who foot the bill. Those who still contemplate supporting such an individual should seriously consider the cost and whether it is truly worth it. Lukashenko's pension trap is another aspect of the state's lack of social responsibility. We, along with our parents and grandparents, who have contributed to the country's budget through taxes and completed our work experience, have the right to receive pensions from the state. It's important to understand that labor pensions are not a favor granted by Lukashenko, as he often claims. They are a rightful compensation that most countries around the world provide to their citizens who have reached retirement age. Belarusians traveling in Europe often notice that many European tourists in cities like Paris, Rome, Prague, London, and others are of retirement age and have the means to travel the world. However, Belarusian pensioners travel much less frequently, if at all. One of the reasons behind this is the level of pensions received by Belarusian retirees. The pension system in Belarus operates as a distribution system, where the economically active population pays insurance contributions that are subsequently used to pay pensions. The average old-age pension in Belarus in 2023 was just over 700 rubles or approximately 200 euros. Let's consider the situation in neighboring countries such as Lithuania and Latvia, which, like Belarus, are former Soviet Union countries and faced similar economic challenges after the collapse of the Soviet Union. What about pensions in these countries? The average pension in Lithuania is 575 euros or around 2,000 Belarusian rubles. In Latvia, the average pension is 527 euros or nearly 1,900 Belarusian rubles. In Poland, the average pension is about 670 euros or almost 2,400 Belarusian rubles. These figures represent the average amounts, not the maximum pensions. Do you also feel that these numbers highlight the cost of the Lukashenko regime for Belarusians? Moreover, as the working population leaves Belarus and the country's average age increases (already one of the highest among the member states of the Commonwealth of Independent States, having approached 42 years), we can only imagine the challenges that lie ahead, particularly regarding pension payments. Where will the funds come from if Lukashenko remains in power? To be fair, it should be noted that costs for utilities and related services are higher in Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia — an argument often mentioned in propaganda. However, even accounting for these factors, the situation in neighboring countries appears much better than in Belarus. What could be the reason for such discrepancies? Perhaps it's because the leadership of those countries doesn't divert money from the budget to build multiple residences. Maybe their state policies are focused on improving the well-being of their people, and the governments are accountable to the citizens, unable to carry out the same level of theft as the Lukashenko regime does in Belarus. Could it be that Lukashenko's need for funds to maintain the so-called defense, but in reality, the security apparatus, is what drives him to constantly create threats in the region? Lukashenko is an unparalleled liar in the history of Belarus. His propaganda aims to convince people that they have a good life without actually making their lives better. However, no matter how hard Lukashenko tries, objective factors reveal the true state of affairs. What we are discussing today is just a fraction of the myth surrounding the regime's claim of being a social state. We will undoubtedly address other aspects of this fabricated myth. The propaganda of the Lukashenko regime continues to promote the notion that social policy is its priority. However, the regime's social policy only benefits one person — Lukashenko himself. He is the most expensive "recipient" of social assistance in Belarus. The state budget is focused on preserving his зpersonal power. This can only be halted by abolishing the regime in Belarus.