Illustrative photo. Source: belinstitute.com During the night of 6 to 7 May 2026, a hacker attack was carried out against the Belarusian online library Kamunikat.org. The library's servers were simply wiped clean. They contained more than 70,000 various Belarusian publications — books, newspapers, magazines, audiobooks, video and audio materials about Belarus. This is yet another dark page in the Lukashenko regime's war against Belarusian identity. As part of its support for the work of the Office for National Revival of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, the National Anti-Crisis Management (NAM) recently published a brief review dedicated to the regime's policy of eradicating Belarusian culture and promoting the ideology of the "Russian world." This review was presented at the side event "How the Russian World Works: The Ideology and Practice of Hybrid Aggression against Europe" during the spring session of PACE in April 2026. What is this review about? The authors draw a chilling parallel: what is happening in Belarus after 2020 essentially replicates the processes taking place in the occupied territories of Ukraine, but on a more concealed scale. This is a systematic effort to replace Belarusian identity with a "Russian world" narrative. The main fronts of this "battle": Banning literature: Books by classical and contemporary authors have been added to the list of "extremist materials." Leading independent publishing houses have been liquidated. War on history: Monuments to national heroes are being dismantled while monuments to Russian figures such as Alexander Nevsky are being erected in their place. Repression in culture: Attacks on cultural projects, the closure of exhibitions and festivals, and the Russification of theatres. Assault on the Belarusian vision of the past and present: Persecution of editors of the Belarusian Wikipedia and the introduction of "unified history textbooks" jointly with Russia. Suppression of the language: In 1994, 58% of Minsk first-graders were taught in the Belarusian language; this figure has now fallen to a critical 5%. How does the mechanism of destruction work? The process is triggered through denunciations by pro-Russian "pseudo-activists" and is then taken up by propagandists and security forces. What is to be done? The report offers not only a diagnosis but also a rescue plan: — Creation of an online national education system accredited in the EU. — Large-scale digitisation of archives and libraries on secured servers. — Support for cultural figures and language schools in the diaspora. Belarusian identity is the principal barrier to the country's absorption. To preserve it is to preserve the chance of an independent future. The full text of the report is available at the link below.

Coalition "Latushka and the Movement 'For Freedom'" Sitting in the gilded chairs of the Palace of Independence today is no easy task. For many ministers, directors, and officials of the vertical, these meetings have long since ceased to be strategy discussions and become psychological torture. You watch as the country's "chief economist," stuck in the methods of the last century, drags your enterprises and your careers into the abyss. But this year, each of you — and all Belarusians — has a real chance to change this scenario: from 11 to 17 May, elections to the Coordination Council will take place. This is currently the only legal and safe way to form an alternative to the dictatorship. While the dictator once again searches for someone to blame for his own failures, it is time to acknowledge: we cannot go on living like this. While you avert your eyes before the cameras at yet another pointless meeting, we will answer the questions put to you that you are afraid to answer truthfully. On 5 May, another act unfolded in the long-running drama known as "Dressing Down the Government." This time, the country's chief and irreplaceable economist gathered his loyal ministers and bankers to discuss, for the hundredth time, why his beloved projects — cement plants and agro-industrial complexes — are once again asking for money instead of generating it. Lukashenko traditionally assumed the role of a stern auditor "alarmed by the flood of requests for handouts." He posed four questions to the room about the survival of the industry — questions that officials, nervously glancing at the State Control Committee, are unlikely to answer honestly. For in this system, the truth is the shortest path to dismissal or pre-trial detention. Since the dictator will not receive objectivity from his entourage, we decided to assist Lukashenko and prepared the very answers that neither the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Ministers, nor the heads of the State Control Committee, nor representatives of the National Bank, nor a number of ministers and regional executive committee chairmen — who sit at these meetings with eyes cast down — will ever dare to speak aloud. This meeting is a classic example of "Groundhog Day" in the Belarusian economy. We see the same mise-en-scène again: the dictator reprimands officials for the fact that his own economic mega-projects have turned into bottomless budget pits. 1. What has the government already done for the development of the cement industry? In short: under the strict control and guidance of Lukashenko, it drove the industry into a Chinese credit trap. In 2007–2012, three cement plants — Krasnoselskstroymaterialy, the Belarusian Cement Plant, and Krichevtsementnoshifer — underwent forced modernisation financed by tied Chinese loans (over $1.2 billion). The plants acquired excess capacities that went unused and technologies that proved extremely energy-intensive. The trap lies in the fact that the loans must be repaid in foreign currency, while cement is sold primarily in roubles (domestically) or at dumping prices in Russia. Rising energy costs and exchange rate differentials turned these plants into financial zombies. Lukashenko created a system in which the plants were doomed to operate at a loss from the outset due to an unmanageable debt burden. Self-proclaimed President of Belarus Aleksander Lukashenko. Photo: Russian state media. 2. Will the enterprises be able to ensure stable and profitable operations if a positive decision on debt restructuring is taken? Even if the debts are forgiven or stretched over 20 years, the root causes of unprofitability will not disappear. The dictator continues to dictate prices on the domestic market, and all development decisions are made from above. In conditions where "the line is set by the President," economics is replaced by the task of regime survival. As long as an enterprise cannot independently determine its prices, markets, and workforce, no paper restructuring will make a plant efficient. 3. Will the plants themselves continue to modernise production to the required extent? Here we see classic negative selection. In Lukashenko's system, a director is a temporary manager whose primary task is to avoid imprisonment. Any economically sound decision — such as closing an unprofitable line or purchasing spare parts — may be interpreted as sabotage or corruption. And refusing a loss-making state order will immediately be construed as an abuse of authority. Real modernisation requires technology and capital. Managers have neither the resources nor the authority to carry out reforms. Their managerial courage ends where the Criminal Code or an instruction from Minsk begins. 