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- Pavel Latushka and Swedish Ambassador Stefan Gullgren
The ambassadors of Switzerland and Sweden were informed about the position of the democratic forces regarding the so-called "referendum" During the meetings with the ambassadors, Pavel Latushka outlined the strategic directions of the NAM team’s work to put pressure on the regime in order to fulfill the requirements of the Belarusian society: non-recognition of Lukashenka, recognition of him as a criminal and sanctions pressure. Particular attention was paid to the upcoming "referendum" and the need to develop a common position of democratic countries regarding the non-recognition of this plebiscite in the context of the complete suppression of fundamental rights and freedoms, mass repressions in Belarus and the impossibility of national and international monitoring of the will of the Belarusian people. Also at the meeting with the Ambassador of Switzerland, the issue of political prisoners in Belarus, including Swiss citizen Natalia Hershe, was discussed. The Ambassador of Sweden, in turn, confirmed that his country has always consistently supported the demands of the Belarusian society, the application of sanctions as a liability for violations of the rights and freedoms of Belarusians. Separately, Pavel Latushka outlined the problem of the threat to the independence of Belarus in the context of the escalation of the crisis between Russia and Ukraine. It was noted that the topic of Belarus should not fade into the background, despite the current international situation.
- Appeal of the Democratic Forces to the EU, USA, UK and OSCE
Democratic Forces drafted a joint appeal and sent letters with a common position of the EU, US, UK to the OSCE The Office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the Coordination Council and the National Anti-Crisis Management called for: 1. Make official statements about the non-recognition of Lukashenka’s right to hold a referendum. This will deprive the referendum of any political and legal significance, and cross out the regime’s plans to restore the lost legitimacy. 2. State that if repressions continue against Belarusians who do not support the imitation "referendum", further consolidated sanctions will be applied against the Lukashenka regime. 3. Once again publicly support the demands of the Belarusian people that the only sustainable way out of the crisis in Belarus is the release of political prisoners and the holding of new early presidential elections under international supervision. The entire text of the letter is on Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya’s website. What Belarusians should do on Election Day: Come to the polling place Invalidate the ballot by putting crosses in front of the two answer options Take a photo of the ballot from both sides Drop your ballot in the ballot box Confirm the action on the "Voice" platform What to do now: Take the "referendum" poll on the Voice platform: • in Telegram • in Viber *if the poll does not start, enter the command /referendum Check out the detailed strategy on the campaign website.
- Stop Lukashenka's dictatorship
In the constant thirst for unlimited power, Lukashenka has no place for thoughts about the development of the country. Only a dictator needs a "referendum" on changes to the Constitution. Belarus and Belarusians need changes that have nothing to do with the "referendum" and those changes to the Constitution that are designed to preserve the dictatorship in the country. Many of us were out of politics and believed that this was an unnecessary and even "harmful" area. We were convinced that there is nothing to get into this politics. Our non-participation in the political life of the country allowed Lukashenka to hold on to power. The potential of Belarusians is enough to create a system that works FOR the people. Details are in the video. If you also do not agree with the "referendum" that will be held in February — talk about it: Make a post talking about the upcoming "referendum" Tell in the text what you are against and for, invalidating the ballot Can you attach a photo with crossed arms In publications, use the hashtag #перечеркнибеззаконие We understand that not everyone is ready to publicly support the campaign against the illegal "referendum" in Belarus. But you can express your position anonymously. Send the text to the chatbot.
