Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador In 2020, Lukashenko witnessed the sheer number of young Belarusians who stood up for change, for a Belarus with new leadership. These young people strive to be part of the free world, wanting to determine their own futures and that of their country. This frightened him. He fears a new, free generation of Belarusians he cannot understand. Therefore, after violently suppressing the protests, significant funds were funneled into creating so-called “military-patriotic” clubs. But is there even a shred of genuine patriotism within them? A closer examination of the ideas and “values” these clubs instill in Belarusian children reveals little connection to Belarus itself. The ideology underpinning them is that of the so-called “Russian world.” How so? The answer is simple. Having clung to power and existing essentially at Russia's expense, Lukashenko systematically dismantled almost all Belarusian civil society organizations. He possesses no alternative ideology of his own upon which to build new pseudo-civil organizations. This vacuum was naturally filled by Lukashenko’s “big brothers” and their “Russian world” ideology—a destructive concept for Belarus, as it implies the cultural and political unity of the East Slavic peoples under Russian dominance. Essentially, Lukashenko’s “military-patriotic” clubs have become carbon copies of their Russian counterparts. Their surge in popularity, unsurprisingly, coincided with Russia's aggression against Ukraine, in which Lukashenko has become a co-aggressor. Specifically, in May 2022, a mere two months after the war began, Lukashenko signed Decree No. 160 on the development of “military-patriotic” clubs. This document regulates the activities of clubs for children and youth based within units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs' internal troops, the Armed Forces, and emergency agencies. As you can see, these are primarily security and punitive agencies that gained notoriety during the suppression of peaceful protests. It's important to remember that these agencies harbor a high concentration of individuals with demonstrably pro-Russian views. The locations of these “military-patriotic” clubs speak volumes about their objectives: to mold children into instruments of propaganda and aggressive expansion for the “Russian world.” New “military-patriotic clubs” emerge in Belarus almost monthly. There is no definitive count available in open sources. Some reports estimate that over 950 may already exist, officially boasting nearly five thousand participants. However, the actual number of children entangled in their activities remains unknown. Why do these clubs pose a grave danger to our children? Propaganda presents these clubs as harmless entities that simply teach history, promote sports, and encourage a healthy lifestyle. Let's dissect this façade. These clubs were established with the purported aim of providing young people with a “patriotic” education, studying the history of past wars, enhancing the prestige of military service, and instilling in young people a readiness to fulfill their “civic duty” and defend the current political system. The cult of victory and the cult of death form the cornerstones of this education. They boast their own uniforms and symbols, awards and anthems. Children are engaged in monument preservation, participate in sports competitions, and receive weapons training. Sound familiar? This chillingly accurate description also fits Hitler Youth organization. The terrifying reality is that it aligns perfectly with Lukashenko’s “military-patriotic” clubs. What kind of history do the ideologues of these military-patriotic clubs teach our children? Is it the history of the Principality of Polotsk, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Belarusian People's Republic, the pan-European heritage, or the rightful place of Belarusians within European history? No. Their version is far simpler. For them, Belarusian history begins with the Great Patriotic War and ends with the so-called “Special military operation." These ideologues emphasize cultural and historical ties between Belarus and Russia. They indoctrinate children with notions of a shared identity, a single people. They equate Belarusians with Russians. This propaganda seeks to ingrain a sense of belonging to the “Russian world” in the minds of children. It is crucial to examine the links between Belarusian “military-patriotic” clubs and the Russian JUNARMY. These connections run deep, encompassing a shared ideological foundation, joint events, and an exchange of experience. But what exactly is JUNARMY? JUNARMY is an all-Russian militaristic movement for children and teenagers, established at the behest of the Russian Ministry of Defense. Graduates of this movement are currently fighting within the ranks of the Russian occupation forces in Ukraine. It is noteworthy that JUNARMY has been placed on sanctions lists by the EU, USA, and Canada for its active support of Putin and Russian aggression in Ukraine. Lukashenko’s ideologues, operating within Belarusian “military-patriotic” clubs, look up to JUNARMY as a model. This is evidenced by joint events held both in Belarus and Russia, encompassing not only sporting competitions but also those of an ideological nature. Who are the individuals involved in educating children within these clubs? Primarily, they are Lukashenko’s ideologues, the so-called officers, with Nikolai Karpenkov spearheading the implementation of this project. Yes, the very same Karpenkov, the chief proponent of the “Russian world” within the Belarusian security forces, is at the helm of all children’s military-patriotic clubs in Belarus. This is a man who openly supports Russian aggression in Ukraine, speaks of a united and invincible Belarusian-Russian army, establishes special units within the internal troops (trained by Wagner mercenaries who are accountable to him), and consistently appears in public sporting the insignia of the Wagner Group — an organization recognized as a terrorist entity by several civilized nations. It is worth remembering that this same Karpenkov recently established the Young Guard Foundation. One of the primary objectives of this foundation is the systematic militarization and indoctrination of Belarusian children with the ideology of the “Russian world." The indoctrination of young minds within Belarus’ “military-patriotic” clubs runs disturbingly parallel to Karpenkov's special forces, with former Wagner PMC mercenaries often serving as instructors. These mercenaries, individuals implicated in war crimes in Ukraine, Syria, and Africa, are now