4. Why can we not satisfy the domestic market with cement products? This is the most absurd paradox: there is an excess of capacity, yet there is a shortage of cement. This is the principal outcome of "wise" governance. Reason 1: The government demands foreign currency earnings from the plants. All quality cement goes for export, primarily to Russia, in order to service those same old debts. The domestic market is supplied on a residual basis. Reason 2: Shortage of raw materials and spare parts. Belarusian cement is heavily dependent on imported consumables. As soon as a Western component on a modernised Chinese line breaks down — production grinds to a halt. At this meeting, Lukashenko effectively acknowledged that the Turchin government, whatever it may be called — new or old — is timidly attempting to rescue the system through market crutches. But the dictator firmly cut off these attempts: "The President is the same. And the line is set by the President." This is a signal to the entire vertical: There will be no reforms. We will wring water from stone until the stone crumbles. His irritation at "handouts" is fear that the treasury is running dry and there is nothing left to feed the industrial giants. The cement meeting is an acknowledgement of the bankruptcy of the entire economic model. The dictator demands "to push on and work," but in a system where initiative is punishable and debts exceed revenues, this pushing leads to only one outcome — the final collapse of the industry under the weight of unpaid interest. This economic agony is the direct consequence of the usurpation of power. We address you — officials, enterprise managers, and business representatives who witness the inadequacy of the so-called "presidential line" every day.You have the opportunity to break this cycle of destruction without waiting for the final collapse of the country's independence. What can you do today? From 11 to 17 May, elections to the Coordination Council will take place. This is your chance to safely support those who offer a real path to saving Belarus. Coalition "Latushka and the Movement 'For Freedom'" We call upon you to find the strength to vote for list No. 9 — the Coalition "Latushka and the Movement 'For Freedom'". We must preserve and strengthen our democratic institutions so that the country has a legitimate foundation for replacing the dictatorship. The future of Belarus is hurtling toward the abyss — one cannot sit with folded hands. Vote.

Why is the economy built from the bottom up, not from the top down? Today many of us find ourselves outside Belarus. Many simply travel abroad from time to time, to Poland or Lithuania. But whether in Belarus or in forced emigration, we continue to seek real ways to influence the future of our country. One such step is the online elections to the Coordination Council, taking place from 11 to 17 May. This is an opportunity to vote for democratic representation and support the forces that consistently stand for freedom of private initiative — such as the coalition "Latushka and the Movement 'For Freedom'." For when we look at life around us, in neighbouring European countries, each of us notices one very simple, everyday, yet incredibly important detail. Imagine: you are driving along an ordinary Polish regional road — not a motorway, but a regional road passing through small towns and villages. What do you see out the window? You see life. Fences and facades are covered with dozens of signs: "Repairs," "Tyre fitting," "Seedlings for sale," "Tow truck services," "Fresh strawberries," "Building materials." Even in the deepest rural areas, economic activity is in full swing. People are producing things, selling things, offering their services directly. Now think of our Belarusian roads. Clean? Yes. Tidy? Quite. But… empty. Economically — empty. There is no such density of initiative, no such endless kaleidoscope of private micro-businesses. And here the main question arises: why? For years, Lukashenko's propaganda has drilled into us that we have a "special path," that our people are supposedly not inclined towards business, that Belarusians need a "strong manager" from above to organise everything and provide jobs. This is a lie. The difference between Poland and Belarus lies not in mentality. The difference lies in the structure of the system itself. And today I want to set out clearly why the Polish economic model of small and medium-sized business is what Belarus must aspire to. 1. How does the engine of the economy work? Illustrative photo In economics there is a concept known as the cumulative, or network, effect. And in Poland it operates at full capacity. What does this look like in practice? The more small entrepreneurs there are, the more they earn. The higher their incomes, the more they spend within their own region. The owner of a tyre-fitting shop goes to a private barber, the barber buys vegetables from a local farmer, the farmer hires a team of builders to repair his cowshed, and the builders go to a local café in the evening. This is a self-sustaining cycle. More initiative — more employment — more household income — more local demand, which generates new businesses. Money does not flow to the centre; it circulates "on the ground," enriching society. Why does this cycle not exist in Belarus? Because it presupposes freedom of action. And freedom, in any of its manifestations, is precisely what Lukashenko fears. The short answer: because of Lukashenko's cowardice and fears.The dictator is afraid that he will not be able to control and intimidate a large number of small initiatives. And like any pathologically cowardly person — especially one endowed with power — he either destroys everything or resorts to blackmail and threats. That is why we have critically few independent entrepreneurs. Employment is concentrated in large state-owned enterprises or the regime structures of Lukashenko's "wallet holders." People's incomes are extracted and redistributed through administrative channels: taxes go to Minsk, and from there officials decide who receives a subsidy. The density of transactions between private individuals is artificially suppressed. We have no economic "self-acceleration." 2. The right to make mistakes as an entrepreneur Illustrative photo. Source: money.onliner.by Let us look at how people start their own businesses. In Poland, since the 1990s, the bet was placed on private initiative. A "dense and porous market" was created — as economists call it. Entering business is easy. Flexible forms of self-employment exist; registration takes minimal time. The Polish authorities are not afraid of enterprising people — on the contrary, they support them in every way. The Polish market is also highly de-monopolised in many sectors, even in such strategic ones as transport and fuel. For example, in Belarus there are only a few large petrol station chains; in Poland there are dozens, with hundreds of individual small private stations belonging to no chain at all. In Belarus, this was also taking shape in the 1990s, but was quickly destroyed with Lukashenko's rise to power.Everything ended up in the hands of his inner circle. The reason is the same — Lukashenko's fear. He was afraid that enterprising citizens would acquire additional income and become independent of his dictatorial system, and so, in his cowardly view, he must control all income. But the most important thing is that in Poland the cost of failure is low. If you tried and it did not work out, you simply close the business. The state regulates the rules of the game but does not attempt to manage the structure of the market itself. And what is the cost of failure under Lukashenko? As a rule, there is only one cost — a prison sentence. Lukashenko's economy is an economy of rigid control. The state acts not as an arbiter but as a overseer and the main player. The cost of entering legal business is enormous, and the cost of exiting is even greater. Every micro-business lives in fear: inspectors will come, find a violation, "reclassify" your activity in such a way that you end up owing the state more than you have earned since opening. After 2020, the regime went after sole traders, the self-employed, online shops, rural guesthouses, craftspeople, tutors, minibus operators, and taxi drivers. The list of those they want to dispossess again goes on and on. Lukashenko has always had a pathological fear of them and continues to fear them. That is precisely why our roads do not have signs saying "Repairs and services." 