Pavel Latushka, deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, ambassador In recent months, Lukashenko himself and representatives of his regime have centered on increased militaristic activity and direct threats to a number of countries. Being a threat is now Lukashenko's main political approach in both foreign and domestic policy. The Lukashenko regime is increasing defense spending. In 2024, the regime will spend 29% more on defense than in the previous year. There are systematic exercises at training ranges across the country, exercises to mobilise industrial material resources in case of war, the so-called people's militia has been created, the Military Doctrine and the National Security Concept have been updated, special units of internal troops with the participation of Wagner fighters have been created in Minsk, Brest, Hrodna, Gomel, Astravets and other cities, Russian training and combat centres for joint training of military personnel have been established in Hrodna and Baranavichy. Russia uses military airfields in Zyabrovka and Luninets, and there are Russian military facilities in Belarus. Belarus is increasing its arms purchases, and nuclear tactical weapons are deployed on the territory of the country. At the same time, the Lukashenko regime actively broadcasts militarized propaganda inside the country and society, simultaneously setting the army against Belarusians by such decrees as Decree No. 37. Why? Is he preparing it to suppress anti-war protests? Lukashenko has no plans to stop. He does not plan to distance himself from Russia anywhere, but only binds our country more tightly with it under the guise of "integration" and especially in the military sphere. Recall that the updated Military Doctrine of the so-called Union State has been in force between Belarus and Russia since November 2021. There is a joint regional grouping of troops and forces of the Union State. Lukashenko's regime is militarizing at an accelerated pace. The Belarusian military-industrial complex already stands on military rails, and is already working for war, actually as a part of the military-industrial complex of Russia. Propaganda imposes military thinking on society. The norms of legislation, though it cannot be called either legislation or norms, are essentially brought into conformity with the principles of wartime. At such a pace, in two or three years, if not earlier, the majority of the Belarusian army, which is the most exposed to the paramilitary propaganda, will really be ready to start a war, including against the West. This does not look like an unrealistic scenario at all. It is important for us to change the minds of people influenced by regime propaganda. To protect our children from it. Not to allow our values, our history and our identity to be replaced by alien "values" and ideas of an aggressive "Russian world". We, Belarusians, have no enemies. Neither in Ukraine, nor in the European Union, nor in NATO. And we should not let Lukashenko's regime change this.

Pavel Latushka, deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, ambassador The so-called representative of the Ministry of Health of the Republic of Belarus, Anatol Grushkovsky, head of the department of external relations, took part in the 154th session of the Executive Committee of the World Health Organisation, which was held in Geneva. It may seem, well, he did and he did. But the problem is that representatives of the regime still have not only the opportunity to participate in such events, but also to speak out and broadcast outright lies on international platforms. Grushkovsky did the same, having told the participants of the session fundamentally inaccurate and distorted information about the problems with the supply of foreign pharmaceutical products in Belarus. Among other things, the representative of the Ministry of Health of the Lukashenko regime said that (quote) "among the unfavourable external factors are problems with the supply of medicines and medical products due to the unilateral restrictive measures imposed on Belarus. This is detrimental to the most vulnerable groups of the population that depend on state support." We have repeatedly rejected such statements about medicines, but this propaganda thesis continues to gain momentum and reaches the international level. We have seen a similar situation with the false narrative about the threat of "world hunger", which is allegedly caused by sanctions on potash fertilisers. Methodical work to disprove this narrative has yielded results and the regime's lies are currently being countered. In the case of medicines, the regime's manipulations go even further in their absurdity. In reality, absolutely NO sanctions were imposed on medicines and medical devices. Moreover, the very possibility of applying such restrictions was not even discussed. At the same time, many companies, including pharmacological ones, refuse to cooperate with Belarus on their own initiative. But the reason for this is not economic sanctions, but the toxicity of the Lukashenko regime itself, with which international business does not want to do deal: because of mass repressions, because of the regime's actions that undermine international security, such as the hijacking of a civilian aircraft, the migration crisis provoked by the regime, but mainly because of the regime's participation in the military aggression against Ukraine. Even so, according to the statistical data of Eurostat, over the last 8 years, Belarus has annually INCREASED its purchases of European pharmaceutical products, including during the previous three sanction years. Thus, even allegedly "under the conditions of unilateral sanctions", which illegitimate representatives of Belarus in the UN are trying to complain about, imports of medicines are constantly growing.  