tasked with teaching Belarusian children "patriotism." They train children in urban warfare tactics, firearm handling, and even award them with Wagner PMC badges. This is not speculation; it is a disturbing reality widely publicized by propagandists, as exemplified by the children's military-patriotic club "Lynx," operating under the auspices of military unit 3214 of the internal troops. Equally alarming is the role of the Belarusian Orthodox Church in this process of ideological manipulation. Church clergymen frequently appear at “military-patriotic” club events, emphasizing a fabricated spiritual connection and shared history between Belarus and Russia. They conduct prayer services, bless participants for fulfilling their distorted notion of "patriotic tasks," and partake in ceremonies honoring Soviet and Russian historical events, conveniently neglecting Belarusian history. Through these actions, the Church reinforces a sense of belonging to the "Russian world," relegating Belarus to a secondary position and effectively erasing its unique identity. This subtle yet insidious approach can be categorized as soft power. It is deeply disheartening to witness the Church, an institution meant to provide moral guidance, advocate for justice, and protect human rights, become a tool of pro-Russian propaganda. Let’s summarize what has been said here. To preserve his grip on power, Lukashenko has surrendered not only our sovereignty to Russia but also our children. These so-called “military-patriotic” clubs are systematically attempting to eradicate Belarusian identity from our youth. These clubs are nothing more than brainwashing centers, designed to mold an obedient and loyal generation subservient to Russia and the Lukashenko regime. They operate with complete disregard for Belarus and our national interests. Children are subjected to ideological indoctrination, discouraged from developing critical thinking skills, and taught to blindly accept and support Lukashenko’s dictatorship and Russian narratives. Furthermore, they are instilled with hatred towards Ukrainians and our other Western neighbors. Instead of nurturing their Belarusian identity, these clubs are attempting to mold them into Russian. Lukashenko and his Kremlin sponsors have already robbed us of 30 years of progress. Now, they seek to steal our future by transforming Belarusian youth into devotees of the “Russian world." We cannot allow this to happen. Engage in open and honest conversations with your children. Answer their difficult questions. Do not allow ideologues to provide them with pre-packaged answers. Instill in them a strong sense of national identity, humanism, respect for other cultures and nations, and, above all, critical thinking. They are our future, and we cannot afford to surrender them to the likes of Lukashenko and Karpenkov.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Alexey Talai received an award from President Putin. Russia appreciated Talai's contribution to the illegal deportation of Ukrainian children to the territory of Belarus. At the award ceremony, Talai declared himself a Russian, stating that God was on his side. People like Talai, who openly consider themselves Russian, constitute a network of Russian influence in Belarus. We have already discussed another Russian "patriot" — Nikolai Karpenkov and his entourage, who serve the "general" and the security forces around him at the propaganda level, like the propagandists Grigori Azarenok or Vadim Gigin. All these individuals, like Karpenkov himself, are an integral part of Lukashenko's system. Outwardly, they demonstrate their devotion to the dictator. But is this really so? And who connects the activities of the "general" and the propagandists into a single whole? Now we will lift the veil of secrecy a little and tell you about people who are not formally part of Lukashenko's system, but act as direct promoters of Russia's interests in Belarus. They regularly travel to the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine, participate in and organize events at the Russian embassy and so-called “Russian houses” created by Rossotrudnichestvo. We are talking about the UNION movement. Or more precisely, the organizing committee of a political party being created in Belarus. It should be said that Lukashenko's Ministry of Justice did not register this party. Apparently Lukashenko's special services sensed a certain threat from the new pro-Russian force. The leader of the party is Sergei Lushch, a former neo-Nazi, and now a respectable young politician and propagandist. As stated on the same website of the organizing committee, "by conviction I am a consistent supporter of Belarusian-Russian integration." Lushch is also deputy chairman of the council of leaders of "Belarusian public associations of Russian compatriots at the Embassy of the Russian Federation in the Republic of Belarus," that is, an association of all Russian organizations in Belarus. Previously, Lushch was a member of the public organization "Rus" and headed his own youth organization "Young Rus'". Lushch is an ardent representative of the "Russian world" in Belarus and a supporter of the absorption of Belarus by Russia and the elimination of Belarusian identity. Lushch is actively promoting the ideas of so-called "integration" with Russia, and in fact, he is preparing the takeover of Belarus. One of the important activities of Lushch and the UNION movement is support for Russian aggression. For his activities, Lushch was "marked with prestigious insignia": gratitude and a medal from the President of the Russian Federation Putin, gratitude from Rossotrudnichestvo, as well as gratitude from the Russian Embassy in Belarus. We also did not stand aside and included this individual in our recent proposals with justification for the application of personal sanctions from the EU, USA and Canada. Representatives of the "UNION", with the support of the Russian embassy, actively conduct propaganda meetings of Belarusian schoolchildren and cadets, participants in the so-called patriotic clubs with their peers from Russia and, in particular, the Russian—occupied territories of Ukraine. Nikolai Karpenkov, Sergei Lushch, Alexey Talai, Vadim Gigin, Grigory Azarenok, Oleg Romanov, Alla Verush — these individuals may not be officially designated as "extremists" or "terrorists". However, it is they and the organizations they are a part of that pose a true threat to the national security and territorial integrity of Belarus. They are biding their time, waiting for the right opportunity to achieve their goal — to ultimately eliminate Belarus' statehood and make our country a part of Russia.