3. Micro-business in rural life The image is for illustrative purposes only. Source: Lucas van Oort / Unsplash Let us return to those signs on fences. What we see in Poland is the consequence of a vast number of individual entrepreneurs in construction, logistics, and agricultural services. It is the result of intense competition for customers. People are accustomed to selling their goods and services directly, without intermediaries in the form of ministries or state conglomerates. In Belarus, a huge share of basic services is artificially "packaged" into large companies belonging to Lukashenko's "wallet holders" or state structures. This is especially visible in the countryside. The Polish village lives off farmers, their cooperatives, and thousands of private entrepreneurs who serve them. Around one farmer, mechanics, haulers, and builders all make a living. The village is economically active and independent. Houses in Polish villages can often make urban residents envious. Poles have no reason to all move to the capital, since even in the provinces one can earn a good living if one wishes. The Belarusian village, by contrast, is trapped within large and often loss-making agro-enterprises. Even private shops in the countryside are a rarity, let alone any more substantial businesses. Around agro-enterprises there is no network of independent contractors. The density of private initiatives in rural areas tends toward zero. And where there is no independent owner, the village slowly but surely dies, waiting for handouts from the budget. No amount of shouting and threats of imprisonment directed at officials and agricultural managers by Lukashenko changes anything. Moreover, everyone has long since understood that this is simply PR and theatre on the part of the dictator. 4. Do Belarusians prefer to work for someone else? The image is for illustrative purposes only. Source: euroradio.fm We hear that Belarusians more often prefer to be employees rather than entrepreneurs. Yes, this is true. But let us be honest: why? This is pure risk psychology, dictated by the dictatorship. In a stable market environment where the laws work equally for everyone and the courts protect property, people more readily try to start businesses. In a rigidly regulated environment where rules change retroactively and any success can become grounds for repression or the seizure of a business, people choose employment. Not because they cannot be entrepreneurs. But because they want to survive. Change the rules of the game, remove the truncheon of the inspecting authorities — and you will see how hundreds of thousands of Belarusians open their own workshops, cafés, IT start-ups, and logistics companies. But to change all of this, the first thing needed is to remove Lukashenko himself. What kind of country do we want to build? Coalition "Latushka and the Movement 'For Freedom'" People often say that these are simply different models. Poland is a market economy with a leading role for the private sector, while Belarus is a managed state system offering stability. We categorically disagree that these are "simply different models." For us, for the future of our nation, Lukashenko's model is a dead end. This model is good for one thing only: keeping power in the hands of a family and a narrow group of individuals who control all financial flows. A model with few small players, where everyone works for a monopolist, produces no economic growth. It gives people no independence. Those who depend on the state for their wages depend on it for their right to vote as well. The Polish model of small and medium-sized business is not just about money. It is about freedom and resilience.Many independent players means that the economy cannot be destroyed by a single decree. It means that people themselves bear responsibility for their own lives, themselves create the wealth of their region, themselves form the middle class — which is the foundation of any democracy — and themselves initiate the adoption or repeal of the legislation that governs their lives. We must aspire to this model. We must aspire to keep cowards out of power — those whose methods of governance consist of threats, blackmail, and fear. Our goal is to unleash the energy of the Belarusian people. To make starting a business as simple as paying a fine. To make the word "entrepreneur" once again a synonym for "creator," not "suspect." Once Belarus is free of Lukashenko and becomes truly free, once fair laws are established and property rights are guaranteed — our cities and villages will flourish. And one day, driving along a Belarusian regional road, we will see hundreds of signs belonging to free, successful, and independent people. People who are building the country's economy with their own hands. And this path to change begins with our actions today — however small — taken in solidarity. That is why it is important for us to use every platform and every legal instrument of pressure available. By voting in the online elections to the Coordination Council from 11 to 17 May, we are taking a real step toward building that independent, strong, and enterprising Belarus — where everyone can work honestly on their own land and look proudly toward the future.

Artsiom Brukhan, Adam Michnik, Pavel Latushka. Warsaw, 2026. Photo: NAM Media Poland's historical experience of overcoming a deep domestic and foreign policy crisis in 1989 was discussed during a meeting between Coordination Council delegate and leader of our coalition Pavel Latushka and CR Speaker Artsiom Brukhan with one of the leaders of the Polish "Solidarity" movement and Editor-in-Chief of Gazeta Wyborcza, Adam Michnik. Adam Michnik expressed his readiness to provide comprehensive support to the democratic forces of Belarus with the aim of changing the situation in our country. A special place in the course of the meeting was devoted to the discussion of Poland's historical experience. Adam Michnik, who was one of the architects and participants of the "Round Table" negotiations in 1989 on behalf of the independent trade union "Solidarity," shared his vision of the transformation of the political system. During the meeting, a possible scenario and the conditions that could lead to the convening of a "Round Table" as a way out of the crisis in Belarus were discussed. In the course of the conversation, Pavel Latushka and Artsem Brukhan informed Adam Michnik about the progress of the election campaign to the Coordination Council, the elections to which are scheduled to take place from 11 to 17 May. Adam Michnik noted the importance of proactive action on the part of the democratic forces and the public, the necessity of not ceasing the struggle in order to achieve the main goal — the freedom of the Belarusian people. He also emphasised the great role of the elections to the Coordination Council in this process.