To the point that Lukashenko is going to increase the supply of medicines to Uzbekistan, which proves that there is no real deficit. Seeking to prove the contrary, the so-called representative of the Ministry of Health, Grushkovski, gave several examples, which, in his opinion, indicate the impact of sanctions on the supply of drugs in Belarus. The first example concerned the Swedish company Molnlycke Health Care. According to Grushkovski, this company refuses to supply Belarus with bandages necessary for palliative treatment of children suffering from the congenital genetic disease — epidermolysis bullosa. The same was stated by Elena Dovgan — allegedly an independent UN Special Rapporteur on human rights, but in fact a representative of the current illegitimate authorities of Belarus. She even sent a letter on this issue to the Swedish government. However, again, sanctions have nothing to do with it. This company has restricted the supply of its products to Russia and Belarus, which, due to the fault of the Lukashenko regime, has become an accomplice of Russian aggression, openly declared its solidarity with Ukraine, and even posted information about it on its official website. In its response to Mrs Dovgan, the Swedish government noted that decisions not to sell certain products to Belarus are private decisions of a private company. Swedish private companies are not under the control of the government and are free to make their own decisions. For our part, we can assume that this decision of the company is due to the fact that the bandages can be actively used for the needs of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation during the aggression against Ukraine. And in this context, the decision looks more than logical and reasonable. In addition, the Swedish government considers Elena Dovgan's interpretation of the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights to be too broad, as it refers to the responsibility of companies to supply medical products to specific markets. However, the responsibility to provide adequate health care lies primarily with states. That is, the Belarusian state is responsible for providing the necessary medicines to the residents of Belarus, which is currently seized by the Lukashenko regime. As noted by the Swedish government, EU residents are free to conduct their business as they see fit, in accordance with EU and national law. This means that private companies such as Molnlycke Health Care can start, continue or terminate their business with third countries. As for the rare disease, bullous epidermolysis, which Dovgan is trying to speculate about — previously the charity fund "Chance" provided assistance to children with this disease. For example, back on 11 July 2017, the International Charitable Foundation for Children "Chance" and the Ministry of Health of the Republic of Belarus signed a new programme "Assistance to Children with Epidermolysis Bullosa". However, the events of the last two years in Belarus, associated with the attack on civil society structures and mass repressions, have affected the work of the foundation directly. For example, for the first time "Chance" was left without the sponsorship of Belgazprombank, which had been one of the main partners of the fund for 13 years.  And the chairman of the Board of Trustees of the fund was... yes, Viktor Babariko, who was the initiator of the programme to help children with this rare disease. Now Viktor Babariko is a political prisoner. That is, again, the main guilty of this situation is Lukashenko's regime, not someone else. Other companies, which were mentioned by the so-called representative of the Ministry of Health at the session of the WHO Executive Committee and, according to the data given, have stopped supplying certain medicines to the Belarusian market, produce medicines that have numerous analogues supplied to Belarus. Thus, according to the Ministry of Health, the Polish company Tarchomin Pharmaceutical Works Polfa S.A. has stopped supplying Clonazepam, Relium and other drugs necessary for the treatment of epilepsy and somatic diseases to Belarus since 2022. However, Clonazepam has several full analogues produced in Cyprus and Russia, as well as 183 nosological analogues, which are produced in more than a dozen countries. The drug Relium also has more than 50 analogues (e.g., such as Relanium, Sibazon, Diazepex) manufactured in several countries, including Russia. In addition, Relium or Diazepam is a Schedule IV drug in the UN Convention on Psychotropic Substances. This means that for substances in Schedule IV, there are requirements for manufacturers, exporters and importers to keep records indicating the quantities manufactured, exported and imported. The British company Atnahs Pharma UK Limited, now Pharmanovia, which, according to the Ministry of Health of Belarus, stopped supplying Bonviva and Rockaltrol, used for the treatment of osteoporosis, is also not the only manufacturer of these drugs. Bonviva and Rockaltrol have numerous analogues, produced in Belarus, Russia, Germany, Austria, Portugal, India, UAE, Turkey and Kazakhstan. According to Anatoli Grushkovski, the UK supervisory authority (Medicines and Healthcare Products Regulatory Agency) allegedly delayed the procedure for issuing a licence to export morphine tablets, used to relieve patients suffering from cancer and the consequences of severe trauma, to Belarus. At the same time, analogues of British morphine tablets are widely presented on the Belarusian and Russian market. Meanwhile, morphine is actively used in army medicine — that is, in military needs. Which again leads to a logical answer — foreign pharmaceutical companies simply do not want to help military aggressors. Thus, the medicines, which a number of the above-mentioned European companies stopped or were going to stop supplying to the Belarusian market, have analogues and are sold in Belarus. The main reason