The first thing that is important to take into account is that Russia and Lukashenko's regime are interested in making Belarusians a "threat" for the West. They have already artificially managed to stir up an information provocation / special operation called "Litvinism" in Lithuania. It would not have been possible to create serious tension in Poland on national-historical grounds, so they immediately upped the ante to terrorism. They cannot be allowed to succeed and sway Polish society. In addition, earlier we shared information that the Lukashenko regime issued Belarusian passports to the Wagnerites on the territory of Belarus to create a legend. And it cannot be ruled out that the detainees may be just such saboteurs. Belarusians are not Lukashenko's regime. It is the regime or its Kremlin masters who are behind any aggressive actions against Poland and other neighbouring countries.

What did the Coordination Council elections achieve for Belarusians? The three-day voting period for the Coordination Council elections concluded yesterday, with 6,723 individuals casting their votes. The Election Commission is currently tallying the results, and the final outcome will be revealed on June 8th. Undoubtedly, such a modest turnout is not a cause for celebration. We acknowledge the factors that contributed to this outcome, emphasizing that the responsibility does not lie with the voters. It is not the place of any responsible politician to cast blame on the people they aim to represent. From our perspective, the primary reasons for the low turnout are as follows: significant obstruction by the Lukashenko regime; a systematic campaign of repression and intimidation during the elections; the designation of all electoral lists as "extremist": This has resulted in 257 criminal cases being launched against election participants, alongside property seizures, various forms of pressure, and the detention and arrest of their family members. The "Latushka’s Team and the Movement “For Freedom”" coalition list alone has documented over 25 cases of property confiscation and reprisals against relatives. cyberattacks targeting the voting platform: these attacks were designed to disrupt and undermine the electoral process. VPN blocking: this measure restricted access to information and hampered participation in the elections, etc. In essence, Belarusians both within the country and abroad have been subjected to an environment of persistent terror and fear since 2020. These are undoubtedly far from conducive conditions for conducting free and fair elections. However, it is crucial that we also acknowledge our own shortcomings: internal disputes within the democratic forces: these conflicts have undermined the unity of the democratic movement; the ineffectiveness of the previous Coordination Council; resistance to the concept of direct elections: this has hindered the advancement of a more democratic system; disagreements and an ultimately flawed compromise regarding election timelines. While it's tempting to dwell on explanations, our priority now should be to honor the trust placed in us by the 7,000 voters who trusted us and participated in the elections. Therefore, our team, the "Latushka’s Team and the Movement “For Freedom”" coalition, remains undeterred by the results. Firstly, thousands of Belarusians, despite facing immense pressure and obstacles, placed their trust in us, casting their votes for our vision and the program we presented. We are committed to honoring that trust through our actions. Our responsibility to our voters remains unwavering, regardless of whether they number in the hundreds, thousands, or hundreds of thousands. We will fulfill the promises we made – in fact, we are already working towards those goals. That’s the core of our approach. Secondly, this outcome presents us with a significant and ambitious challenge. The support we received, while modest in number, serves as a crucial foundation. It is our duty to transform this initial support, multiplying it tenfold, then a hundredfold, through our efforts. Reflecting on the key takeaways from these elections, two points stand out: The 7,000 votes cast represent 7,000 times more legitimacy than any so-called "elective" body under Lukashenko's regime, as there are no, and cannot be, any genuine elections under his rule. This starkly highlights the legitimacy of the current Coordination Council compared to Lukashenko's facade of democracy. It's a promising start. The primary task of the first elected Coordination Council is clear: to significantly increase public trust, ideally by tenfold or even a hundredfold. This will be achieved through demonstrably effective actions, tangible results, and a consistent commitment to impactful work. What is the current Coordination Council? We can unequivocally agree that the Coordination Council is an elected representative body, albeit one elected with a modest voter turnout at this stage. Moving forward, the Council must collectively and unambiguously define its purpose, enshrining this definition within its Statute. Furthermore, it is essential that the new Coordination Council collaborates effectively with Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the president-elect, and the United Transitional Cabinet, the executive branch. This collaboration should extend to influencing the Cabinet's formation, ensuring that the entire system operates seamlessly and adheres to a unified strategy. This shared strategic vision is paramount given the current crisis. We are not operating under normal circumstances; we are engaged in a struggle for power – not amongst ourselves, but against the Lukashenko regime. This reality must underpin all our actions. It is also crucial to recognize that the use of voting as a tool for democratic participation should not conclude with the elections. We must ensure that Belarusians have genuine influence over the work of the Coordination Council, including the ability to shape project priorities and direct funding towards initiatives that address the needs of society. To achieve this, we must establish a clear mechanism for public input, potentially leveraging the Belarus ID platform to conduct surveys and facilitate voting on key issues. By undertaking initiatives that resonate with and assist tens or even hundreds of thousands of Belarusians, we can significantly bolster support for the Coordination Council.