Pavel Latushka. Warsaw, 2026 "You need to be Belarusians. Be Belarusians — that is what would be needed," said Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and delegate of the Coordination Council, responding to a moderator's question about what Belarusians can do to support democratic forces, during the discussion panel "Political Advocacy: Challenges and Opportunities" at the 5th Conference of Belarusians of the World. "As a Belarusian politician, it is strange for me to say what Belarusians can do to help us. While still serving as Minister of Culture, I initiated the adoption of the law 'On Belarusians Abroad.' And I am proud of that. I was the first chairman of the Advisory Council of Belarusians Abroad as Minister of Culture, and I developed the support programme for Belarusians living abroad. I recall that at the time we managed to increase funding for Belarusians residing abroad tenfold. And today I am no longer a member of the Government in Belarus, but a representative of the executive body — the United Transitional Cabinet — and I should rather be concerned with what I can do for Belarusians. We have a unique infrastructure; the democratic movement of Belarus has never had what we have today. We have the Office of the President-elect, the executive body — the United Transitional Cabinet, the Coordination Council, elected by Belarusians. And this Coordination Council is recognised by international partners — the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the Council of Europe, the European Parliament, Euronest, the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, the Senate of Poland — and this uniqueness can be sustained exclusively through elections, through the votes of Belarusians." During the discussion, Pavel Latushka also called for strengthening institutions: "Let us imagine an idealistic scenario: elections take place on 11–17 May. I will say at once that this is a dream, but what if one million people voted for the Council. Can you imagine what mandate it would have when communicating with our partners?" Pavel Latushka stressed that in such a case it would be hard to imagine our partners beginning to engage with the regime without taking the voice of Belarusians into account. During the discussion, Pavel Latushka noted the demand among international partners for the expertise of Belarusian democratic forces on the situation in Belarus. As an example, he mentioned that regular meetings are held with European analytical centres. NAM has prepared reports such as "The Lukashenko Regime's Systemic Preparation for a Possible Entry into the War on the Side of Russia and Recommendations for Preventing This Scenario," "The Union State as a Tool for Concealing Russia's Imperial Policy," and "The Battle for Belarus: The Lukashenko Regime's Systemic Policy of Destroying Belarusian Identity and Promoting the 'Russian World,'" which have been in demand in expert circles. Pavel Latushka shared important achievements of the CR delegation at PACE, emphasising that PACE did not recognise the presidential elections of 2025, but Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the United Transitional Cabinet, and the Coordination Council were recognised — this is reflected in the fundamental political resolutions. "Amendments were introduced by the CR delegation at PACE to resolutions establishing that Lukashenko bears responsibility for committing an act of aggression against Ukraine, as well as amendments related to the unlawful transfer of Ukrainian children. Our expert reports by NAM and their legal substantiation assisted in the adoption of a number of PACE resolutions. A report on transnational crimes is currently being prepared and, regrettably, the Belarusian community abroad is among the 'leaders' in terms of persecution. The rapporteur will likely include this in the report: what mass crimes are being committed against Belarusians, and a corresponding resolution will follow in due course. And this assists us in criminal court proceedings to hold Lukashenko accountable."

Ireland's Ambassador to Poland Patrick Gerard, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet, Coordination Council delegate, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management Pavel Latushka The situation regarding the release of political prisoners in Belarus, as well as the continued repression by the regime, were discussed during a meeting between the Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and Coordination Council delegate Pavel Latushka and Ireland's Ambassador to Poland, Patrick Gerard. During the meeting, Pavel Latushka specifically emphasized the importance of releasing Andrzej Poczobut, the leader of the Polish minority in Belarus, while noting that the regime continues its repression in Belarus without pause. As examples, he cited the detentions and arrests of Belarusian women in Navapolatsk, Slonim, Brest, and other cities across the country. The Deputy Head of the Cabinet expressed support for the efforts of the United States of America to secure the release of political prisoners, while simultaneously emphasizing the necessity of halting repression in Belarus and the practice of a "conveyor belt" of detentions in exchange for the release of groups of political prisoners. Pavel Latushka also addressed a request to the Ambassador of Ireland — which assumes the Presidency of the European Union from 1 July of this year — to continue pressure on the Lukashenko regime with the aim of achieving not cosmetic but real changes in Belarus. The necessity of compelling the regime to engage in national dialogue was also underscored, in accordance with the EU conclusions of 19 February 2024. In addition, Pavel Latushka informed the Ambassador about the preparations for the elections to the Coordination Council of Belarus, to be held from 11 to 17 May. The Ambassador expressed support and emphasized the importance of the Coordination Council functioning as a representative elected body of Belarusians. During the meeting, Patrick Gerard was presented with requests to hold consultations regarding Ireland's possible accession to the ICC investigation into the "Belarusian situation," opened on 12 March, as well as regarding other international justice instruments. Patrick Gerard noted that during Ireland's EU Presidency, the key priorities will be the protection of human rights and ensuring accountability for crimes committed. At the close of the meeting, the Irish representative was presented with a joint report by NAM and BELPOL on the militarization of Belarusian children in Belarus.