- Solidarity is our strength
We help each other no matter what For 1.5 years now, the regime, which has turned the roller of repression into fifth gear, cannot do anything with our desire to win, nor with our will, nor with our main weapon — solidarity. He introduces more and more anti-people laws, trying to close the way for mutual assistance, but we are stronger, we are the majority and the truth is behind us. Many of this majority — us, the Belarusian people — now, unfortunately, need help. Fortunately, many are ready to help — both our common cause and specific people. Belarusians have demonstrated both of these many times already. Let us remind you where and how you can help those who have suffered and are suffering right now for our freedom and the freedom of our Motherland (if you are in Belarus, we recommend using a VPN connection ). Where we help: Digital Solidarity Who we help: democratic forces and projects for civil society How we help: financially Where we help: funds BySol, A country to live , dissidentby.com, *Emergency mutual aid" Who we help: victims of repression, including political prisoners, and their families How we help: financially Where we help: iNeedHelp Who we help: families of political prisoners and other victims of repression who have become those in need due to the actions of the regime How we help: financially, with products, or even with “stationery” Where we help: eHealth Who we help: honest doctors (at the same time receiving professional advice) How we help: financially Where we help: Dialogue with the people Who we help: if you yourself are a current or former civil servant — your colleagues How we help: in any necessary forms Where we help: Honest University Who we help: students and teachers of our universities How we help: in any necessary forms Where we help: Byculture.org Who we help: Figures (and bearers) of Belarusian culture How we help: financially, likes, distribution of works BONUS: Probono.by— here are collected initiatives that provide legal, human rights and other assistance. Anyone can become a volunteer! Politzek.me and Vkletochku.org — we write letters to political prisoners from Belarus and abroad. Belarusplatform.org — a convenient catalog of useful initiatives. Thank you!
- Month of Belarusian Culture to be held in Poland
The Ambassador of Austria in Warsaw and the NAM organize the Month of Belarusian Culture On January 19, 2022, a large-scale cultural project was presented at the Austrian House of Culture in Warsaw to hold the Month of Belarusian Culture from June 6 to July 7, 2022. The Austrian Embassy in Warsaw and the National Anti-Crisis Management are organizing the Month of Belarusian Culture in Poland to support the repressed Belarusians of creative professions who are in forced emigration. — For many Belarusians, a book, a performance on the Internet, a documentary film, an online concert — everything that an artist can say through his soul has become a way to survive in a dictatorship. And for us, a person in culture is important, those who create the cultural wealth of the people, so that they can soon return to Belarus and create for the development of the national culture of the country, — said the head of the NAM Pavel Latushka during the presentation. During the month, Belarusian concerts, exhibitions, film screenings, theatrical performances, literary evenings, lectures and master classes will be held in Warsaw and other cities of Poland. The Month of Belarusian Culture will be opened by the international conference "Belarusian Culture in Conditions of Repressions and Emigration: Challenges and Opportunities" with the participation of representatives of the ministries of culture of European countries, parliaments and embassies, international human rights organizations, as well as Belarusian cultural figures who suffered from repressions. The presented project of the Month of Culture received support from the present representatives of the embassies of the EU countries, the USA, Switzerland and other countries, who expressed their readiness to act as its partners. The NAM invites partners and other cultural initiatives to join the Month of Belarusian Culture.
- Register for discussion #4
“Foreign policy of New Belarus. From the transition period to sustainable democracy" on the #ExpertEnvironment platform The discussion will take place on January 19, from 19:00 to 20:00 (Minsk time) in the format of a Zoom conference. Register for the broadcast using the link. Former employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Belarus and a special foreign guest will take part in the discussion: — Vladzimir Astapenka — Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Belarus, has experience working in the central office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as in diplomatic missions in the Netherlands, Belgium, Cuba, Argentina, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay and Chile. — Pavel Latushka — Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Belarus, has experience working in the central office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as in diplomatic missions in Poland, France, Spain and Portugal. — Valery Tsepkalo — Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Belarus, has experience working in the central office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as in diplomatic missions in the USA, Mexico and Finland. — Valery Kavaleuski — Advisor, has experience working in the central office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as in the diplomatic mission in the United States. — Pavel Slyunkin is the first secretary, has experience working in the central office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as in the diplomatic mission in Lithuania. — Albinas Januska is the former Secretary of State of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Lithuania, ex-adviser to President Adamkus and Prime Minister Kirkilas. Signatory of the Act on the Restoration of the Independent State of Lithuania. Want to ask the experts a question? You can write them in the comments to this post or when registering. Due to time restrictions during the discussion, some questions of similar meaning may be combined, some of which we will answer in the reporting materials on the results of the discussion.