for the shortage of some drugs on the Belarusian market is the policy of the Lukashenko regime itself. Thus, Dzmitry Pinevich — until recently the so-called Minister of Health of the Republic of Belarus, speaking about the necessity of import substitution in the pharmaceutical industry, stated that (quote) "the task for us is extremely difficult, extremely tough - by the end of 2025, the formulary list should consist of 70% of domestically produced drugs, and we are making every effort for this purpose". In turn, the policy of artificial import substitution in the Belarusian pharmacological market led to the increase in prices and reduction of the range of drugs in the retail pharmacy network of Belarus. Thus, drug prices in Belarus are growing twice as fast as inflation. In 2023, they increased by 13.36%. The reason for this lies in the fact that the state buys a number of drugs in bulk, sometimes many times more expensive than they cost, for example, in Russian pharmacies — a detailed analysis was recently presented by the Belarusian Investigative Centre. Some manufacturers and suppliers can dictate their prices due to limited competition, which is caused, among other things, by the complicated procedure of registration of analogues of medical drugs. In Belarus, the situation is complicated by the fact that any, well, or almost any official has the right of veto, which can very much slow down or destroy the idea of registration of some drug. Naturally, if a person close to the authorities is interested in trading any drug, no other competitor will be allowed to enter the market Trying to artificially raise the problem of shortage of medicines in Belarus, the Lukashenko regime tries to keep silent that thousands of political prisoners, who are in correctional facilities of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Belarus, are deliberately deprived of access to these very medicines and necessary medical care. This is evidenced by the data of human rights defenders. The humanitarian lists, compiled by human rights defenders and activists, include more than 200 political prisoners. All of them have serious health problems and therefore urgently need medical care and treatment, but this problem is hidden by the representatives of the regime. Therefore, our task is to increase pressure on the Lukashenko regime to release them. Our proposed special sanctions package on groups of goods, analogues of which are produced by political prisoners in the so-called open and closed correctional facilities, is aimed at this. We have already sent the relevant proposals to EU bodies and to the diplomatic services of individual EU member States. As a result, these proposals have now even been reflected in the European Parliament Resolution of 8 February 2024.

Pavel Latushka, deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, ambassador I never knew Ryhor Baradulin personally, never met him, but once, when I was the Minister of Culture, I received one of the most precious gifts from him: a book of Baradulin's poems with the author's own handwritten addition. This handwritten addition, which I would not like to voice publicly, is one of the most valuable for me as a person, as a personality, as a Belarusian. These were very important and touching words. Only a few of the closest people know the content of this post. But to this day, when I think back to that gift, in many ways those words motivate me. The story of my extramural relationship with Ryhor Baradulin began when, as Minister of Culture, I was approached by the priest Vladislav Zavalniuk — rector of the Church of St Simeon and St Helen in Minsk — with a proposal to celebrate the 75th anniversary of the famous Belarusian poet. It was not the initiative of Baradulin himself, but it was the initiative of the Belarusian public. I remember that some time later I had a meeting with Lukashenko. During that meeting, among others, I raised the issue of the anniversary of Ryhor Baradulin — one of the last national poets of Belarus. And there was a proposal from the public that this event should take place in the Palace of the Republic. I can't say that I sincerely like this facility, but the idea was to use a venue that could accommodate as many people as possible — and the Palace of the Republic was suitable for that. Lukashenko reacted negatively to this, but did not object to the adjustment of the proposal, as there were other alternatives — the Belarusian State Philharmonia and the National Academic Theatre of Yanka Kupala. Lukashenko was also against the Yanka Kupala Theatre as a venue for the anniversary celebration, but he waved his head at the Philharmonia. We began to prepare the event, I gave a written order to the Belarusian Philharmonia, and planned to go to the anniversary to personally congratulate the People's Poet of Belarus Ryhor Baradulin. But just a day before the event I got a phone call. Natalia Petkevich, then first deputy head of the Lukashenko administration, called. She said that she categorically forbade me to be present at this celebration, as she considered that it would be a provocation, that I could actually turn out to be a person, a minister, a member of the government, who would thus support the Belarusian opposition. However, I managed to find a way out then: I sent one of my deputies to this celebration — and he was present at this event. It was important for me that it happened, that we honored an outstanding Belarusian Ryhor Baradulin. Ryhor Baradulin was born in Ushachchyna - the land where many outstanding writers and poets were born: the national writer Vasil Bykov, the national poet Petrus Brovka, the famous poetess Eudokia Los. Baradulin was a true Belarusian who conveyed the Belarusian self-identity in his works. However, I still often remember this valuable gift of Baradulin when rereading the works of the famous author.