Pavel Latushko. Warsaw, 2026. Photo: NAM-media We are living in unprecedented times. More than five years of the most grueling struggle have passed since 2020, and today we face a new — and perhaps the most insidious — test. It is not new threats or new articles of the criminal code. It is a test of our political will and our memory. The regime and its hidden lobbyists have launched a large-scale demoralization campaign. They are trying to infect us with the virus of "pragmatic capitulation," disguising it as concern for people. Today I want to break down this hybrid trap in detail, step by step. I will name seven key myths — seven poisoned narratives that are being actively planted right now into the minds of Belarusians and even into the offices of European politicians. Our task is to expose this anatomy of lies. Myth 1. "Pressure harms the people, not the regime" A. Lukashenko. Source: times.by Day after day we are told: "Your sanctions are hitting ordinary Belarusians! People are suffering, they cannot get visas, they cannot travel to Europe. You are fighting not Lukashenko, but Belarus." This is a brazen attempt to shift responsibility from the executioner onto those who are trying to stop the violence. It is not the sanctions of the democratic world that imprison people for internet comments. It is not we who cancel consular services abroad, stripping Belarusians of their passports. It is not we who close borders, artificially creating migration crises and turning the country into a military staging ground. Western pressure is a response to Lukashenko's terror. Those who claim that lifting sanctions will ease the lives of the people are lying. Lifting pressure without political concessions from the dictatorship will only fund the repressive apparatus. The dictator will receive money to continue his aggressive policies, while Belarusians will remain in the same prison — only with the illusion of an open window. Myth 2. "Negotiations and dialogue are more effective than pressure" Protests in Minsk, 2020. Photo: AP The second narrative flows smoothly from the first: "Look — talks with Lukashenko yield more results than years of your uncompromising struggle abroad. There is an alternative, and it works!" We are asked to believe that the dictatorship has suddenly become open to negotiation. But let us be honest: what is being sold to us as "pragmatic agreements" is blackmail. The regime artificially creates a crisis — seizes political prisoners, drives migrants to EU borders, rattles weapons — and then demands political and economic concessions in exchange for temporarily lowering the level of madness. The artificial juxtaposition of "effective negotiations" against "useless pressure" is a classic technique to reduce our actual strategy — pressure plus negotiations — to a caricature and discredit it. Dialogue with a terrorist holding a gun to a hostage's head is not diplomacy. Fully legitimizing a strategy of negotiations without pressure only convinces the regime that blackmail works — which is precisely why pressure is a necessary precondition for any negotiations with the regime. We are not saying that pressure is purposeless or aimed at abstract outcomes such as the regime spontaneously collapsing under the weight of sanctions, as our opponents attempt — by substituting concepts — to put in our mouths. Pressure has a concrete goal: a complete change of policy on the part of the regime, and as a result, a Round Table between representatives of the democratic part of society and representatives of the regime, to be followed by genuine political change. Moreover, former political prisoners themselves refute the claim that pressure is useless. Upon leaving the regime's dungeons, one after another they say they were freed precisely because of sanctions. Their freedom was exchanged for the sanctions that we systematically worked to secure. Myth 3. "Humanitarian logic supersedes political logic" "Path to Freedom" rally, dedicated to the Day of Political Prisoners. Warsaw, Poland. 18 May 2025. Photo: Raul Duke / Belsat This is the most painful and cynical argument. We are told: "Human fates matter more than political status. One must negotiate with the devil on any terms, as long as people are released." Every political prisoner who walks free is cause for immense joy. We fight with all our strength for their salvation. But the substitution of concepts here lies in the attempt to shift the conflict from the political plane to the humanitarian one. We are being invited to play by the captor's rules: The regime takes thousands of innocent people hostage. Then it "graciously" releases hundreds in exchange for the easing of sanctions or recognition. Meanwhile, the repression machine does not stop for a single moment, accumulating a new "exchange fund." If we accept this logic, we will be held hostage forever. The true humanitarian solution is to break the repression machine itself, to restore law and justice — not to buy freedom tickets for the chosen few. Without stopping the carousel of arrests, releases, and new arrests, we will achieve no qualitative change in the situation. Myth 4. "Concrete cases of release matter more than systemic pressure" Pavel Latushka (left) greets Viktor Babariko in Warsaw, Poland, 18 December 2025. Photo: "Zerkalo" We are told: "More people have been freed through a few months of behind-the-scenes maneuvering than through years of your struggle abroad!" The emphasis is placed on targeted, short-term results as opposed to a long-term strategy, which is declared ineffective and failed — and the struggle itself dismissed as fictitious and not genuine. This is a classic manipulation. Focusing on the regime's tactical concessions — such as the release of several prominent figures or a partial amnesty — forces us to close our eyes to a catastrophic reality. While we applaud targeted releases, the country continues to destroy the remnants of civil society, rewrite history, surrender sovereignty, and build the foundations of totalitarianism in Belarus. Furthermore, even those who have been freed are not rehabilitated. Political prisoners are expelled from the country en masse, without the right to return, without amnesty — and in some cases new criminal cases are opened against them in Belarus. Abandoning systemic pressure in favor of short-term deals is a betrayal of those who remain in prison and of those who dream of a free Belarus — not an endless cycle of arrests and ransoms. Myth 5. "Normalization is inevitable; the thaw is already on the horizon" "Will they come for everyone?" / LookByMedia. Source: euroradio.fm In the speeches of so-called "pragmatists," we see an attempt to create a sense of predetermination: "Europe is tired. Everyone will return to working relations regardless. Isolation is temporary". This narrative is designed to break our resistance. We are being made to feel that the struggle is lost, and that we must hurry to take a seat at the negotiating table on the dictator's terms. But this "thaw" exists only in the minds of those who wish to preserve their status quo at any cost. There is nothing inevitable about forgiving crimes against humanity. Our task is to remind the world that "business as usual" with a regime that is complicit in war and terrorizes its own people is simply not possible. Myth 6. "External third-party forces are obstructing our reconciliation" The Palace of Culture and Science illuminated in white-red-white. Warsaw, Poland. 