- Platform #ExpertEnvironment and discussion No. 3 on the geopolitical choice for Belarus
We share the report and announce discussion No. 4 in an online format — What topic did the experts discuss? Discussion topic No. 3: “Prospects for building partnerships with the EU in the short and long term.” — Who took part? Vladzimir Astapenka, responsible for multilateral diplomacy at NAM Dmitry Mitskevich, analyst of the Belarus Security Blog project, journalist of the Belsat TV channel Valery Karbalevich, Belarusian political scientist and journalist Vadim Mozheiko, analyst at the Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies (BISS) Alena Kudzko, Director of GLOBSEC Policy Institute Dmitry Bolkunets, political scientist and expert in the field of Russian-Belarusian relations Pavel Usov, Political analyst and commentator, Head of the Center for Political Analysis and Forecast Kamil Klysiński, senior researcher at the Center for Eastern Studies Andrei Vardomatsky, Belarusian sociologist, Scientific director of the Belarusian Analytical Workshop Moderator: Valery Matskevich, Representative of the Constitutional Court on the Eastern Partnership, as well as NAM Advisor on political issues and strategic development. — What issues were discussed? The EU's view on the Belarusian issue almost 17 months after the start of the protests. Will there be a third thaw? Does the EU have a clear vision for Belarus in the long term? Turn the page? Does the Lukashenko regime have potential opportunities for geopolitical maneuver? What is the optimal model of interaction between Belarus and the EU from the point of view of the national interests of Belarus? Full content — here ‼️IMPORTANT ANNOUNCEMENT Discussion No. 4 on the topic “Foreign Policy of New Belarus. From the transition period to sustainable democracy” will be held on January 19 in an open online format. Registration for the broadcast. The participants in the discussion are former employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Belarus. More details about the participants will be found in the next post. — Ask the experts questions in the comments! We will definitely study all your questions and try to answer them as part of online discussion No. 4.
- The third expert discussion took place
"Prospects for Partnership with the EU in the Short and Long Term" in the framework of the "Expert Environment" discussion series "Expert Environment" is a series of discussions involving Belarusians and foreign experts, analysts and experts in the field of foreign policy, organized by the National Anti-Crisis Management to discuss the geopolitical choice of the Belarusian people. Two previous debates touched upon the following topics: "Belarus in Interaction with European Subregional Unions, Groups and Neighborhood Programmes" and "Integration Processes within the Eurasian Union and CIS. Development of a new policy towards Russia". In the third debate, the following issues were discussed: The EU’s view on the Belarus issue 17 months after the start of the protests. Will there be no third thaw? Does the EU have a clear vision of Belarus in the long term? Turning the page? Does the Lukashenka regime have the potential for geopolitical manoeuvring? What is the optimal model of interaction between Belarus and the EU in terms of Belarus' national interests? Briefly: So far, the Republic of Belarus has formally interacted with the EU in the framework of the 1988 treaty concluded between the EC and the USSR. The period since 1996 is the time of missed opportunities for the Republic of Belarus. The EU does not have a clear and firm existential approach to the issue of Belarus, otherwise European politicians would have long ago declared that Ukraine and Belarus are part of the European world and not part of the Russian world. It is extremely important for the democratic forces to maintain a rigid and principled united position and not to allow for deconsolidation. It is logical that in democratic countries, politicians are oriented on the demand that society puts forward to them. This is how democracy works. The scheme of unfreezing relations will not work — because it is obvious that Lukashenka lost the election and the problem has become not only an intra-Belarusian one. There are no simple guaranteed mechanisms for the change of authoritarian regimes, while ensuring that it is peaceful and safe. The level of expertise in some EU countries on Belarus is extremely low. The issue of Belarus is far from being of paramount importance. The EU needs to learn the sanctions experience from Washington. The key condition for the survival of the Lukashenka regime is the support of the Kremlin, so Minsk will not sacrifice this support in order to return to multi-vectorism. A nation’s geopolitical orientations (clear positioning of itself) manifest the formation of the national identity. The transition from a pro-Russian geopolitical orientation to a pro-European orientation does not happen overnight. Read more: The EU’s view on the Belarus issue 17 months after the protests began. There won’t be a third thaw? Vladzimir Astapenka, responsible for multilateral diplomacy at the NAM: To understand the future we have to go back to the past. I