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Pavel Latushka's team has secured control over the State Catalog of the Museum Fund of Belarus. This was achieved without assistance from individuals within Belarus, and no museum employees were put at risk. Anatoly Markevich, the illegitimate Minister of Culture, holds no true authority over Belarusian cultural affairs. We now possess the catalog, encompassing nearly 165,000 museum objects – items that constitute the national heritage of the Belarusian people, not possessions of the Lukashenko regime. Control of the State Catalog of the Museum Fund of Belarus has been transferred to the Free Belarus Museum, one of the many projects of the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM). This provides all Belarusian citizens with access to information about museum objects housed in the Republic of Belarus's museums and collections. Let this serve as a warning: anyone attempting to destroy, damage, sell, or illicitly transfer museum objects to third parties or foreign entities should be aware that we have a complete record of these objects – their condition, location, and those responsible for their care. Those found culpable of destroying, stealing, or illegally transferring museum objects will be prosecuted to the fullest extent of Belarusian law. As a first step, and at the suggestion of Pavel Latushka and the staff of the Free Belarus Museum, the following items, each representing the historical and cultural heritage of the Belarusian people, were formally entered into the State Catalog on May 26, 2024: A white-red-white flag embroidered with the names of Belarusian political prisoners, created by Maryia Hryts; The "White-red-white bride" dress, created by Ina Zaitsava; Clothing belonging to Belarusian hero and Kalinouski Regiment volunteer Vasyl (Atom) Grudavik, who died in 2022 fighting for a free Ukraine and an independent Belarus; Clothing belonging to Belarusian political prisoner Yulia Marchanka (Yunitskaya); The official record of election results from polling station number 35 (Lida) for the 2020 Belarusian presidential election, documenting the decisive victory of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya; The Square of Free Belarus sign – an exact replica of the street sign in Bialystok. Furthermore, we are adding to the State Catalog today a photograph of the " Latushka’s Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" coalition, who have participated in the first direct democratic elections for the Coordination Council. These items, now formally included in the Belarusian Museum Fund, embody our historical truth and national heritage—the very foundations upon which we will build our country's future. The Museum Fund will continue to grow and evolve. During my tenure as Minister of Culture, I was privileged to inaugurate numerous museums across Belarus, helping to expand their collections and curate new exhibitions. Some endeavors were particularly meaningful: the Vasil Bykau Museum in Zhdanovichi, a branch of the State Literary Museum of Belarus; the new multimedia exhibits at the Yanka Kupala State Literary Museum; my contributions to the restoration and reopening of the Nesvizh Palace and Mir Castle, both UNESCO World Heritage sites; and my initiative to establish a museum honoring the remarkable musician Czesław Niemen. The Free Belarus Museum, which has found its home in Warsaw for the time-being, holds a special significance for me. I am certain that it will open in Belarus upon our return to freedom—ideally, in the very palace that the usurper occupies today. As a politician and as a Belarusian, this is a goal I will strive for relentlessly. To the dedicated employees of Belarusian museums: I know you to be honest, hardworking individuals who understand that heritage is more than an abstract concept—it is something to be cherished and preserved. Your skills and dedication will be essential in building a new Belarus. Long live Belarus! Pavel Latushka Minister of Culture of Belarus (2009-2012) Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Is the Presidential fund to have a competitor? On May 19th, Nikolai Karpenkov announced the creation of a “charitable” foundation called "Young Guard." This foundation's mission will be to finance 18 "military-patriotic clubs," which Karpenkov himself established previously. According to Karpenkov, the foundation's board of trustees includes "representatives of all interested parties," including media professionals, business leaders, and politicians. Politicians? Did he really say that? Whom does Karpenkov consider a politician? Himself? In Lukashenko's Belarus, there's only one politician who truly matters, and we all know who that is. This statement makes it pretty clear that Karpenkov has his sights set on becoming the next Prigozhin. Only after Lukashenko the usurper publicly criticized some officials for their admiration of the Wagner Group, the so-called deputy minister, Karpenkov, retreated from the public eye and ceased his praise of Russian mercenaries. However, he has resurfaced and is now actively establishing an infrastructure capable of challenging for real power in the future. His first move was to establish special forces units, which he then allowed to be infiltrated by Wagner mercenaries. Next, he turned his attention to indoctrinating the younger generation. Now, he is focused on building the financial foundation for his political ambitions. Don't be fooled by the word "foundation" – what Karpenkov is constructing is a launching pad for a power grab. This devotee, and likely a bona fide agent, of the so-called "Russian world" is seizing his chance and preparing to capitalize on it. A revealing detail is that the Young Guard Foundation was registered on May 3rd with the legal address at the National Library. This location is no coincidence. The director of the national library is Vadim Gigin, another individual widely believed to be an agent of the "Russian world," just like Karpenkov. Additionally, we've previously highlighted how Karpenkov and his energetic efforts have been heavily promoted by the propagandist Grigory Azarenok, yet another enthusiast of the "spiritual bonds" with the Russian world. Both Gigin and Azarenok are members of the Political Council, i.e. the leadership of the White Rus' party. This party is essentially a Belarusian version of "United Russia," Putin's party, and, unsurprisingly, it is headed by another promoter of the “Russian world” idea, Oleg Romanov. Karpenkov and his associates offer a glimpse into the network of pro-Russian agents actively working to ensnare Belarus. Even the name Karpenkov chose for his foundation, "Young Guard," is no accident. It's the same name as the youth wing of Putin's ruling party, "United Russia." To lead the foundation, "General" Karpenkov appointed a close confidante – his old friend Alla Verush. Many may not be familiar with her, so let's delve into who she is. Who is Alla Verush, and what makes her so remarkable? Alla Verush, an associate professor and political scientist, has held positions at various Belarusian universities and now works at the Academy of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Additionally, she serves as an analyst at the Belarusian Institute for Strategic Studies, an organization known for supplying the Lukashenko administration with biased analysis disguised as expert opinion – in other words, propaganda. This "associate professor's" research interests include political leadership, national security, anti-drug policy, and, notably, countering extremism. This is where things get interesting. Despite lacking formal legal credentials, Alla Ivanovna Verush played a key role in establishing the "scientific justification" for the concept of "extremism" in Belarusian law, even before the crackdown on dissent became widespread. In March 2011, Verush was elected professor of the Russian Academy of Military Sciences, a Russian pseudo-NGO, or GONGO, composed primarily of – wait for it – former officers from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Armed Forces, and the Russian FSB. The current head of this academy is none other than General Valery Gerasimov, the Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces, a key architect of Russia's "hybrid warfare" doctrine, and the commander of the so-called "special military operation" in Ukraine. Furthermore, Alla Verush is a member of the Belarusian branch of this organization, which primarily consists of retired Russian law enforcement officers. Let's return to Ms. Verush's "scientific interests." Sometime around 2012, after joining the Russian Academy of Military Sciences, her research began to focus more and more on combating "global threats," particularly "extremism." This concept, unsurprisingly, was already a well-established tool in the legal system of – you guessed it – Russia. It was around this time that Verush began to actively collaborate with the Belarusian Ministry of Internal Affairs, specifically with Nikolai Karpenkov and Mikhail Bedunkevich from the notorious Main Directorate for Organized Crime and Control (GUBOPiK). Verush even co-authored articles with Bedunkevich on the dangers of extremism in "Belarusian Thought," a magazine published by the Lukashenko administration. Verush and her associates in the GUBOPiK significantly increased their efforts to promote the "extremist" threat after the 2014 Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine. Verush provided the theoretical framework, writing articles and speaking at round tables, while Karpenkov and Bedunkevich put it into practice, targeting anarchists and football fans. As a result of their efforts, liability for "extremism" was formally introduced in Belarus in April 2016, both in criminal and administrative law. This included new legal concepts such as "extremist group," "extremist materials," and "financing of extremist activities." At the time, these legislative changes and their enforcement primarily impacted football fans and anarchists. The reason is quite clear: the events of 2014 in Ukraine demonstrated the potential threat that organized, politicized movements posed to both the regime and external Russian influence. Such movements played a crucial role in the success of the Ukrainian revolution. However, the purges of "extremists" began in Belarus in 2016, largely unnoticed by the general public. At the time, the country seemed to be moving toward a period of "soft Belarusization and liberalization," so the true implications of these actions were not fully grasped. But this repressive legislation started working at full capacity later, which we all eventually witnessed. As the old theater adage goes: a gun that appears on stage must eventually be fired. The legislative groundwork for mass repression had been meticulously laid by individuals like Karpenkov, Bedunkevich, and Verush long before the events of 2020, tested and refined on fans and anarchists. To paraphrase another well-known saying: first they came for the anarchists, then they came for the fans, but many of us were neither, so we remained silent. But after 2020, they came for all of us, and they continue to mercilessly destroy everything associated with Belarus, everything free and independent, paving the way for the "Russian world." And with the stage set, Karpenkov, his foundation, his network of politicians, businessmen, propagandists... and his armed forces, will make their move. It's evident that Lukashenko is now powerless to stop them. In fact, he has unwittingly facilitated the rise of the "Russian world" in Belarus, allowing it not only to flourish but to solidify its political power. Yes, for now, Lukashenko remains a useful puppet for Russia, but his future is uncertain. Karpenkov, on the other hand, appears to have secured guarantees. He has a virtually established military-political bloc and a platform to seize power from the Lukashenko regime when the time is right – a time that aligns with RUSSIA's interests. This is precisely why we, Belarusians, need our own independent political institutions. We need a political alternative that genuinely reflects Belarusian, not Russian, national interests. We must be prepared to defend the independence of Belarus, a responsibility Lukashenko has already abdicated, his policies paving the way for Karpenkov and his associates to assume control. We are labeled "extremists." We are prosecuted for "extremism." But if "extremism" means fighting for democracy, for the freedom and independence of our country, then today, we must all become "extremists." Long live Belarus!