9 August 2025. Photo: Raul Duke / Belsat When "pragmatic dialogue" falters, the regime's lobbyists need someone to blame. And so accusations are leveled at third countries. It is claimed, for instance, that "Ukraine is deliberately running information operations to prevent Belarus from reconciling with the West." This is not merely a lie — it is a carbon copy of Russian and Lukashenko propaganda. It is not Ukraine's fault — Ukraine, whose cities were struck by missiles launched from our soil. It is not the fault of EU member state governments, which are trying to protect their borders from hybrid attacks. The fault lies exclusively with the regime, which has turned Belarus into a source of regional instability. To attribute the lack of progress in relations with Europe to the "interference of third parties" is to refuse to acknowledge the root of the problem: dictatorship is incompatible with mutually beneficial, peaceful neighborliness. Europe became peaceful and united only when it rid itself of dictatorial regimes from its war-ravaged body. Myth 7. "Democratic forces and advocates of pressure are out-of-touch lunatics" Pavel Latushka. Warsaw, 2026. And finally, to clear the path to capitulation once and for all, those who hold principled positions must be discredited. We are called "figures detached from reality," for whom "the preservation of their own status matters more than people." We are being portrayed as radicals simply because we refuse to call black white. Is it madness to demand the withdrawal of foreign troops from our territory? Is it irrational to insist on the release of ALL political prisoners and the complete cessation of repression? Is it politicking to say that without free and fair elections there will be neither stability nor sovereignty? This is not radicalism. It is the only healthy, politically mature way of seeing things. Those who accuse us of "unwillingness to see the benefits" actually want to make themselves comfortable in a prison cell — not for themselves, of course. We, on the other hand, want to demolish the prison itself. Our Strategy: Consistency and Principle One must not allow oneself to be deceived. All of these narratives are links in a single chain, whose purpose is to make us surrender — to convince the world that the regime has become "normal" and amenable to negotiation, that it is genuinely making concessions, and to sell our freedom in exchange for a promise of illusory stability. What do we set against this deception? Smart and firm pressure. Sanctions must strike at the pillars of the regime — its beneficiaries, and the enterprises that sponsor war and terror. At the same time, we must demand from Europe maximum support for Belarusian mobility: visa issuance, scholarships, support for independent media and business. We distinguish between the regime and the people. We have never proposed, and do not propose, measures directed against Belarusian society or Belarusian citizens. Rejection of endless hostage trading. The basic condition for any negotiations on large-scale sanctions relief is the full release and rehabilitation of all political prisoners and the complete cessation of repression. Defense of sovereignty. No "thawing" of relations is possible as long as Belarus remains under Russia's creeping occupation and is a direct accomplice in aggression against its neighbors. We understand the exhaustion of society. But capitulation will bring no relief — it will bring only new repression, occurring in silence, with the tacit consent of a "pragmatic" world. We harbor no illusions: the road to a normal, free Belarus has turned out to be a marathon, not a sprint. For a long time we were told that it was a dead end. But we simply stopped watching the clock and listening to "pragmatic" advisers, and instead began to read the map more carefully. And we will not leave the route until we get home.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. Lifting sanctions from the regime means potentially sponsoring Russian aggression The "lesser of two evils" dilemma in the context of sanctions does genuinely appear complex, and the emotions surrounding it are entirely understandable. At first glance, the logic of certain experts seems attractive: why give Russia (the aggressor state) millions of dollars in transit fees when Belarusian potash could be routed through the EU, with the proceeds going to support NATO's defense capability or even Ukraine? However, this view is fundamentally flawed, as it ignores reality. Drawing on facts and statistics, one can convincingly demonstrate that lifting sanctions on the transit of Belarusian fertilizers will benefit Russia incomparably more than the Kremlin's current revenues from transshipping Belarusian fertilizers through its own ports and moving them along Russian railways. 1. The Kremlin's logistics revenues are a drop in the ocean compared to the Lukashenko regime's military-industrial cooperation with Russia's defense sector Rogozhnik held talks with the leadership of Russian defense industry companies. Source: belta.by Russia earns approximately $570 million per year from the transit of Belarusian potash, and that money goes toward the war. This is true. But what is overlooked is where the billions of dollars from unimpeded fertilizer exports through EU ports would go. Those funds would go to the Lukashenko regime, whose economy is effectively the rear workshop of the Russian army. Depriving Moscow of $500 million in logistics revenue in order to hand Lukashenko billions to sponsor the Russian defense-industrial complex is not the lesser evil — it is a catastrophe. Facts and statistics: According to BELPOL, more than 500 Belarusian enterprises are integrated into the Russian military-industrial complex. Deputy Head of Ukraine's Foreign Intelligence Service Oleg Lugovsky states that more than 80% of Belarusian enterprises are currently fulfilling Russian state military orders. Belarusian factories — such as "Peleng," "AGAT," and others — use budget injections to produce fire control systems for Russian tanks, artillery shells, and navigation systems. Belarus even assembles "Geran" drones (the equivalent of the Shahed-136). The financial oxygen that the Lukashenko regime will receive from the resumption of transit through the EU will be immediately converted into weapons for Russia. Having lost $500 million in logistics, the Kremlin will gain billions in subsidies in the form of finished weaponry and components from Belarus. 