Pavel Latushka: More than 2,100 children were illegally transferred to Belarus from Ukraine, and Lukashenko personally signed the decision to finance their transportation Source: holosameryky.com Between September 2022 and May 2023, more than 2,100 Ukrainian children were illegally taken to Belarus from the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. Pavel Latushka, deputy head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, and former Minister of Culture of Belarus, revealed this information in an interview with the Ukrainian service of the Voice of America. According to Latushka, the forcible transportation of Ukrainian children to Belarus occurred as early as 2021. Subsequently, dozens of these children were discovered in Russia, where they underwent adoption proceedings and likely remain to this day. The deportation of children to Belarus was carried out from four occupied regions of Ukraine, with particular impact on the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, as well as at least 20 settlements. During the conversation, Latushka pointed out that the children are initially taken from Ukraine to Russia, specifically to Rostov-on-Don, before ending up in Belarus. Some children may be returned to Russia, making it challenging to trace their current whereabouts. Under the leadership of Pavel Latushka, the National Anti-Crisis Management team has repeatedly submitted evidence of the illegal movement of Ukrainian children from the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus to international organizations. Recently, a new batch of evidence was transferred to the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine, based in Vienna. Furthermore, documents containing evidence of the involvement of Belarus' top leadership in the deportation of Ukrainian children were submitted to the International Criminal Court in The Hague. Latushka stated that his team provided “documents signed personally by Lukashenko, where he made the decision to finance the transfer of Ukrainian children”, during the transfer of evidence to the ICC in June and November 2023. In addition to the ICC, documents were submitted that were signed within the framework of the Russia-Belarus Union state. These documents implicated numerous individuals, organizations, and funds, including the Belaruskali company, in orchestrating the transfer of Ukrainian children. “We believe that there is every reason to issue an arrest warrant for Lukashenko,” Latushka said, citing a wide range of evidence, including statements from Lukashenko himself collected by the National Anti-Crisis Management. He called for closer cooperation with the Ukrainian side on this issue, emphasizing that his team will continue to investigate and gather evidence. According to the organization's lawyers, the volume of evidence already obtained is substantial enough to issue an international arrest warrant for Lukashenko. It is worth recalling that in March 2023, the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Russian President Vladimir Putin and Commissioner for Children's Rights Maria Lvova-Belova on charges of committing war crimes, particularly the abduction of Ukrainian children from the temporarily occupied territories.