Do you remember what "greetings from Moscow" Lukashenko brought to his military when he returned from there on May 9? That trip and long communication with the "older brothers" cost the position of the previous chief of the General Staff - Major-General Viktor Gulevich. He was considered an opponent of active participation of Belarus and the Belarusian army in the war against Ukraine. It is not surprising that Lukashenko received an order in Moscow to remove the unreliable Gulevich from his post. But there is no empty place and today Lukashenko filled it. Major-General Pavel Muraveiko, famous for his statement about the right of Belarus to cut the Suvalkov corridor through Lithuania to Kalingrad by force of arms in response to the imposed sanctions, became the new chief of the General Staff. Muraveika is an active supporter and propagandist of the war against Ukraine. Back in 2022, he openly stated that Belarus was involved in the so-called "special operation" and was "performing some functions". In addition, he is a graduate of the Russian General Staff Academy and a protégé of Moscow's appointee Alexander Volfovich - State Secretary of the Security Council of Belarus. Prior to his appointment as Chief of the General Staff, Muraveiko was his first deputy. So now another pro-Russian general gets into the highest echelons of the military leadership. And it happens on the first day of Putin's surprise visit to Minsk. Interesting coincidences, isn't it? Immediately after his visit to Moscow, Lukashenko removed Gulevich, and appointed Muraveiko by Putin's arrival. We should also recall the information released a week ago by the Community of Railwaymen of Belarus about the preparation of the Belarusian railroad to receive Russian military echelons. And the recent warning of the National Bank about the risks of inflation and devaluation and the possibility of launching the printing press. With what do they plan to ensure the release of freshly printed cash into circulation? Obviously, they are counting on Russia. But how to settle accounts with Russia? In 2022, Lukashenko's regime paid by providing territory, infrastructure and rear support for the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It paid and continues to pay by transferring the Belarusan military-industrial complex and economy to military rails to meet the needs of the Russian army. But the stakes are growing. The appointment of another pro-Russian general Muraveiko to the post of the Chief of the General Staff, timed to coincide with Putin's visit, shows that they are growing fast. Putin is already in Minsk. And he will probably name his price.

This is the response our team received from the Polish Ministry of Infrastructure to a request we prepared based on appeals from Belarusian diaspora activists. Many Belarusians, fleeing the repression of Lukashenko's regime, have found themselves in a difficult situation – some have expired driver's licenses, while others would like to legalize their vehicles with Belarusian license plates. What is the Polish Ministry's stance on this? Vehicle registration for Polish citizens and foreigners is the same and is regulated by the Road Traffic Act. To register a car, it is not necessary to remove it from Belarusian registration. Polish authorities do not create obstacles for Belarusians to register vehicles previously registered in Belarus – on the contrary, they are ready to resolve these issues in favor of applicants. As for driver's licenses, their replacement is allowed throughout the validity period. Additionally, Belarusians' licenses will not be sent back to Belarus if the person has refugee status, asylum, international protection, or a residence permit based on humanitarian reasons in Poland. Our team has sent additional proposals to the Polish Ministry of Infrastructure aimed at excluding the confirmation of driver's license authenticity from the list of mandatory documents. Belarusians are currently forced to contact the regime embassies to obtain such a confirmation, which we believe is unacceptable. If you have encountered problems with changing driver's licenses or registering a car abroad, or have suggestions, write to our chatbot. We will continue working to solve problems and simplify bureaucratic procedures for Belarusians, so please reach out to us in case of any difficult situations. The complete response from the Polish Ministry of Infrastructure, which we recommend using when implementing the relevant procedures, is attached below.

One of the key tasks that the coalition "Latushka’s Team and Freedom Movement" sets is to ensure responsibility for Lukashenko's international crimes. Currently, international and Belarusian experts are actively working on ensuring international justice in relation to the Belarusian dictator and his accomplices. This is a lengthy process that requires significant human and financial resources. The coalition will continue to actively promote this direction, but that does not mean that nothing can be done now to rehabilitate the victims of repression in Belarus. After the formation of the new Coordination Council, the coalition intends to make the necessary efforts to create a People's Tribunal for the most serious crimes committed in Belarus. This is one of the first initiatives the coalition plans to undertake in the Coordinating Council. Have there been such tribunals before? People's tribunals are not a new concept. They have been created and successfully operated in situations where international justice has limited potential or is impossible. What is a People's Tribunal? People's tribunals are a form of grassroots justice, taking the form of tribunals organized by civil society. They adhere as closely as possible to accepted standards of procedural norms, present high-quality legal analysis and consultations, and may serve as a model for the use of legally binding justice. Formally, the decisions of such tribunals do not have legally binding force. They derive their power from the public nature of the analysis, the authority and qualifications of the judges and experts involved, and the transparency, integrity, and honesty of the procedures. What is the need for a People's Tribunal in Belarus? The main purposes are as follows: Public rehabilitation of victims of crimes and partial restoration of their demand for justice; Expanding the rights and opportunities of victims to document their testimony; Identifying perpetrators of relevant crimes and creating conditions for their prompt prosecution in the future; Establishing a fund of legitimate evidence of the crimes committed; Increasing public awareness of the crimes committed. What crimes can be considered by the People's Tribunal? There are no formal restrictions. The coalition aims to have such a tribunal consider crimes against humanity committed in Belarus. Lukashenko will be held accountable for all crimes against the Belarusian people. The results of the tribunal's work will put pressure on the Lukashenko system and promote the split of the elites. They will also go down in history and become a legacy for the Belarusian nation, ensuring that this is never repeated in our country. The “Latushka’s Team and Movement for Freedom” Coalition plans to initiate the creation of this tribunal after the formation of a new Coordination Council.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador The dictator's own behavior provokes the division of the political elites - this is the conclusion one can draw by studying the public speeches of the dictator. Hiis rudeness and numerous threats, obscene language and aggression indicate that Lukashenko is clearly unbalanced. But the way how Lukashenko's government officials react to the humiliation is even more fascinating. At public meetings with the dictator, dozens of state officials at various levels do not have the courage to contradict the dictator who insults and demeans them - after all, any dissenting opinion could cause personal problems for the officials. But at the same time, each of them understands that the main problem for any state manager is Lukashenko himself. Can such a person truly be the head of a nation? Lukashenko's aggression extends far beyond the premises where his meetings with officials are held. Today, it is a problem for Belarus' relations with foreign countries, because Lukashenko stands opposed not only to Belarusians, but to the civilized world as well, creating numerous problems, including for Belarus itself. A person who, through some inexplicable misunderstanding, calls himself the president of the country, but has in fact held power by force for 30 years, has become persona non grata for the leadership of most countries in the world, and is included in dozens of sanctions lists. The reason for this attitude lies in Lukashenko's behavior - he is unable to make balanced decisions and cannot control his actions, emotions, and words. Lukashenko is a master of provoking conflict. As an incompetent leader, he uses prison slang when communicating with his subordinates, and addresses the Belarusian people with the informal "you", even going so far as to call them "rats" and a "little nation." The main propaganda idea from Lukashenko is that "we're surrounded by enemies," which he primarily uses to mobilize his supporters. But can a person who believes that there are enemies all around him, build good relations with anyone? The heavy-handed approaches of Lukashenko's security forces are not acceptable to many officials. The heavy-handed approaches of Lukashenko's security forces are not acceptable to many officials. Any reasonable person would not condone torture and beatings, even if they are directed at ideological opponents. Not everyone watches with interest the programs of regime propagandists, some of whom allow themselves to voice threats and insults on the air, including using obscene language, directly from TV screens. And not all officials want to join the war - whether it's an ideological conflict or a real military one. Lukashenko understands that he will be held accountable for the crimes he has committed, and that is why he is so desperate to cling to power. But the dictator is only at the top of the system. When a critical moment comes, will Lukashenko take the security forces and officials with him as he escapes? Will he, sensing a threat, evacuate all of his close associates, or will he bet only on saving his own family? This is a rhetorical question - this person will not think about anyone else. Based on this, Belarusian officials must ask themselves: is it worth it? Is it worth the potential threat from both sides - the threat of prosecution for being affiliated with the criminal regime, and the threat of falling out of the dictator’s favor? Lukashenko is not just a boorish, cynical, and ill-mannered person who is alien to all norms of morality. He is a war criminal who has turned against Belarus and the Belarusian people. The future of their country can only be secured by removing Lukashenko from power.

A member of the coalition "Latushka’s Team and Movement For Freedom", lawyer Mikhail Kiryliuk, commented on the news that criminal charges have been filed against all the participants in the elections for the Coordination Council. Kiryliuk explained that the Coordination Council candidates are accused of violating 4 articles of the Criminal Code, including a particularly serious crime punishable by a minimum of 8 years in prison, and a maximum of life imprisonment or even the death penalty. The minimum possible total sentence for each individual, taking into account all the charges, is 13.5 years. The cumulative sentence for all 257 members of this "criminal group" adds up to 3,469.5 years. The investigative committee claims that each of the 257 members of this large "criminal group" committed (or attempted to commit) at least four crimes: Conspiracy to seize state power, under Article 357 of the Criminal Code. This is an extremely serious charge, with penalties ranging from 8 to 25 years in prison, life imprisonment, or even the death penalty. The first part of the article deals with the conspiracy aspect (8 to 12 years), while the second part covers actually seizing or holding power (10 to 15 years). Based on the wording, the first part seems more about preparing to seize power, while the second part is intended to be applied when the seizure of power has already occurred. It's hard to imagine a prosecutor claiming the exiled Coordination Council has already successfully seized or holds power in Belarus, and using the harsher second part of Article 357. But just because that would be absurd doesn't mean they won't try it. The third part of Article 357 has the harshest punishments, including life imprisonment or the death penalty, if the illegal seizure or retention of power results in loss of life or murder. In Kiryliuk's opinion, this part would be more applicable to Lukashenko himself, as the organizer, as well as many in his prosecutor's office, security services, and other accomplices - who likely understand this well, hence their nervous reaction to any initiatives exposing this matter. The next charge regards calling for restrictive measures, under Article 361 of the Criminal Code. This is a serious crime that has no analogues in international law. It was invented by Lukashenko's associates after they violated Article 357 of the Criminal Code and other laws in 2020. Lukashenko's authorities would like to imprison people for up to 12 years for this offense. It is a non-violent crime, yet the punishment is comparable to the punishment for murder. Such severe sentencing indicates how effective the authorities view sanctions to be. Candidates in Kyrgyzstan who oppose sanctions but have fallen under this article should feel embarrassed. Maybe it's time for them to reconsider their views on what methods of resistance Lukashenko recognizes as a real threat. The following Article 361-1 of the Criminal Code regards "creation of an extremist formation or participation in it." This is another invention by Lukashenko to suppress dissent. It is a serious crime, with punishments ranging from 6 months to 10 years in prison, depending on the specific charge. The article is awkwardly worded – according to the text, the "rehabilitation of Nazism" is considered extremism. And the appendices define "extremism" as crimes motivated by racial, national, religious, political, ideological enmity or hostility towards any social group. The application of this article shows that the only group whose interests it is designed to protect is Lukashenko and his accomplices. The last charge is "promotion of extremist activity" under Article 361-4 of the Criminal Code. This is a serious crime, punishable by up to 7 years in prison. According to this article, those who assist political prisoners are persecuted in Belarus. Every candidate running for the Coordination Council has reasons to be proud. Even actions that have not yet happened are being classified the same as sending money to political prisoners or organizing fundraising drives for them. We are joining the Coordination Council specifically in order to help political prisoners and secure their freedom. The security services are right about one thing – there is an anti-Lukashenko conspiracy, and the majority of Belarusians are participating in it.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Ambassador Almost 2.5 years of war have passed, but unfortunately, the West has not adapted to the anti-crisis thinking that corresponds to the times. It has never taken the security crisis and the threats emanating from Russia and the Lukashenko regime seriously. The case of Judge Tomasz Szmydt exemplifies this issue. Tomasz Szmydt, a former judge from Warsaw, announced his request for political asylum in Belarus on May 6, 2024, in Minsk. He claimed that he was persecuted in Poland for his independent views. His case received extensive coverage in the Belarusian media and was exploited by intelligence services as part of anti-Polish propaganda. In Poland, Szmydt was known for his involvement in a "hater scam" that triggered several investigations and discussions. Intelligence agencies have always operated in different countries, and currently, the intelligence services of the Lukashenko regime and Russia are working proactively. Why? Because they have received a political assignment to destabilize the situation in Poland, Lithuania, the EU as a whole, and the West. This is being done due to the ongoing war waged by Russia and the Lukashenko regime against Ukraine. In this context, Szmydt plays the role of a useful idiot, being used for anti-Polish and anti-Western purposes as part of the information and propaganda war against the "collective West." However, characters like Szmydt have a short lifespan. They are comparable to chewing gum that initially has flavor but quickly loses it and is spat out. In the end, Szmydt will likely meet the fate of a “one-night” propagandist. Lukashenko recently made the following statement regarding the former Polish judge: "We warned him (Szmydt): you can give a press conference and so on. But they killed Chechko, so you're putting yourself at risk." Emil Czeczko was a Polish soldier who crossed the border into Belarus in December 2021, seeking political asylum due to disagreement with Poland's policies towards the migration crisis and treatment of refugees. After crossing the border, Czeczko claimed in an interview that he witnessed mass killings of migrants by Polish security forces. In March 2022, he was found hanged in Minsk. Who killed Czeczko? Who are "they"? It is clear that Lukashenko is hinting at Poland, using such a cheap propaganda tactic. Both Szmydt and we understand that these accusations are baseless. However, the former judge should be concerned after these words. It is not the first time Lukashenko has eliminated witnesses. On the other hand, if Szmydt is indeed a real spy, the problem becomes more significant. If he possesses substantial information, then after using it to discredit and tarnish Poland, Lukashenko may hand it over to Russia. He has already stated that Putin is interested in this story. Russia will surely find a use for such information, if it hasn't already. What conclusions can be drawn from the adventures of "Agent Szmydt"? During war, underestimating the enemy is a grave mistake. More importantly, it is crucial to clearly understand who your allies and enemies are during a war. From the perspective of Russia and the Lukashenko regime, the enemy has long been identified—it is the West and democracy itself. They will unite and fight against it using all available means. However, in the West, there still seems to be a lack of such clear understanding and a cohesive strategy of action.