2. The unified customs space turns Belarus into a "back door" for the Kremlin Illustrative photo Lifting sanctions from Belarusian companies — even partially, as occurred in 2025 with American sanctions — creates legal channels through which Moscow circumvents restrictions. Russia and Belarus form a unified customs space with no border controls. There is effectively no way to verify what is happening inside the Union State of Belarus and Russia. Any easing of measures against the Lukashenko regime is a ready-made channel for Moscow. If Belarusian potash begins flowing through Europe again, Lukashenko's structures — which have the closest ties with Russia — will gain legal access to Western financial flows and technologies. The real dependence of the Belarusian economy on Russia reaches nearly 90% (taking into account intermediate imports and infrastructure). Revenues from potash routed through the EU will simply strengthen an economy that works 90% in the interests of the aggressor state. 3. Market reorientation Illustrative photo The regime's lobbyists frequently speculate on the theme of famine in developing countries. However, lifting sanctions does not mean that cheap Belarusian fertilizers will miraculously save the Global South. According to data from the Polish Centre for Eastern Studies (OSW), China's share of Belarusian potash fertilizer exports grew from 17% in 2021 to more than 70% in 2023. Lifting EU and US sanctions (as occurred in March 2026 following the release of political prisoners) simply facilitates transactions for buyers who previously avoided the associated risks. Lukashenko earns money by selling potash not so much to the poorest countries as to wealthy global players. He in turn directs the proceeds to support the part of the economy that, as we recall, serves as the rear for the Russian war machine. 4. The revival of industrial smuggling as a shadow source of war financing Smuggling on a train: cigarettes were found buried in a cargo of lime from Belarus. Source: delfi.lt Granting Belarusian fertilizers access to Baltic ports and increasing cargo turnover with the EU carries another threat — hidden, yet extremely advantageous for the regime: the large-scale revival of smuggling. Historically, it was precisely the rail trains carrying bulk cargo — primarily fertilizers — that served as the main channel through which record volumes of contraband cigarettes entered the EU. These were not artisanal quantities but industrial-scale operations, generating hundreds of millions of euros in unaccounted profits for the shadow sector. Sanctions and the closure of freight connections dealt a serious blow to these shadow schemes. Today, out of desperation, the regime has been reduced to absurdity: contraband is forced to be moved across the border using weather balloons. This is a vivid indicator of how effectively the traditional logistics channels have been cut off. If freight trains begin running to the EU again, a flow of contraband will return to Europe alongside legal potash. These super-profits bypass the official budget and settle in the pockets of structures close to Lukashenko. Smuggling is a powerful source of enrichment for the regime, which is also directly converted into support for Russian aggression and hybrid attacks on EU member states. Any concession to the Lukashenko regime — whether transit of fertilizers, access to financial markets, easing of aviation restrictions, or the opening of rail routes — is not always merely a "political compromise." It often turns out to be, regrettably, the pumping of money and technologies into the defense-industrial complex of the aggressor, and the provision of logistical chains that daily supply the Russian army with resources for waging aggressive war. In the politics of 2026, "economics" is merely an extension of the battlefield. Attempting today to separate "peaceful Belarusian potash" from "Lukashenko's aggressor defense-industrial complex" is like trying to separate the gunpowder from the bullet that is already flying toward its target. Continuing the analysis of lifting sanctions on Belarusian fertilizer transit from the perspective of EU national security — it is clearly visible that resuming transit worth billions of dollars is a strategic mistake, but the resumption of the physical presence of thousands of trains on European territory is an operational threat that is frequently underestimated. A. Lukashenko. Source: parlament.ua The world has already seen its "Trojan Horse." Allowing a "Trojan Wagon" into the EU today is categorically impermissible. Potash transit involves transportation on a colossal scale. We are talking about thousands of wagons and hundreds of trains every month. It is physically impossible to conduct a thorough inspection of every ton of granulated potash in every wagon without bringing the entire transport network to a halt. And this is not only about cigarette smuggling. It is an ideal environment for transporting prohibited cargo. Beneath a layer of fertilizer, electronic warfare systems, components for sabotage groups, or reconnaissance equipment could be moved. Modern sensors, disguised as components of railcars, are capable of reading parameters of critical EU infrastructure — bridges, tunnels, track conditions — in real time, transmitting data to the intelligence services of both the dictator Lukashenko and Russian intelligence. The railway routes from Belarus into the EU pass through strategically important NATO hubs. In the event of escalation, potash trains could be deliberately and deliberately brought to an emergency halt at specific points in Lithuanian or Polish infrastructure, blocking the transfer of NATO troops to the Baltic states. This is an instrument for the instantaneous paralysis of regional logistics. And lifting sanctions on Belarusian fertilizer transit will send the final signal that Europe is prepared to trade its security principles for short-term gain. Against the backdrop of statements about the deployment of tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus, any transport corridor becomes a humanitarian shield. The regime can declare that an attack on transport infrastructure — or even an attempt to detain a suspicious cargo — is a threat to the "Union State," to which it will respond with full force. Resuming transit without a change of regime in Belarus is not merely an economic decision. It is the voluntary opening of the fortress gates to the adversary's supply train. Any potash wagon may carry not only fertilizers, but also risks: hybrid attack, espionage, political destabilization. This is a matter of national security of the highest order. Giving Lukashenko money is bad. Giving him control over Europe's railways is catastrophic. Do you think our neighbors are aware of this threat of soft penetration through logistics, or does the lobby acting on behalf of those with an interest in economic contacts with the regime still exert too strong an influence over them?