On February 8, 2024, the European Parliament adopted a Resolution in response to the recent wave of mass arrests in Belarus. These arrests were a result of KGB raids targeting activists, family members of political prisoners, and former political prisoners. Based on the latest reports, at least 224 individuals were apprehended during these raids. What was the response of the European Parliament and what proposals did the team of the National Anti-Crisis Management make to the new Resolution? 1. Condemnation of repression, demanding its immediate cessation, as well as the immediate and unconditional release of political prisoners with compensation and the full restoration of the rights of repression victims. This point, despite its seemingly clichéd nature, holds significance as the issue of repression continues to be a priority on the European Parliament's agenda, and these demands remain unchanged. The Lukashenko regime cannot expect a shift in EU policy towards it until the violence and repression cease, and political prisoners are set free. 2. The European Parliament – and this holds significance – among other things, acknowledges the regime's utilization of forced labor by political prisoners and calls for intensified pressure on the Lukashenko regime. The resolution contains a provision outlining specific pressure measures, specifically the implementation of sanctions against goods manufactured through forced labor. This represents the first proposal put forth by the NAM team within the Resolution's text. Furthermore, we have conducted an analysis of relevant sectors and product categories to substantiate the feasibility of applying such sanctions. We have chosen this approach as the most effective means to address the issue of political prisoners and advocate for the adoption of an appropriate sanctions package. The Lukashenko regime has committed numerous crimes, including military actions, and must be held accountable for them. However, it is also crucial for us to ensure that the problem concerning political prisoners and crimes against Belarusians specifically remains distinct within the framework of accountability, so that our partners can take targeted measures in this direction. 3. The European Parliament also calls for ongoing documentation of human rights violations in Belarus, support for the transformation of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights' expertise regarding the human rights situation in Belarus into an entirely independent investigative mechanism, support for the mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Belarus, and, most importantly, it is crucial to assist in holding the regime accountable through extraterritorial and universal jurisdiction. The inclusion of this paragraph in the Resolution's text was also a result of the NAM team's initiative. 4. Noting the systematic violations of human rights and freedoms in Belarus, the European Parliament also expresses its stance on the lack of transparency, freedom, and justice leading up to the so-called parliamentary and local "elections" in Belarus. It calls upon the EU, its member states, and the international community to withhold recognition of their outcomes. This standpoint also arises from NAM consultations held with several members of the European Parliament during the drafting of the Resolution. The Lukashenko regime should not harbor any hope, not even a faint glimmer, for a partial restoration of legitimacy and recognition through the planned imitation of elections. 5. Furthermore, the European Parliament urges the authorities of EU member states to facilitate visa and residence permit applications for Belarusians. This signifies our partners' understanding of the significance of addressing the issue of legalizing Belarusians abroad and their commitment to resolving it. Naturally, for us as Belarusians and representatives of Belarusian democratic forces, concrete actions hold greater importance than mere words and appeals. However, by relying, among other things, on documents such as resolutions from the European Parliament, PACE, and other esteemed organizations, and actively engaging in their preparation, we gain heightened opportunities and persuasive arguments for undertaking those very specific actions.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Murders of dissenters: what does Lukashenko's decree allowing the military to shoot Belarusians, including without warning, tell us? On 1 February, Lukashenko signed a decree № 37, according to which he allows the military to use firearms against Belarusians without warning. And exempts them from responsibility for the consequences, even lethal ones. It is important to understand that in the conditions of a dictatorial regime, which Belarus is, any permission for the military and security enforces to use violence or weapons will be interpreted not only as their "legal" right, but even as an obligation. As for the fact that while before the adoption of this decree the military could still refuse to use weapons, now we cannot even doubt that the regime will actively work to instil in the minds of the military the "right" granted to them by this decree in such a way that they will not consider other options (i.e. non-use of weapons) as a priority. Here it is worth remembering how during the protests in Belarus the head of GUBOPiK (the Main Department for Combating Organised Crime and Corruption) of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, now Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Nikolai Karpenkov, gave instructions to law enforcers to kill protesters in leaked audio recordings. Now the same instructions can be expected in military units, in the army. Moreover, the decree will be aimed at preventing the military from disobeying the order to "shoot to kill" in case of, for example, suppression of street protests involving the military. That is, thus, at the legislative level (as it is known, Lukashenko's decrees in Belarus have the force of law, in fact, they are above the law) moral and service restrictions and deterrent for the military are eliminated. Now the order to kill without warning is no longer a crime. On the contrary, failure to comply will be a criminal offence. It is also worth noting the increased coverage in the state media of episodes involving the use of weapons by the police during arrests. What the regime used to prefer to conceal is now easily put into the public space. Recently, the Lukashenka regime also authorised KGB officers to shoot at protesters, and even earlier, Interior Ministry officers used weapons to suppress protests. This is not to say that the security forces have not done this before. We remember how Alexander Taraikovski was shot in the chest from a short distance with a traumatic weapon in Minsk on 10 August 2020. We remember how on 11 August 2020 in Brest Gennady Shutov was killed with a shot in the head - from a firearm. None of the special services was held responsible for this, although the law allowed and even obliged them to do so. Now the laws of Lukashenko's regime encourage and motivate the security forces, and now the military, to kill. At the same time, since March 2023, Belarus has had a law providing for the death penalty for officials and military officers for treason. In general, all this looks like a purposeful campaign to normalise killings, to normalise the use of firearms against those who disagree with the regime and against Belarusians in general. A campaign to accustom some people to the "right" to kill, including without warning, and others to be killed.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador This year, Lukashenko's Armed Forces will be receiving the following types of weapons: Mi-35M helicopters and Tor-M2 anti-aircraft missile systems. The supply of radar systems, such as "Protivnik-GM" and "Vostok," as well as low-altitude radar systems like "Rosa," will also continue. Deliveries of modernized T-72BM2 tanks to the ground forces will commence, and the special operations forces will receive upgraded BTR-70MB armored personnel carriers. Budget expenses on national defense will increase in 2024. However, Belarus has been experiencing a decline in its position in the Global Firepower Index, which ranks the world's strongest armies, for the third consecutive year. The attempts made by the Lukashenko regime to present itself as a militarily powerful state, despite the significant costs and the illicit deployment of Russian nuclear weapons on its territory, have ultimately failed. Furthermore, arguments like "if you don't support your own army, you'll end up supporting someone else's" are irrelevant, considering that foreign Russian troops and nearly a thousand Wagner mercenaries are stationed in Belarus. These forces have already been integrated into the special forces detachments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The question arises: why are the internal troops, whose tasks are entirely different, being trained in artillery usage, sniper combat, and the operation of heavy equipment? Such skills are only necessary in actual combat situations. During combat operations, the internal troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs are required solely to force those who refuse to fight into battle. It is possible that Karpenkov's special forces are barrier units intended to compel Belarusians to attack in the direction of a potential enemy. However, who will bear the cost? That's right — the citizens of the Republic of Belarus. And if one does not wish to serve the junta, Lukashenko's security forces, in addition to the already existing extortion in the form of increased utility tariffs, propose the reintroduction of parasitism laws, reminiscent of Soviet times. According to the Zerkalo news portal, Russia sells Mi-35M attack helicopters to its CSTO allies for approximately $20 million each. For comparison, the construction of a new clinic in Hrodna cost the budget approximately $10 million. The delivery package cost for the new modifications of the Tor-M anti-aircraft missile system in 2020 was estimated by Russian sources at $50-60 million, equivalent to approximately 5-6 modern city clinics. So, if we are a peaceful people and have no intentions of engaging in warfare, why all this? Wouldn't it be better to allocate these funds to medicine, education, housing and utilities, and transportation infrastructure instead of spending them on Wagner mercenaries and military equipment?

Pavel Latushko and the NAM team have handed over evidence of war crimes committed by Lukashenko and his accomplices to the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine During a meeting with representatives of the  Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine at the UN headquarters in Vienna, materials regarding Lukashenko's involvement in the illegal movement of Ukrainian children to Belarus were presented. The Commission has the authority to investigate human rights violations and violations of international humanitarian law in the context of Russia's aggression against Ukraine. It aims to identify responsible individuals and organizations, provide recommendations for holding them accountable, and ensure access to justice for the victims. The evidence provided by the NAM team will strengthen the international community's efforts to ensure accountability for the relevant war crimes. The commission created by the UN Human Rights Council now holds the evidence of war crimes committed by Lukashenko and his accomplices. This information can be requested by investigators and courts. The Commission submits reports on war crimes in Ukraine to the UN General Assembly and the UN Human Rights Council. The transmitted information includes details about the transfer of Ukrainian children to Belarus, which began in August 2021, as well as cases of subsequent deportation of these children to Russia for adoption or establishment of guardianship/trusteeship. Evidence of a large-scale illegal program for transferring children from the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus, under the auspices of the Union State, from September 2022 to May 2023, was also provided. Most of these children, aged 5 to 15 years, were orphans or came from low-income or single-parent families in the occupied regions of Ukraine. It is difficult to determine the exact number of affected settlements, but it can be inferred from indirect evidence that the removal programs affected the majority of settlements in Donetsk and Luhansk regions, with more than 20 identified so far, although it is believed that there are many more. Detailed information was provided about the main organizations involved in the illegal removal process, as well as the individuals who played a significant role in this war crime against the children. Overall, since the full-scale invasion began, the number of illegally displaced children has exceeded 3,000, with over 2,100 cases documented from the start of the invasion until May 2023, as publicly confirmed by representatives of the regime.

The National Anti-Crisis Management and the Free Belarus Museum invite you to join the project "Unceasing Voices: Expanding the Rights and Opportunities of Women in Belarusian Democracy," dedicated to Belarusian women — those who have fought and continue to fight against the current regime in Belarus. This includes those who remain underground in their homeland, in forced exile, or even behind bars. This project focuses on the resilience and self-respect of Belarusian women in the democratic movement of Belarus. It aims to showcase love, solidarity, and mutual assistance as crucial components of the events that took place in 2020. The project also highlights the role of women today and their voices that will not be silenced until Belarus achieves freedom. We invite you to participate in the collection of artifacts for the museum exhibition "Unceasing Voices," which will be one of the outcomes of this project. We are looking for the following: Personal stories of women who participated in the protests of 2020; Documents and artifacts (such as letters, postcards, and personal items) related to the year 2020 and the subsequent period; Videos and photos depicting the protests and events of 2020; Diaries, texts, and materials that illustrate personal experiences and opinions.. If you have the desire and opportunity to contribute to this project, please fill out the form provided at the link. A representative from the Free Belarus Museum team will then contact you for further discussion and collaboration. If you have any questions or require additional information, please email us at freebelarusmuseum@gmail.com. Your assistance, cooperation, advice, and, of course, items for the collection would be greatly appreciated. Please join us in the endeavor to research and preserve our shared memory. Everything we document and preserve today will become an important historical source for us and future generations. Participation in this project can be anonymous, and any provided data will be deleted after the selection process. However, please refrain from participating if you are currently in or plan to return to Belarus in the near future. This project is realized with the financial support of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Canada.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Obscurantism in Belarus persists without respite. Hundreds of Belarusians have been recently detained. The National Anti-Crisis Management engaged in discussions with European MPs this weekend and presented proposals for a draft resolution by the European Parliament, which is expected to be adopted shortly. We urge the EU Council to: 1. Swiftly implement sanctions on all goods produced through the use of forced labor by political prisoners in Belarusian penitentiary institutions. These sanctions aim to compel Lukashenko to release political prisoners. 2. Facilitate the prompt harmonization of trade sanctions between the Lukashenko regime and Russia. 3. Restrict the transit of sanctioned goods through Belarus and Russia, including the establishment of special quotas, to prevent the circumvention of existing restrictions. 4. Strengthen financial sanctions against the Lukashenko regime, Russia's primary ally in the aggression against Ukraine. This may include the closure or blocking of correspondent accounts held by Belarusian banks that provide services to sanctioned companies from Russia and Belarus. 5. Impose sanctions on the financial messaging system of the Bank of Russia, which is similar to the SWIFT system. This system is exploited by Russian authorities and companies to conceal attempts to evade restrictive measures. These proposals have also been communicated to the foreign ministers of Poland, Lithuania, Estonia, Sweden, and other countries by the NAM team. Our efforts to exert pressure on the Lukashenko regime will not cease. The regime must be held accountable for all the crimes committed against the people of Belarus.

Pavel Latushka in an interview with APA – Austria Presse Agentur Source: apa.at Concerning the militarization of Alexander Lukashenko's regime, exiled Belarusian politician Pavel Latushka expresses fear that in a few years, the Belarusian army, in collaboration with the Russian army, will initiate military operations against the West. Latushka shared these concerns with APA during an event on Belarus in the Austrian parliament, where he was invited by the Green foreign policy representative Eva Ernst-Dziedzic. “My prediction is this: If there is a lack of strategy of support for Belarusian democratic forces and civil society, within two or three years, the majority of the Belarusian army will be prepared to wage war alongside the armed forces of the Russian Federation, including against the West,” Pavel. Latushka explained in an interview with APA. Latushka, a former minister of culture and ally of the opposition leader in the Belarusian government in exile, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, suggested that in such a scenario, Belarus would not only provide its territory for aggression, as it is currently doing, but also actively participate in the attack. The politician, who has been sentenced in absentia to 18 years in prison, mentioned amendments to the law regarding military operations in this context. The death penalty has been introduced for soldiers guilty of treason, and a militia has been created. Additionally, company managers have undergone training related to resource, fuel, and food management during times of war. “He (Lukashenko — editor's note) has also deployed tactical nuclear weapons on Belarusian territory to use them as a security guarantee if he were to send armed forces into battle against another state,” Latushka explained, citing the hypothetical examples of operations near the Lithuanian-Polish Suwalki corridor or against Ukraine. While Russian officials have always maintained that Russian nuclear weapons are located in Belarus, Lukashenko has repeatedly emphasized that the decision to use these weapons rests solely with himself. Latushka suggests that this right of Minsk has been enshrined in a secret additional protocol to the Russian-Belarusian agreement on the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus. As a countermeasure to potential military escalation, the exiled politician proposes robust actions against the regime and support for pro-European Belarusians. Thousands of them have already been imprisoned for protesting against the fraud in the 2020 presidential election, and hundreds of thousands have fled their homeland. However, the West's failure to take sufficient measures against Lukashenko is demoralizing these individuals. “No one has been held accountable (by international criminal justice  — editor's note), and no sanctions have been imposed that are comparable to those against Russia,” he criticizes. The West's ineffective approach to the regime raises doubts among Belarusians about why they should fight for democracy. Meanwhile, Russia actively supports pro-Russian and anti-Western minorities and employs a “huge propaganda machine,” Latushka explained. Just on Monday, Lukashenko and Russian President Vladimir Putin announced the creation of a joint media holding. Latushka justifies the need for tougher measures, particularly because softer sanctions allow the import of civilian and military goods into Belarus, which are then transferred to Russia or used in the country's own military industry. “One of the main concerns is the production of drones, in which Lukashenko has made significant investments,” he stated. At the same time, the exiled politician expresses regret that in recent years, the West has repeatedly underestimated Lukashenko. In 2020 or 2021, international companies had to decide whether they wanted to remain in Belarus. “We also warned Austrian companies that the risks would increase, and this could lead to investment losses,” Latushka emphasized. Now, everyone is trapped, he added, citing Lukashenko's decree from the autumn of 2023, which requires companies from “unfriendly” countries to pay the state 25 percent of the market value when selling shares, with the sale requiring government approval. The politician, who currently resides in exile in Warsaw, has high hopes for the new Polish government. Poland has always been an ally of democratic forces in Belarus, and there is an inter-party consensus on this matter. “However, since (Prime Minister Donald) Tusk and (Foreign Minister Radoslaw) Sikorski are pro-European politicians, they will have more influence on the development of the European Union’s strategy towards Belarus,” Latushka stated.

Artsiom Brukhan, Deputy Head of NAM, interviewed on "6TV Biełaruś" channel A campaign for appointments to the House of Representatives has commenced in Belarus, characterized by an internal power struggle between different factions. This struggle has always existed, with officials constantly debating among themselves about their level of influence. Sometimes it becomes more apparent, as it is now, and at other times it may be less pronounced. Within this struggle, two distinct tracks can be identified. The first track involves a power struggle between the security forces, namely the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Such a struggle has always existed, but it has now escalated to a new level. For instance, the so-called Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs is assembling a group of Russian World propagandists who are sent to the House of Representatives. The second track pertains to civilian power struggles. Some individuals aimed to secure the position of the Head of Lukashenko's administration, which is essentially the most influential entity after Lukashenko himself. The prime minister and the speaker of parliament do not hold significant decision-making power. The Lukashenko administration, on the other hand, is a highly influential structure within the system, concentrating power at the highest level. That’s why the struggle doesn’t stop. And it encompasses the involvement of security forces as well. Some individuals may discover bribery within Lukashenko's administration, while others may uncover different means of exerting political influence. The outcomes of these attempts will soon become evident.