will try to start from the fact that nothing was known about European communities during Soviet times. It was a terra incognita. It was only in 1988 that the USSR signed its first basic agreement on cooperation with the European Communities and established diplomatic relations. The Soviet establishment at that time did not quite understand what it was. Independent Belarus was confronted with the question of Europe on the very first day of its emergence on the map of independent states. It had to do with the export of textile products — there were quotas for the USSR, but none for Belarus. The first thing we started with — we concluded a separate agreement on quotas for imports and exports of textile products for the EU. After that an active and fruitful dialogue began. The EU was open to any formulas of cooperation. In March 1995 there was Lukashenka’s first and only visit to Brussels. Partnership and Cooperation Agreement was signed, which was later was supplemented by a temporary trade agreement, providing new opportunities for Belarus. At that time, the dynamics of the relations with the EU were developing more than satisfactorily — prospects and opportunities were opening up, and it was all tied up with the creation of a new legal and contractual framework. After 1996, it was decided to suspend the ratification of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, it never came into force, and in fact, Belarus remained the only country in Europe which did not have a normal legal framework with the EU. Up to now, the Republic of Belarus still formally interacts with the EU within the framework of the above mentioned 1988 Treaty, concluded back in the USSR. As a matter of fact, the development of relations with the EU was put on hold in 1996. Now we can look at the experience of other countries — Moldova, Ukraine, Armenia — which came out to sign an association and trade agreement. Armenia has found a particular track for developing relations with the EAEU and the EU. These examples can facilitate the task of building relations with the EU at a new stage. Now there is a significant reduction in diplomatic relations with the EU, a decision of the regime that is, to some extent, unprecedented. No other country in the world is reducing its diplomatic presence in Europe. Belarus has chosen a path to nowhere. The Belarusian regime has signed on the fact that its foreign policy in the westward direction has failed completely. The period since 1996 is the time of missed opportunities for Belarus. Alena Kudzko, Director of GLOBSEC Policy Institute: The EU is always ready for any negotiations — it is a principle of the EU itself, always to find a consensus. The regime cannot give now what the EU expects from Belarus — the release of political prisoners, the return to Belarus of those who had to leave. It does not make sense for the EU to make any steps for a dialogue now, but such attempts may be made within a few years. Whereas before 2020, the EU was prepared to go in the direction of a thaw, the situation is now fundamentally different. The EU sees that there is a critical mass of the Belarusan society which shows by its actions that it is ready to change. This is supplemented by existential worries inside the EU — how will Europe solve the problem with Belarus and whether the EU plays a role in the world politics on par with the USA, China, and Russia. The EU wants to influence world politics, but using its own methods and principles which are different from those of Russia or the United States. Does the EU have a clear vision of Belarus in the long term? Valery Matskevich, Moderator, CC Representative for the Eastern Partnership, the NAM Adviser on Political Affairs and Strategic Development: The key question in the context of "existential anguish" is whether the EU sees the Republic of Belarus as part of the European space (not abstractly "part of the family of European nations", but in a political sense). And whether the EU is ready to declare it by contrasting this paradigm with the Kremlin’s aggressive rhetoric of Belarus as part of the "Russian world". Pavel Usov, Political Analyst and Observer, Head of the Centre for Political Analysis and Forecasting: The EU has repeatedly failed stress tests (Libya, Syria, Egypt) and will continue to form as a kind of existential commonality for a long time to come. There are many internal problems there, and Belarus will always be a secondary issue. When does the West seem to go for dialogue with dictatorships: 1. Internal political changes have never been factors in starting a dialogue, rather geopolitical factors. (Georgia — 2010, Ukraine — 2014). It is worth noting that from election to election, with the exception of 2015 — the brutality of suppression of protests increased. The only thaw in this regard was caused by the escalation of tensions in Ukraine. 2. There has always been a downside — the lack of a clear and explicit position of the democratic community. Now there must be a principled approach to the Lukashenka regime. We do not eradicate the cause of evil. Sooner or later it will come out. The voice of traditional lobbying will grow stronger. Behind-the-scenes negotiations may begin. It is extremely important for the democratic forces in Belarus to remain united and principled in a united position, to prevent deconsolidation. The EU did not have a clear cut existential approach to the question of Belarus — if it were opposite, European politicians would have stated long ago that Ukraine and Belarus are part of the European world, and not of the Russian world. In the minds of most European politicians, Belarus and Ukraine are at least a buffer zone between Europe and Russia, and at most part of the Russian sphere of influence. Dmitry Mitskevich, analyst of the Belarus Security Blog project, journalist of Belsat TV channel: There are factors that could lead to a third unfreezing of Belarus-EU relations. The level of expertise in Europe on Belarus is extremely low. The issue of Belarus is far from being of paramount importance. There are countries that are interested in doing well in Belarus. But the EU has to react and it will be hard for it to backtrack because of the difficulty to explain it to the electorate. On the plus side, this is a signal to those countries who are thinking about the best way to conduct a dialogue with the EU. If Lukashenka’s blackmailing were to work, it would have created preconditions for a dialogue. And it is very important that on the issues of Belarus Europe began to listen to the Belarusans. Kamil Klysinski, Senior Researcher at the Centre for Eastern Studies: The expertise on Belarus in the EU is not all bad. There is a group of countries where it is at quite a high level because those are the countries concerned. In general terms, understanding of the Belarusian issue is improving. It is important to note that the last two sanctions packages have references to the first sanctions packages, i.e. human rights remain on the agenda. But the EU needs to learn from Washington’s experience with sanctions. The important fact is that sanctions work and will continue to work. Even propaganda suggests that the sanctions are working. But we should not expect instant effect from them. Dmitry Bolkunets, political scientist and expert in Russian-Belarusian relations: Globally for Russia, the fact that Belarus falls under sanctions does not cause problems, as Belarus becomes more dependent on Russia. Cuba has been under sanctions for decades, leading to the impoverishment of the people, and Lukashenka has plenty of lobbyists in Europe. The most effective solution during the migration crisis was when Poland declared that it could block transit routes. Turn the page? Does Lukashenka’s regime have a potential for geopolitical maneuvering? Valery Karbalevich, Belarusian political scientist and journalist: The difference between today’s situation and previous periods is that there is a major internal political crisis within Belarus, which has spilled over to the outside and become a regional crisis. The key condition for the survival of the Lukashenka regime is the support of the Kremlin, so Minsk will not sacrifice this support in order to return to a multi-vector foreign policy. Especially in view of the escalation of Russia’s conflict with the West. Belarus remains Russia’s only ally in this conflict. It is being used as a tool to troll the West. The recognition of Crimea, the threat to deploy nuclear weapons on the territory of Belarus, is a payment to Moscow for support. Lukashenka has effectively abandoned the idea of holding early presidential elections. This happened because Russia stopped putting pressure on him. Russia is going through a cycle of deterioration of relations with the West, and Lukashenka is a necessary element in this project for Russia. At the same time, Lukashenka believes that all European politicians are "weak" and are unable to fight with him on an equal footing. What is the optimal model of interaction between Belarus and the EU from the perspective of Belarus' national interests? Andrei Vardomacki, Belarusian sociologist, Scientific Director of the Belarusian Analytical Workshop: The motivation of the protesters in 2020 was not geopolitical in nature, which is confirmed by empirical methods. A basic characteristic of the geopolitical orientation of the Belarusans is its fluctuating character. This character testifies to the process of identity formation. Geopolitical orientations (clear positioning) are one of the manifestations of identity formation. In countries with a stronger identity, such ups and downs are not fixed. The $ 1.5 billion loan from Russia in 2020 was perceived by much of society as aid to the country, not as support for the Lukashenka regime. The transition from a pro-Russian geopolitical orientation to a pro-European orientation does not happen overnight, passing through a phase of uncertainty for quite a long time. The turning point was in May 2004 with the admission of the new members to the EU. The reaction to this event consisted in the reconfiguration of the Belarusan media field. The formula for engagement with the Russian Federation: cooperation — YES, entry — NO. It is important to note the non-economic nature of the reasons and motivation of the pro-Russian geopolitical orientation. In contrast, the pro-European orientation of a part of Belarusan society is based on economic reasons.
- Pavel Latushka about Yara
The Head of the NAM Pavel Latushka — on the hypocrisy of the Yara management on the issue of stopping the purchase of potash fertilizers from Belaruskali from April, 1 — Yara's speculations on the "protection of workers' rights" have all along served as a cover for its financial relations with Lukashenka’s regime. Yara’s leadership obstinately ignores the fact that the sanctions are imposed precisely because of flagrant human rights violations in Belarus, including workers' rights. — Almost a hundred and fifty people, about a thousand days of cumulative arrests, dozens of criminal and administrative cases, lists of "unreliable" employees, involved in protests and disloyal to the regime. What protection of workers' rights is Mr Svein Tore Holzeter talking about? — The NAM has always taken a principled stance on Yara. Every Norwegian MP, Norwegian Foreign Minister, Trade Minister and Yara management have repeatedly been told by us that protecting human rights in Belarus takes precedence over financial interests. Nevertheless, the business relationship between Yara and the Lukashenka regime continued no matter what. — It is a shame that the deadline set by US sanctions to end the relationship with the BPC was the only and necessary reason for Yara to refuse to cooperate with the regime. — Yara has proved its unscrupulousness, we are under no illusions about the integrity of this company. But its leadership should understand that for us, fighting the regime and its associates is a matter of principle. We will be vigilant and will definitely monitor the use of sanctions evasion schemes to counter them.
- Makei — gravedigger of Belarusian foreign policy
More than 100 professional diplomats fired for political reasons from the Belarusian Foreign Ministry system since August 2020 Why does Belarus need the Ministry of Foreign Affairs if it has no foreign policy? Makei is the brightest representative of the dictator’s repressive machine. The Belarusian Foreign Ministry has been destroyed before our very eyes. Why should Makei be criminally liable?
- A painting from the famous protest series by Olga Yakubovskaya was transferred to the Museum of Free
A lot from the charity Christmas auction of the Belarusian Council of Culture — Olga Yakubovskaya's painting "At Christmas..." — was transferred to the Museum of Free Belarus for storage. The main characters of Olga Yakubovskaya’s works are the well-known white-red-white cats, in which the talented artist embodies the image of Belarusians. A series of Olga’s paintings is a striking example of protest art, with the help of which the author, starting in the summer of 2020, records and depicts every important phenomenon and famous heroes of Belarusian events. The winner of the charity auction who bought the painting was Ivan, a Belarusian programmer living in Georgia. This is not his first participation in charity auctions organized by the Belarusian Council of Culture, the proceeds of which are directed to support repressed figures of Belarusian culture. The People's Anti-Crisis Management expresses sincere gratitude to Olga Yakubovskaya, Ivan and the Belarusian Council of Culture for supporting the project to create the Museum of Free Belarus. We continue to collect suggestions and information about objects of museum value related to the Belarusian protests through the @NAUsupport chatbot. All information about the owners of items donated to the museum will remain anonymous if they so wish. Together we will preserve our history! Painting by Olga Yakubovskaya "At Christmas..."
- Events in Kazakhstan are an internal political conflict
Joint Statement of the Office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the Coordination Council and the National Anti-Crisis Management on the inadmissibility of sending the Belarusian military to operations abroad The events in Kazakhstan are an internal political conflict. There is no evidence that the crisis is caused by external aggression or is connected with external terrorist threats. Street protests are one of the few available means of expressing civic will under authoritarian regimes. We understand the desire to resist dictatorship and respect the right of the people of Kazakhstan to determine the destiny of their country. The Collective Security Treaty was created to repel external aggression, not to solve internal political problems of participating countries. Sending troops as well as any other military assistance to the incumbent government of Kazakhstan sets a dangerous precedent of foreign armed interference in internal political conflicts. In this connection we declare: the introduction of troops may complicate friendly relations between the Belarusian and Kazakh peoples for many years. Military intervention in the internal conflict in Kazakhstan runs counter to the national interests of Belarus and can lead to significant human and material losses and damage the international reputation of our country. We do not accept the use of Belarusian troops to resolve political conflicts both in Belarus and outside the country. Their task is to protect the sovereignty and security of Belarus. We do not accept the adoption of such decisions on behalf of the person, deprived of legitimacy by the results of the elections in 2020, who has forcibly seized and held power in Belarus. We express our confidence that the current crisis can be solved by the people of Kazakhstan independently through a broad internal dialogue and democratic procedures. Foreign military intervention in an internal political conflict would have negative consequences both for the sovereignty of Kazakhstan and for the security of the entire region.