Illustrative photo Why this matters and how your vote in the Coordination Council elections helps bring justice closer for Belarus Many people know about the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague through the lens of global events. But few thought that our country would ever come under the ICC's spotlight, and that the crimes of the Lukashenko regime — which had long gone unpunished — would become the subject of scrutiny by international prosecutors. Thanks to the systematic work of our team and our lawyers, the situation in Belarus has for the first time been officially brought before the Office of the Prosecutor in The Hague. This is not merely a "complaint" — it is the beginning of a serious legal process concerning crimes against humanity, one that leads to the issuance of arrest warrants for criminals. Why does this matter? The International Criminal Court is an institution that holds jurisdiction over individuals responsible for the most serious crimes, regardless of their official position. Once the mechanism is set in motion, it leads to the recognition of crimes at the global level. ICC rulings supersede local laws. No domestic decrees or "immunities" can halt an international investigation. The status of a president or minister offers no protection in The Hague. The inevitability of accountability. This sends a signal to all perpetrators of crimes: international justice may be slow, but it does not stop. Sooner or later, everyone will be held to account. A legal trap for criminals. The recognition of crimes renders the top echelons of the regime unwelcome in 124 countries that have ratified the Rome Statute — not only Europe, but also much of Latin America, Africa, and Asia. What does this have to do with the Coordination Council elections? Elections lend a different weight to our demands. When legal work is backed by a body with a popular mandate, it enables us to advance the Belarusian question and lobby for accountability for crimes against Belarusians at the highest political level — securing political support for our legal steps from European leaders. Our team is a key driving force behind this process. We are not merely waiting for justice — we are creating the conditions to make it inevitable. Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. For more on our achievements in the area of international criminal accountability of the Lukashenko regime, as well as other areas of our work, please see the recording of our press conference.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. "Lies lead to crimes, and crimes concealed by lies by pseudo-leaders lead to catastrophes. This is exactly what happened in the times of the Soviet Union, when the leadership of the BSSR and the USSR lied to us about what had happened at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant. And this led to numerous casualties," — stated Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet and delegate of the Coordination Council, during his speech at the Chernobyl Way march "For an Independent Nuclear-Free Belarus", held on 26 April in Warsaw on the 40th anniversary of the Chernobyl catastrophe. "Today, an organised criminal group led by Lukashenko is committing the greatest crime in the history of Europe in the 21st century against the European Belarusian people. They lie about their crimes and expand their scale. And at this time we have no right to allow lies to prevail. We must tell the truth about what is happening in our Belarus," — emphasised the Deputy Head of the Cabinet. Pavel Latushka at the "Chernobyl Way" rally in Warsaw on 26 April, on the 38th anniversary of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant disaster. Source: pring96.org During his speech, Pavel Latushka recalled how, while serving as ambassador to France, he had proposed to the Lukashenko government that a French company oversee the construction of the Ostrovets nuclear power plant. This was proposed so that all international safety standards would be met during construction, but Lukashenko refused, opting for services from Russia. The result of that decision is that to this day we do not know how safe the Ostrovets Nuclear Power Plant actually is. "Lukashenko did not stop there. In 2022, he initiated — having of course falsified it — an amendment to the Constitution, stripping our country of its nuclear-free and neutral status." Pavel Latushka noted that it was Lukashenko who, by implementing his anti-Belarusian policy, painted a nuclear target on the heads of Belarusian citizens. He sold Belarus's foreign and military policy to the Kremlin. Through his aggressive actions and rhetoric, he made Belarus a threat to European countries. "As long as this regime rules and implements its treacherous policy, we will be under the threat of destruction. We stand for restoring the nuclear-free status of our country to the Constitution of Belarus. For stopping support for the aggression against Ukraine and stopping the war against Europe — and for this we will fight: both the United Transitional Cabinet and, I hope, the re-elected Coordination Council," — stated Pavel Latushka.

Pavel Latushka: Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, Representative of the Cabinet for the Transition of Power, Head of the National Anti-Crisis Management, Leader of the "Latushka Team and the Movement 'For Freedom'" faction within the 3rd convocation of the Coordination Council. Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet Pavel Latushka congratulated the Human Rights Centre "Viasna" on its 30th anniversary: "Thirty years of your work is a path of consistent and selfless defence of human rights and dignity in Belarus. All these years Viasna has remained an example of principled commitment, professionalism, and faithfulness to its values, despite the difficult circumstances in which you have to work. Illustrative photo. Source: pring96.org In recent years, Belarus has been living in the reality of systematic pressure on civil society: mass detentions, politically motivated persecution, restrictions on freedom of speech and association, pressure on human rights defenders, journalists, and lawyers. In these conditions, human rights work itself requires not only professionalism but also great personal courage. That is precisely why the significance of your work cannot be overstated. Viasna remains a source of support for people who have come under pressure, an important voice of truth, and a testament to the fact that the principles of human rights continue to live even in the most difficult circumstances."

The catastrophe at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant 40 years ago demonstrated what the atom means in the hands of an authoritarian regime. Chernobyl became a symbol of irresponsibility and betrayal, a symbol of the threat and danger of the uncontrolled use of nuclear power for people. Today the Lukashenko regime continues the same irresponsible policy. Over the 32 years of his rule, benefits have been abolished, assistance programmes for victims have been terminated, and food is once again being grown on contaminated land. The regime is endangering the lives of millions of Belarusians by deploying Russian nuclear weapons on our territory and constructing the Ostrovets Nuclear Power Plant without proper international oversight. Through a fraudulent referendum in 2022, the provision on Belarus's neutral and nuclear-free status was removed from the Constitution. The subsequent deployment of nuclear weapons on our territory has created a direct threat to the peace and independence of Belarus, making Belarus a target and endangering the lives of millions of people. Today we call for: The restoration of Belarus's nuclear-free status; An end to provocations and blackmail involving nuclear weapons; The withdrawal of Russian nuclear weapons from the territory of Belarus; Transparency in the operation of the Belarusian Nuclear Power Plant and unconditional compliance with international nuclear safety standards, including the norms of the International Atomic Energy Agency, taking into account substantiated international claims, including recorded procedural violations under the Espoo Convention; The initiation of broad public dialogue regarding the use of nuclear technologies in Belarus. Chernobyl reminds us: nuclear safety is impossible without transparency, accountability, and sovereignty. Belarus must not be a platform for Russian nuclear threats. 26.04.2026 United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus