Poland is ready to consider the issue of termination of the 1994 agreement with Belarus on legal assistance in criminal matters, said the ombudsman. Ombudsman Marcin Wączek addressed the Minister of Justice and Prosecutor General Zbigniew Zobre on this issue. As explained, it is about his possible proposal of appropriate measures to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. This is due to the fact that the analytical data of the ombudsman's office show that the level of protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Belarus is steadily deteriorating. Among other things, the authorities of the country abuse the institution of extradition, trying to extradite political opponents. — The practice of recent years shows that international cooperation with Belarus is burdened with an increasing degree of risk, writes ombudsman Marcin Woncheck. In his opinion, it is necessary to consider the expediency of terminating the bilateral agreement on the part of Poland, at least in the field of legal assistance in criminal cases. As he recalls, according to Article 107 of the Polish-Belarusian agreement concerning its termination, this is possible every 5 years, by giving six months' notice. Marcin Wączek notes that «the new geopolitical situation related to the war in Ukraine, the immigration crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border or in general in the bilateral relations between Poland and Belarus should force axiological changes in the application of law, including the international agreement». At the same time, as he stresses, «it is primarily a question of the obligation of the Polish authorities to comply with the axiology of our legal system and the standards contained in it for the protection of human and civil rights».

The NAM deputy head Vladzimir Astapenka about the international isolation of Lukashenko's regime How do you assess the European Parliament resolution on Belarus? The European Parliament resolution on the events in Belarus, in my opinion, is a very important document. We know that the European Parliament is elected by the entire population of Europe, while MEPs represent almost all major European parties, so their opinion is, in fact, the opinion of the peoples of Europe. In this resolution the parliament once again argues that the Lukashenko regime is illegitimate and that European countries must do everything possible to change the situation in Belarus. The resolution also welcomes the creation of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus in addition to the existing Coordination Council and National Anti-Crisis Management, and calls on all European countries to cooperate with these structures to achieve the goals of the Belarusians. Obviously, the European Parliament does not ignore the issue of protecting human rights and bringing to justice all those who have systematically and massively violated these rights in Belarus. This is why the European Parliament supports initiatives to create special international tribunals to bring criminals to justice. Has the position of European politicians changed in relation to Lukashenko? It is clear to us, and it becomes obvious to all interested parties, that there is nothing to talk about with Lukashenko today, because he continues repressions against the Belarusian people and participation of our country in the war against Ukraine. We will continue our efforts to increase pressure on the regime, support the protest activity of the Belarusians, and strengthen the coalition of fighters for democratic change in Belarus. We will do this against the backdrop of the basic thesis that no one will negotiate with a criminal, terrorist regime.

Pavel Latushka sent a letter to the so-called Prosecutor General of the Republic of Belarus A.I. Shved and the so-called Chairman of the Investigative Committee of the Republic of Belarus D.Y. Gor Statement by Pavel Latushko: I was informed by mass media that the investigation of the criminal case against me was completed and the case was passed to the General Prosecutor's Office for submission to the court and that allegedly "my lawyer is familiar with the case". I hereby inform you that I have not concluded a contract with any lawyer and I have not given my consent to represent my interests. The attorney in question has never contacted me about defending my interests in a criminal case, despite the fact that all my contacts are publicly available and accessible in the Internet. I know neither his name, address nor the fact that any lawyer has access to the materials of the criminal case against me. According to paragraph 1 of part 3 of article 48 of the Criminal Procedure Code of the Republic of Belarus. The lawyer has no right to take any actions against the interests of the defendant and to interfere with the rights of the defendant. Thus, the mentioned lawyer doesn't fulfill his duties properly, doesn't use my trust and can't defend my interests in any judicial proceedings. According to Paragraph 1 of Article 47 of the Criminal Procedure Code of Belarus a suspect or a defendant has the right to refuse his/her counsel at any stage of the proceedings or the criminal case. In accordance with part 1 of Article 47 of the CPC of RB I ask to suspend the named person and the counsel for the case in connection with their violation of Article 48 of the CPC of Belarus. According to Article 41 of the CPC of RB, a suspect has the right to defense. The body conducting the criminal proceedings is obliged to ensure that the suspect is able to exercise his right to defense by all legal means and means. The suspect has the right to know what he is suspected of and to receive a copy of the decision to initiate criminal proceedings against him or to declare him a suspect. According to Article 43 of the CPC, the accused has the right to defense. The body conducting the criminal proceedings is obliged to provide the accused with the opportunity to exercise his right to defense by all legal means and means. The accused has the right to know what he is accused of, for which purpose he must immediately receive from the body conducting the criminal proceedings a copy of the decision to charge him as an accused. Due to the fact that the body of criminal prosecution has violated the requirements of Articles 41, 43 of the CPC of RB and thus violated my right to defense and the right to know what I am accused of, I demand to restore the violated right and to acquaint me with a copy of the decision on initiation of criminal proceedings or on recognition as a suspect, a copy of the decision on calling me as an accused, sending them to justice@belarus-nau.org In connection with the absence in Belarus of appropriate conditions for free and independent practice of law, I request, in accordance with Articles 41, 43 of the CPC of the RB, to offer me the opportunity to defend myself.

NAM team representatives at the Belarusian-Ukrainian forum Representatives of the National anti-crisis management took part in the Belarusian-Ukrainian forum in Lvov and also held a number of meetings in Kiev aimed at uniting efforts to bring to justice the Lukashenko regime's law enforcement officers. The Belarusian-Ukrainian forum was held from December, 9 till December, 11th in Lvov with participation of the deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the United Transitional Cabinet, the National anti-crisis management, the regiment named after Kastus Kalinovsky, the Ukrainian and Belarusian politicians, experts, representatives of public and volunteer organizations. NAM representatives acted as experts on the panel "Rights during war — challenges for the Belarusian community in Ukraine”. During the discussion a separate block was dedicated to the problem of criminal prosecution of the regime’s enforceres, which used torture not only to the Belarusians, living today in Ukraine, but also to the citizens of Ukraine, injured during the protests in Belarus. Angelika Melnikova, The Project Manager NAM: "The forum touched upon many topical issues of interaction between Ukraine and the democratic forces of Belarus in various directions. We are very grateful to all who took part in this dialogue. However, it is time to act! Having seen the interest of our Ukrainian partners in cooperation, we decided to start work right on the spot. Immediately after the forum, where we received useful contacts for further cooperation, my colleague and I went to Kiev. Within three days we managed to meet with a Verkhovna Rada deputy with expertise in the issues we were interested in, with representatives of the prosecutor's office, a lawyer and victims. We discussed the mechanics of further actions on filing claims of torture and illegal detention within the national jurisdiction, we worked out a concrete algorithm of promoting the idea of recognizing the KGB and The Main Directorate for Combating Organised Crime and Corruption as terrorist organizations and provided legal justification for this. We hope that in the near future a special Ukrainian-Belarusian working group will be created in Kiev for practical solution of current problems and further interaction, which will include representatives of the National Anti-Crisis Management".

What kind of Belarus do we want to see tomorrow - Russian "Belarussia" or European Belarus? Let’s look at Belarus today. What is it? It is a totalitarian dictatorship with an illegitimate and illegal regime in power. Lukashenko’s pro-Russian, Russia-controlled puppet regime. So, it is a puppet totalitarian dictatorship with a population of 9.3 million people, of which the vast majority of citizens with the right to vote voted against Lukashenko in the 2020 elections. But Lukashenko has not abandoned his throne. Who is Lukashenko? A man who loves power more than anything else in life, he is not a representative of the clan and he did not create the clan. A man who today is an example of a bloody tyrant, on whose orders several dozen people have been killed in Belarus. During the last two years 60,000 persons were detained, thousands of political prisoners were jailed (1,441 people were officially recognized as political prisoners) and 950 NGOs were liquidated. There are no political parties and no independent mass media. And this is Europe. The West has been playing diplomacy with Lukashenko all these years, trying to negotiate with him. Lukashenko has always unilaterally broken off agreements and imprisoned the very people he had already released after another deal with the West. A prime example is Ales Bialiatski. He was released from prison in 2014 in exchange for the lifting of sanctions, but he is sitting there again, but already in the status of a Nobel laureate. Repressions do not stop for a single day. Why, after more than two years of violent suppression of peaceful protests and mass repressions, has Lukashenko not weakened them, but only increased them? The answer is simple — since the end of February 2022 Lukashenko is not only a dictator, but also a military aggressor and Russia’s main ally in the war against Ukraine. And in terms of power, he actually performs the role of the Gauleiter of Belarus, the role of the head of the occupation administration. After all, since the 24th of February, 2022, when despite the end of the joint military exercises Russian troops did not leave Belarus, but invaded Ukraine from its territory, we can state that Belarus is an occupied territory. And Lukashenko’s role, in addition to the military tasks assigned to him by the Kremlin, which he fully performs, is to maintain order in the occupied territory. Thus, today we have Belarus, which is simultaneously under Russian occupation and the totalitarian dictatorship of Lukashenko, the Kremlin puppet. Belarus, used by Russia for its military needs. Belarus, from which missile attacks on Ukraine are constantly launched. Belarus, where Russian troops continue to arrive and accumulate as part of the deployment of the so-called joint Belarusian-Russian regional grouping, where Russian and Belarusian militaries are being harmonized — which may well be assessed as the next stage in the creation of a common army with Russia, and as preparations for a new invasion of Ukraine. And Belarus in which the ideology of "the Russian world" and war is actively implanted, the information field (television) is actually taken over by pro-Russian propaganda narratives, independent media have been completely liquidated, all their accounts in social networks are recognized as extremist and one subscription to their accounts in social networks is enough to get a sentence. Today, this is a country where anti-war sentiments are punished, active Russification is carried out and the national identity of the population of Belarus is destroyed. And I return to the original question: so what kind of Belarus do we want to see tomorrow — Russian "Belarussia" or European Belarus? If the answer is Russian, no special strategy of the West is required here. It is enough just not to have one. As it looks like there is no strategy yet. It is enough not to interfere with the Russians. It’s enough to forget about Lukashenko. And unfortunately, there is a feeling that the West has really forgotten about him. Or am I wrong? If I am not right and the West wants to see Belarus as European, really wants to wrest this tidbit and strategically important bridgehead from the clutches of Russia — then a strategy is necessary. And it is necessary not only for us, but also for Ukraine. After all, Belarus under Lukashenko is Russia’s closest and virtually only ally in the war. We have repeatedly drawn the attention of our partners to the available tools of external pressure on the Lukashenko regime. To the delays and loopholes in the sanctions policy, to the procrastination in starting proceedings within the universal jurisdiction, and so on. Perhaps we really have inflated expectations from our partners with their underestimated desire to use all available levers of pressure. Or maybe we just need to look at the use of these levers from a different perspective? Maybe, being aware of the Lukashenko regime as part of the global problem, as a military co-aggressor and Putin’s closest ally, we should look at the sanctions policy as a tool to weaken the latter? We do not harbor any illusions that today sanctions or criminal proceedings against Lukashenko’s regime may bring it down. Today definitely not. Moreover, we understand very well that Russia will compensate Lukashenko for the losses caused by the sanctions; it will give deferrals on old loans, it will give new loans to avoid the risk of destabilization, protests, and strikes by Belarusians for economic reasons. But it is obvious that every Russian ruble spent on Belarus is minus a ruble that Russia will spend on the war. Therefore, we propose to look at the formula in the following way: The tougher the sanctions against Belarus — the higher the costs for Russia — the less money for the army and weapons. So, to quote Estonia’s Foreign Minister Urmas Reinsalu, who said: "The toughest sanction we can impose against the Russian regime is the fall of Lukashenko’s dictatorship." The second important point is the desynchronization of the sanctions imposed against Russia and Belarus for the war against Ukraine. They should be identical — so that Russia would not be able to bypass them through Belarus, so that Belarus would not be a "gray area" and "offshore" for Russia. Which it is today. As for the instrument of criminal prosecution: In our opinion, the most effective solution to the issue of sanctions, as well as criminal prosecution of the Lukashenko regime, would be to recognize it as terrorist. Such a process has already been launched against Russia both at the level of parliaments of individual countries and parliamentary assEmblies, as well as the European Parliament. We would like to expect similar steps in relation to Lukashenko’s regime. But this requires political will which our partners obviously lack today. The Lukashenko problem has long outgrown the borders of Belarus. The Lukashenko problem has long ceased to be a problem of the Belarusians only — today he is at war with a third country, Ukraine. And yesterday — using migrants, he launched a hybrid war against the EU, which is still going on. Of the three wars in which the Lukashenko regime is involved — one is waged inside Belarus, against the Belarusian people. Today we do not need anyone’s concern. Not even the deepest. We lack the will and the strength. Precisely strength. Because this is the only position from which it is possible and necessary to speak to Lukashenko’s regime. It is the only language that not only he, but also the people around him, understand. So let us create this power. Together.

What does Lukashenko's intention to halve the number of executive committee staff mean? In short: served and achieved. On 12 December, at a meeting to review personnel issues and appoint heads of local authorities, the dictator said that the number of local employees could be cut by up to half. And he suggested that those laid off should be sent to agriculture. Well, congratulations to everyone on the future cuts and new appointments to collective and state farms. Especially, of course, to the civil servants, military personnel and teachers who took part in the rigging of elections. You're probably thinking now - how is that possible? It is very simple. The Lukashenko regime is at the point in its degradation where only people who are unconditionally loyal to the dictator should remain in the system. Especially when at any moment the dictator can give an order to attack Ukraine. His toolkit for instilling loyalty is a standard one - carrot and stick. The carrot is buying the loyalty of officials. To whom he promises an increase in salaries at the expense of those who will be made redundant. Similarly, he is now buying the loyalty of the army with promises of cheap housing. What will the disloyal ones get? Exile to declining collective farms, to the countryside. "Archipelago collective farms". And of course the whip. Executions. Surprised? Yes, the bill on firing squads for treason and the dictator's proposal to reduce civil servants to collective farms are links in the same chain, perfectly complementing each other. Some of you will think: "Well, I'm not a traitor, I'm loyal! I'm not like Latushka - I didn't support the Belarusians against violence, lawlessness and falsification, I didn't speak out, I didn't condemn the war, I serve faithfully - and all this won't affect me for sure. Not a reduction, much less a firing squad. You would be wrong. In the wrong mind, so do those who deep down condemn the regime, but never out loud. Those who are just quietly "doing their job", keeping their heads down. There are no longer safe workplaces for anyone inside the regime. More than anything else, you are now dangerous to each other. Isn't that right, former fellow officials? A 50% reduction in the district executive committees means writing denunciations on each other, setting each other up for work, and if you have 1-2 years of seniority left before a good pension? You are caught in a viper's nest and your master has plunged you there with his head! The state and military service in Belarus has become a completely unpredictable time bomb, planted under every functionary. And this bomb can explode just as quickly under a "rogue element" as under the most staunch supporter of Lukashenko's regime. By adopting such decisions as these, Lukashenko is weeding out the remnants of dissenters from the system and creating conditions for internal cannibalism for his functionaries for the future. Through denunciations, through anonymity. As it was in the USSR, where despite the totalitarian system, there was always a "competitive" struggle within it to prove to the bosses and the leader that you were more loyal and more useful. And everyone had an alarming suitcase under their bed - because at any moment they could come and take you away to an unknown destination. Or, more precisely, to a gulag archipelago or to a firing squad. Today, the Lukashenko regime offers another exile option - the "archipelago collective farm". By the way, a thought-provoking question - would the refusal of a sacked civil servant to go to raise the village be considered treason against the state and a reason to shoot him? But seriously, use your brains. You still have a chance to save yourself and help destroy a system that would otherwise destroy you. Quit. Form underground cells. Leave the country if your safety is an issue. Join the democratic forces. Join our programme - Cadres Reserve for New Belarus.

During a working visit, Head of the Cabinet Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya asked foreign partners to help Belarusian volunteers. As the result, an agreement was reached on providing support for the Kastus Kalinouski Regiment. Funds were disbursed for the purchase of two state-of-the-art drones to help Belarusian volunteers perform their mission of protecting Ukraine from the Russian invaders even more effectively. Photo by the Kastus Kalinouski Regiment

Temporary border control was introduced at the entrance to Belarus from Russia. Passports of those entering Belarus are checked. The information was confirmed by the State Border Committee Checkpoints at the border between Belarus and Russia, checking passports of those entering the country, appeared on the Belarusian side. This information was confirmed by the Belarusian State Border Committee, the newspaper "Zerkalo. Previously, "Flagstaff" wrote about the installation of "some teremkas at the checkpoints on the road from Belarus via Dobrush. According to "Zerkalo" sources, they are also installed on the M1 highway at the border. The border checkpoint consists of "a couple of trailers for border guards, four barriers" and "a barrier tape with spikes. The hotline of the State Border Committee confirmed that such control will be at all major entrances from Russia. — Yes, there are certain activities now. This is part of the implementation of the ratification agreement on mutual recognition of visas with Russia. This control is working on six major directions. It is only for entry. According to the representative of the CPC, it should be temporary, but it is not known when the control is over. "Until a special order," he said. Telegram channels report that queues have indeed already appeared at the border. According to the "Rumours of Vitebsk" channel, a checkpoint also appeared on the highway between Liozno and Rudnya, with a queue lined up for several kilometers to the village of Kruglovka. Russians are checked particularly carefully. The channel "MotolkoPomogi" reports, according to readers, that control is carried out for more than three hours, while "everyone is kicked out of the car, searched and their documents are recorded. The publication was told in the State Border Committee, the control is set only at the entrance, "in accordance with the legislation on the border service. The agency says that this measure is temporary and will operate "until a special order. Belarusian Telegram-channels report that this led to traffic jams at the border. On March 18, 2023, Russia and Belarus lifted all mutual restrictions on movement between the two countries, which were imposed in 2020 because of the COVID-19 epidemic. Source of material: zerkalo.io and insider

Decisions of the Minister of Interior and Administration on inclusion on the sanctions list Konstantin Drozdovsky Born 26.05.1974 A citizen of Belarus, a politician who sits in the Council of the Republic of the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus, a member of the Committee on Education, Science, Culture and Social Development. His activities to date unambiguously classify K. Drozdouski as a supporter of A. Lukashenko’s regime, which in the context of Russian military actions in Ukraine, logistical and political support provided to Moscow by the Belarusian authorities, as well as the hybrid war waged against Poland, creates a serious risk of provocations or provoking incidents that damage Poland’s international position. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable from. 22.11.2022 Svetlana Gorval Born on August 25, 1986 A citizen of Belarus, politician, sits in the House of the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus, member of the Committee on Economic Policy. Her activities to date clearly characterize Ms. Gorval as a supporter of A. Lukashenko’s regime, involved in actions against the democratic opposition, which, given the Russian military actions in Ukraine, the logistical and political support given to Moscow by the Belarusian authorities, and the hybrid war waged against Poland, presents a serious risk of provoking or provoking incidents that damage Poland’s international position. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable. 22.11.2022 Denis Karas Born on August 18, 1978 National of Belarus, politician, sits in the House of Representatives of the Republic of Belarus, member of the Standing Committee on Industry, Fuel, Energy, Transport and Communications. D. Karas' past activities and the content he distributes are aimed at Polish-Belarusian relations and the image of the Republic of Poland in the international arena. Among other things, he claimed that Poland and the Baltic States use the migration crisis to "attract the attention and money of Western countries. This characterizes D. Karas as a staunch supporter of Lukashenko’s regime. In the past, he has accused Poles, among other things, of organizing events dedicated to historical figures, of allegedly promoting nationalism and fascism, and of escalating tensions between Poles and Belarusians on historical grounds. In view of Russia’s military actions in Ukraine, the logistical and political support provided to Moscow by the Belarusian authorities, and the hybrid war waged against Poland, there is a serious risk of provocations or provoking incidents that damage Poland’s international position. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable. 22.11.2022 Ivan Mamaiko Born on 12.04.1974 A citizen of Belarus, politician, member of the House of Representatives of the Republic of Belarus, member of the National Security Committee, police colonel, graduate of the Belarusian Interior Ministry Academy. His activity today clearly positions I. Mamajko as a supporter of Lukashenka’s regime, who spreads content in accordance with the Minsk propaganda, directed against the EU and NATO countries, including about the alleged hybrid threats. This attitude in the face of Russian military operations in Ukraine, logistical and political support provided to Moscow by the Belarusian authorities and the hybrid warfare being waged against Poland creates a serious risk of provocation or provoking incidents that damage Poland’s international position. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable. 22.11.2022 Sergei Rachkov Born 4.11.1960 Belarusian citizen, politician sitting in the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus, chairman of the Standing Committee on International Affairs and National Security. Since 2020, he has been creating and supporting the regime’s policies in Minsk, including in the field of international relations. Responsible for disseminating content in line with Minsk propaganda aimed at Polish-Belarusian relations and Poland’s image on the international scene; claimed, among other things, that Poland interferes in Belarus' internal affairs and is responsible for the tense security situation in the region. His activities to date have clearly positioned Mr. Raczkow as a staunch supporter of the Lukashenko regime, which, given the Russian military operations in Ukraine, the logistical and political support given to Moscow by the Belarusian authorities and the hybrid war being waged against Poland, presents a serious risk of provocation or provoking incidents that damage Poland’s international position. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable. 22.11.2022 Oleg Rummo Born on 26.07.1970 A citizen of Belarus, politician, sits in the House of Representatives of the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus, member of the National Security Committee. His activities to date clearly position O. Rummo as a supporter of A. Lukashenko’s regime, especially in the field of national security and defense, which, given Russia’s military actions in Ukraine, the logistical and political support given to Moscow by the Belarusian authorities, as well as the hybrid war waged against Poland, creates a serious risk of provocations or provoking incidents that lead to damage to Poland’s international standing. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable. 22.11.2022 Andrei Savinykh Born on 21.12.1962 Citizen of Belarus, politician, member of the House of Representatives of Belarus, chairman of the Standing Committee on International Affairs, head of the parliamentary group on Polish-Belarusian friendship. Since 1993, permanently associated with the state apparatus of Belarus, creates and supports the policy of the regime in Minsk, including in the field of international relations. He was responsible for distribution of content corresponding to Minsk’s propaganda aimed at Polish-Belarusian relations and the image of Poland in the international arena; he claimed, among other things, that the EU sanctions against Belarus were a result of Poland’s efforts to strengthen its influence in the region. The activities to date characterize A. Savinykh as a supporter of Lukashenka’s regime, which in the context of Russian military actions in Ukraine, logistical and political support provided to Moscow by the Belarusian authorities, and the hybrid war waged against Poland, creates a serious risk of provocations or provoking incidents that damage Poland’s international position. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable. 22.11.2022 Anna Semenyuk Born on 22.01.1977 She is the Secretary of the Belarusian delegation to the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly. She is deputy head of the International Cooperation Department of the Secretariat of the House of Representatives of the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus. She actively supports A. Lukashenko’s regime, which violates fundamental human rights and supports the illegal aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. Activity to date characterizes A. Semeniuk as a supporter of A. Lukashenko's regime, is involved in sanctioning the regime’s actions in the Parliament, which in the context of Russia’s military actions in Ukraine, logistical and political support provided to Moscow by the Belarusian authorities and the hybrid war waged against Poland, creates a serious risk of provocation or provoking incidents that damage the international position of Poland. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable. 22.11.2022 Sergei Stelmashok Born on 15.04.1971 Belarusian citizen, politician, sits in the House of the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus, member of the Committee on Budget and Finance. He works professionally in the oil sector. Activities to date characterise S. Stelmashok as a supporter of A. Lukashenko’s regime, active in the energy sector, which in the context of Russian military actions in Ukraine, logistical and political support provided to Moscow by the Belarusian authorities, and the hybrid war waged against Poland, poses a serious risk of provocation or provoking incidents resulting in damage to Poland’s international position. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable. 22.11.2022 Igor Tavtyn Born on 11.01.1971 A citizen of Belarus, a politician who sits in the House of the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus, a member of the Committee on Health Care, Physical Culture, Family Policy and Youth Affairs. His activities to date clearly position Mr. Tavtyn as a supporter of the unification of the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation in the Union State, which, given Russia’s military actions in Ukraine, the logistical and political support given to Moscow by the Belarusian authorities, and the hybrid war being waged against Poland, creates a serious risk of provocation or provoking incidents that damage Poland’s international position. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable. 22.11.2022 Valery Voronetsky Born on October 14, 1963 A citizen of Belarus, diplomat and politician sitting in the House of Representatives of the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus, former ambassador to the Slovak Republic, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs in 2006−11. Activities to date characterize V. Voronetskii as a staunch supporter of A. Lukashenko’s regime; in the past, among other things, he accused Poles of organizing events dedicated to historical figures, allegedly promoting nationalism and fascism, and of escalating tensions between Poles and Belarusians on historical grounds. In view of Russia’s military actions in Ukraine, the logistical and political support provided to Moscow by the Belarusian authorities, and the hybrid warfare waged against Poland, this poses a serious risk of provocation or provoking incidents that damage Poland’s international position. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable. 22.11.2022 Dmitry Voronyuk Born on May 23, 1987 A citizen of Belarus, a politician working in the Council of the Republic of the National Assembly of the Republic of Belarus, former first secretary of the Belarusian Republican Youth Union. Activities to date clearly characterize D. Voronyuk as a supporter of A. Lukashenko’s regime, promoting historical lies, especially among young people, which in the face of Russian military operations in Ukraine, logistical and political support for Moscow by the Belarusian authorities, as well as the hybrid war waged against Poland, create a serious risk of provocation or provoking incidents that could damage Poland’s international position. Included in the list of foreigners whose stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland is undesirable. 22.11.2022 A complete list is available on the website

Orphaned children from Ukraine are brought to Belarus for "recuperation" without the permission of the Ukrainian authorities. Concerts and other events are held in Belarusian camps, where pro-government activists promote hatred for Ukraine and wish Russia would "take control" of it. The head of the People's anti-crisis department and a representative of the United Transition Cabinet Pavel Latushka told "Zerkalo" how the NAU investigates the involvement of the Belarusian authorities and propaganda activists in the removal of Ukrainian children from the Russian-occupied territories According to Pavel Latushka, a pro-government activist and paralympian, Oleksiy Talai, participated in the removal of Ukrainian children. He traveled to the territories occupied by Russia several times to organize the removal of children. Then there was published the decision of the Union State to organize the arrival of 1,050 children from Ukraine in the Minsk region in execution of the instructions of Putin and Lukashenko. Later, the state media reported that the children were taken to the camp "Dubrava" near Salihorsk, and the project was implemented with the support of the general director of Belaruskali Ivan Golovatoy. "We have information that 700 children were already on the territory of the Minsk region, and 350 have already arrived and will arrive during April-May," Latushka said. He drew attention to the words of Dzmitry Shvayba, chairman of the trade union of the chemical industry, who also reported that Ukrainian children were in Salihorsk district, studies were organized for them, and in the future they were even ready to be employed at Belaruskali. Latushka notes that we are talking about children aged 6-15, orphans or those who lost their breadwinner, and only the authorized body of the country of citizenship of these children, that is, Ukraine, is entitled to grant permission for them to leave. However, Ukraine has not given its consent. According to the politician, this may be a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and the removal may be recognized as illegal and treated as a war crime, because Belarus is not a neutral country. "Moreover, the Ukrainian ombudsman for children's rights has already stated that they have information about the removal of Ukrainian children both to the territory of Russia and Belarus. We were talking about 16 thousand children," Latushko recalled. According to him, part of the documents confirming the removal of children has already been collected and he intends to submit them to the ICC prosecutor for legal evaluation. Latushko noted that, according to the NAM lawyers, the commission of a crime in this case is obvious. In his opinion, the court in The Hague may issue a warrant for Lukashenko's arrest, as was done with Putin. — You said that the NAM is preparing documents with evidence of the involvement of representatives of Lukashenko's regime in the illegal removal of children from the occupied territories of Ukraine, in order to pass them to the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in The Hague (ICC). In this connection, there is a question: are we talking about the removal of children to the territory of Belarus allegedly for recuperation or about the assistance of the Belarusian authorities in deporting these children to Russia? — We are talking about a separate crime of illegally transferring children aged 6 to 15, orphans without guardians, from the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus without the consent of the authorities of the latter. The NAU team prepared a preliminary report on the facts of the illegal transfer of Ukrainian children from the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine to Belarus. We have identified three places where these children were placed on the territory of Belarus. We are talking about both violations of the 4th Geneva Convention of 1949 regarding the specifically protected category of persons in armed conflicts, as well as violations of the Rome Statute, which qualifies these actions as war crimes. In fact, we have analyzed and collected materials that show the entire scheme of actions of the illegitimate authorities of Belarus to displace Ukrainian children in our country. — You are talking about the report on the facts of the transfer of Ukrainian children to Belarus. Do I understand correctly that you have evidence of the fact that children were taken to Belarus for permanent residence (and not, as the pro-government activists claim, for temporary rehabilitation)? Does this mean that they are still in Belarus? — We are talking about the report on the facts of the displacement of Ukrainian children in Belarus. According to the commentary of the International Committee of the Red Cross to Article 45 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, deportation is a type of illegal transfer. In order to establish that the crime of illegal displacement of the civilian population from the occupied territories has been committed, it is immaterial whether it was done for the purpose of displacing such persons permanently or temporarily. What is important is whether or not such actions are voluntary and fall under the exceptions allowed by the Convention. In the case of orphans between the ages of 6 and 15, voluntariness does not exist as a phenomenon. The competent authorities of Ukraine remain responsible for their fate. These actions do not fall under the evacuation exception, as such should be carried out only in cases of extreme military necessity or imminent threat to the life and safety of civilians within the occupied territories, where no such threat exists, such as Crimea. Alternatively, with the consent of the Ukrainian side, such children may be relocated to a neutral state. However, in our case there is no consent of the Ukrainian side, and Belarus is not neutral. Original material: news.zerkalo.io

Repeal of special provisions imposed for the duration of the COVID-19 pandemic as of July 30, 2023 Health Minister Adam Niedzielski announced plans not to extend the epidemiological threat regime. June 30 is the tentative planned date for the end of the epidemiological threat regime. At the end of June, the epidemiological threat regime will be cancelled in Poland. It also means cancellation of further - still in force - restrictions. This was announced by the Minister of Health Adam Niedzielski in Pila on April 19, 2023. According to him, this topic was discussed the day before at a meeting of the Council of Ministers. - Now two relevant ordinances will be prepared. One of these ordinances is a state of epidemic ordinance - it is the one that will specify a specific date for repealing the state, which is currently anticipated to be June 30. The second ordinance, concerning restrictions, at that time, will probably mean the repeal of some of the restrictions currently in place. We are moving toward eliminating the obligation to wear masks in pharmacies, leaving more in other medical facilities," said Adam Niedzielski. As the Minister of Health explained, these decisions are made on the basis of data on cases. - The epidemic situation is improving, Minister Niedzielski says. - I'm talking here about the problem of covidienic infections, as well as the problem of influenza cases. As we all know, flu cases have dominated and defined the epidemic situation in the country lately, but we are already systematically seeing a decrease in these infections. In fact, over the last week, we've seen the daily number of flu infections go down from over 20,000 a day to about 15,000, so you can see that this improvement is dynamic," the health minister said. Recall that in January 13, 2023, amendments to the special law "On assistance to citizens of Ukraine in connection with the armed conflict on the territory of this state and some other laws" came into force (Legislative Herald, position number 185). The amendment to the Act provided for the repeal of the provisions of the anti-covid law, which extended the validity of national visas, residence permits, deadlines for applying for residence permits and deadlines for leaving Poland. Foreigners who benefit from the repealed legal decisions related to the COVID-19 pandemic should take care of their continued legal stay in the Republic of Poland or return to their country of origin in a timely manner. In the case of persons wishing to remain in the Republic of Poland after 24 August this year, we recommend that they apply in advance for a residence permit or a residence permit (depending on the formal and legal status of the particular foreigner). This change applied to all foreigners in Poland, not just Ukrainian citizens. The current legal regulation includes a number of provisions of the Act of March 2, 2020 on special solutions connected with preventing, fighting and combating COVID-19 and other infectious diseases and crisis situations caused by them (Journal of Laws of 2021, item 2095 with further amendments). Their purpose is to ensure the legality of foreigners' stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland in conditions of restrictions in public life caused by the need to prevent the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. On the basis of these, the following periods are extended by operation of law: Temporary residence permits and residence permits that expire between March 14, 2020 (during an epidemic threat provision or an epidemic provision), until the 30th day following the day of cancellation of whichever of those provisions was in effect as the last; the period of stay and the period of validity of national visas where the last day of stay on the basis of such visas is from March 14, 2020 (during an epidemic threat or epidemic provision) until the 30th day following the day on which the provision that was last in force is repealed; the deadline for applying for a residence permit, visa extension or extension of the period of stay under a visa-free regime, i.e: a) for a temporary residence permit, b) to obtain a permanent residence permit, c) to obtain a long-term resident's EU residence permit, d) to extend the validity of a national visa or a Schengen visa e) for the extension of the period of stay under a visa-free regime - until the 30th day following the day of abolition of the provision that was the last one in force; the time limit for leaving the territory of the Republic of Poland, which occurs during the duration of the epidemic threat or epidemic provision and results from Article 299(6) of the Act on Foreigners - until the 30th day following the day of repealing the provision that was the last one in force; the period of voluntary return specified in the decision on the obligation to return based on Section 315 (1) of the Foreigners Act and occurring during the period of an epidemic threat or epidemic until the 30th day following the day on which the latter provision was repealed; the period of validity of documents issued for a fixed period to nationals of Member States of the European Union, European Free Trade Association (EFTA) countries - parties to the Agreement on the European Economic Area or the Swiss Confederation, and their family members living with them or joining them, i.e. documents which certify the right to permanent residence, residence permits for a family member of an EU citizen and permanent residence permits for a family member of an EU citizen, which is during the period of validity of the epidemic risk provision validity periods of Polish identity documents of a foreigner who comes during the period of validity of the epidemic threat or epidemic provision - until the expiry of the 30th day following the day of cancellation of the one of these provisions that was in effect as the last one; the period of validity of the "authorization for tolerated stay" documents, which occurs during the period when the epidemic endangerment or epidemic provision is in force, until the expiration of the 30th day following the day on which the latter provision was repealed; as well as recognition of the stay of foreigners on the territory of the Republic of Poland as legal by virtue of the law, if on March 14, 2020 they were in the Republic of Poland on the basis of a short-term residence document, i.e: a) Under a visa-free regime, b) on the basis of a Schengen visa, regardless of the State which issued it c) On the basis of a long-term visa or residence document issued by other Schengen States, d) on the basis of long-term visas or residence permits issued by Member States of the European Union not parties to the Schengen Agreement (if, in accordance with Community law, such visas or documents entitle the bearer to stay on the territory of the Republic of Poland) - from the day following the last day of legal residence arising from these grounds until the expiry of the 30th day following the day on which the epidemic endangerment provision or the epidemic provision, whichever was in force last... The repeal of the provisions providing for the aforementioned legal rulings shall take place as of August 24, 2023. Thus, the validity of the extension of certain rights, validity of documents or deadlines for the performance of this action by the foreigner, which results from these legal decisions, will end with the expiration of the last day in which certain shaded provisions of the Act of 2 March 2020 on special decisions related to the prevention, control and fight against COVID-19 and other infectious diseases, and crisis situations caused by them, will be in force. - said in the description of the law on the website gov.pl However, due to the possible cancellation of the epidemic threat regime on June 30, the validity of national visas, residence permits, deadlines for applying for residence permits and deadlines for leaving Poland may be extended by law only until the end of the 30th day following the date of cancellation of the epidemic threat regime. This means that the epidemic threat regime may end on June 30, 2023, after which you will have 30 days to legalize your stay in Poland. Already now, all foreigners should take steps to legalize their stay. Materials used in this article were: www.gov.pl, polskieradio24.pl, cbs_help

Approaches to the legal substantiation of the position on the complicity of judges in the implementation of crimes against humanity, as well as to develop further practical steps to prosecute this category of persons within the mechanisms of universal jurisdiction On April 25, 2023, a conference was held in Warsaw (Foksal, 11, the Museum of Free Belarus) to systematize the approaches to the legal justification of the position of complicity of judges in crimes against humanity, as well as to work out further practical steps to bring the specified category of persons to justice within the mechanisms of universal jurisdiction. The legal default in Belarus does not allow a significant number of Belarusians to hope for a fair investigation and fair trial on the facts of torture, violence and other crimes against humanity, which have been committed in the territory of Belarus since 2020 (and in general since 1994) up to the present time. Lack of civil society and independent mass media, defeat of the bar and elimination of the possibility to file complaints to the UN. All this prevents the restoration of violated rights and legitimate interests of the affected persons and does not allow to secure society as a whole from further repressions. That is why one of the main directions of the National Anti-Crisis Management was and is the legal pressure on Lukashenka's regime. This pressure has two goals: to bring the perpetrators to justice and to restore justice to the victims. At present when the civil protests in Belarus are stifled and have left the streets, the main instrument of repression is judges. By issuing knowingly unjust verdicts against prominent political figures, human rights activists and activists, as well as ordinary Belarusians, judges are in fact complicit in crimes against humanity - torture, violence, illegal imprisonment, and others. Among the participants of the event are the head of the NAM Pavel Latushka, representative of UTC, head of BYPOL Alexander Azarov, chairman of the Lithuanian Constitutional Court 2014-2021. Dainius Žalimas, a lawyer, associate professor, researcher of the Faculty of Law of Vilnius University, Katerina Latysh and others. Pavel Latushka explained why it is important to organize such round tables: - First, you know that one of the main directions of the National Anti-Crisis Management (the NAM)is to bring to justice Lukashenka himself and representatives of the regime for crimes against humanity, for all the crimes committed by the Lukashenka regime continue to be committed every day. And here we actually build a system of actions in different directions, based on the facts of these crimes. First of all, we are talking about the fact that Lukashenko must be held responsible for the seizure of a civilian Ryanair plane, Lukashenko must be held responsible for the artificially created migration crisis on the border with the European Union. Of course, crimes against humanity are also a priority. Lukashenka's judges will be held responsible for the crimes committed Head of the NAM Pavel Latushka addressed a conference on «The role of the Belarusian judiciary in the implementation of political repression» Lukashenko's regime should receive an appropriate legal assessment Pavel Latushka One of the key activities for the NAM team is the legal pressure on the Lukashenko regime and bringing all those responsible for crimes against humanity. We will systematically and methodically move in this direction. All these activities to date have been focused on the direct perpetrators of crimes against humanity - representatives of the power bloc of Lukashenko's regime: the police, OMON, GUBOPIK and KGB. One of the main activities of the NAM is to prosecute Lukashenko himself and representatives of the regime for crimes against humanity, for all the crimes that the Lukashenko regime has committed and continues to commit every day. And here we are actually building a system of actions in different directions based on the facts of these crimes. First of all, we say that Lukashenko must bear responsibility for the seizure of a civilian Ryanair aircraft, Lukashenko must bear responsibility for the artificially created migration crisis on the border with the European Union. Also in priority, of course, are crimes against humanity. This is the violence carried out by the Lukashenko regime against Belarusians, and not only, but also against citizens of other countries. We have, for example, evidence that Polish citizens were subjected to violence on the territory of Belarus. We are also talking about the creation of special international institutions that could consider these issues comprehensively, because what I said earlier, these are national jurisdictions, they have a universal character, because such crimes can be considered within national jurisdictions, but given the fact that they threaten world standards, world security, violate human rights in the world. And accordingly, the UN convention gives us that right. But we also talk about the need to create special international institutions, and this is the resolution that was adopted by the European Parliament calling on all European Union countries to create a special international tribunal for crimes against humanity committed by the Lukashenko regime. Such an international tribunal would be a universal instrument to bring to justice all perpetrators of crimes.The second area of international concern is what Ukraine is initiating within the UN General Assembly - the creation of a tribunal on the facts of aggression. Under international law, according to the UN General Assembly resolution of 1974, as well as the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, making a country's territory available for aggression is an act of aggression. Here the role of the Lukashenko regime should receive an appropriate legal assessment. The next direction is a new direction that has recently emerged - the issue related to the deportation of Ukrainian children to the territory of Belarus, which the regime was engaged in until 2022. But it became particularly active after the next stage of the occupation of Ukraine. We have quite a lot of testimonies, evidence, documents, which we pass on to our Ukrainian partners, which we form into a corresponding report, and we will pass on a complex report to both Ukrainian partners and international partners, which confirm that Ukrainian children are being taken from the territory of Ukraine by decision of Lukashenko and relevant institutions and organizations of Belarus, such as, for example, the Alexei Talai Foundation and the State Enterprise "Belaruskali" with support from regional authorities, to the territory of Belarus. Some of them, of course, leave with their families and trustees, but many of them are orphans. And that's 6 to 15 years old. And here international law very clearly defines such actions as a violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention in relation to a particularly protected category in times of war, military conflicts - these are children. This is a violation on the part of the state. And this is the first thing for which Belarus itself can be held accountable. However, now that civil protests in Belarus are strangled and have gone underground from the streets, the main instrument of repression are judges, who knowingly pass unjust sentences on political activists, human rights defenders, and activists. Judges are, in fact, accomplices to crimes against humanity. People who are at the top of the professional pyramid of jurisprudence have become a disgusting tool in the hands of Lukashenka's regime, which destroys the fates and lives of worthy Belarusians and their families. Judges in Belarus consciously and cynically commit dozens of crimes, being fully aware of their actions. Transitional Justice in Belarus The NAM lawyer Artsiom Praskalovich spoke at the conference «The Role of the Belarusian Judiciary in the Implementation of Political Repression» We ask everybody who notices persons involved in political persecution of the Belarusians abroad to inform us or the local law enforcement bodies Artsiom Praskalovich Transitional justice is the set of processes and mechanisms associated with a society's attempts to overcome the grave legacy of large-scale violations of the rule of law in the past, in order to ensure accountability, justice and reconciliation. As far as the Republic of Belarus is concerned, I understand we are going to have a very difficult situation on this issue, given all the examples that world history knows. But we still have to go through with it. As a standard, these procedures include four components: Accumulation and restoration of the facts of the truth (documentation). Bringing the perpetrators to legal responsibility. Compensation of the victims (rehabilitation processes). Guarantee of non-repetition (lustration, in particular). The implementation of transitional justice should focus on the following issues: political offenses, involvement in international conflicts, corruption, and other serious violations. Democratic lawyers discussed the involvement of Belarusian judges in crimes against humanity, and tried to develop practical steps to bring them to justice within the mechanisms of universal jurisdiction. Since the crackdown on protest activity in Belarus, judges have taken the lead in prosecuting activists. In conditions of legal default, Belarusians can not count on a fair investigation and a fair trial. Therefore, one of the main activities of democratic forces was and is legal pressure on Lukashenko's regime. This pressure has two goals: to bring the perpetrators to justice and restore justice to the victims," said the NAU lawyer Artem Praskalovich to Radio Unet. — First of all, any Belarusian court can make a legal assessment of the judge's activity. Any conviction for extremist, terrorist crimes is absolutely inconsistent with the Constitution, whatever it is today. And any judge has an opportunity to be guided by the Constitution, not the Criminal Code. If he excludes such a possibility, he commits a crime, and the legal assessment of such actions can be made by law enforcement agencies within the country or by other judges. It is naive to hope that such a path is possible in Belarus, so we rely primarily on the mechanisms of universal jurisdiction. Some countries have made some progress on these issues. But in many countries these cases are stalled because it's impossible to identify the suspect, because the officer of GUBOPIK was wearing a mask, he hid his identity. But under each verdict there are names of judges, on the basis of which people are sent to prisons, where they are subjected to torture, violence and other crimes against humanity. Accordingly, we know who can be blamed here, and together with our partners we will promote this thesis and demand that judges be held accountable. We will help people to write relevant statements. More and more political prisoners who have served their time are coming out now, and they can become the people who can make relevant statements. In principle, such judges will become participants in the tribunal, about which there is much talk now. We are talking about a military tribunal, not only against Lukashenko, but also for crimes against humanity. For the first time in the history of independent, but so painful Belarus. The international community has appreciated Lukashenko's contribution to the torture of the Belarusian people and says that such a tribunal should be created. However, it is necessary to understand that everyone will be participants of this tribunal: Lukashenko, security officials, judges, prosecutors, investigators - all those involved in mass repressions in Belarus. — But a tribunal and universal jurisdiction is a long time coming. And what can be done immediately to bring them to justice? Can the inclusion of judges in the sanctions lists be an effective practice? — We believe this to be an effective practice. According to our data, 28 Belarusian judges are on the sanctions lists, and there may be other closed lists as well. But Valentin Sukalo, head of Lukashenka's Supreme Court, complained at a meeting that judges are under unprecedented pressure and it's difficult for them to resist. That 150 judges are on the lists. We do not know why he uses this number, whether he wants to show that everyone is hidden, or whether he has some alternative data. Lukashenko, when handing out awards to judges, says that they have stood up, endured, and that he will continue to support them. This may mean that the system should take steps to support the judiciary. If we analyze Lukashenko's decrees appointing judges and dismissing them, we can conclude that there is a lot of turnover. That those who dealt with the same political cases leave the service, because they understand the pressure there, the prospects before them. Therefore, the information and sanction pressure is doing its job today. If the Belarusians start to unite and bring cases under the universal jurisdiction, the level of this pressure will increase even more. After all, sanctions are only an impossibility to enter the country, while Interpol's international wanted list is an impossibility to leave for any country, and a constant anxiety inside Belarus, because there is no telling when the regime will need to score points in the eyes of its Western partners, and it will decide to extradite such a judge as a goodwill gesture, as a willingness to bargain in case the sanctions are lifted. And such judges can be extradited to Interpol. — And those judges who passed political sentences and are now out of the system? Will they be able to sleep easy, or will they all be held accountable for their judgments? — I wouldn't want to say unequivocally yes or no right now, because the Criminal Code considers the possibility of aggravating and mitigating circumstances. Every day of every official has to be evaluated for compliance with the law by special government agencies, investigators, prosecutors, you have to find out how serious crimes were committed and what circumstances the person was in at that moment, maybe their children were held hostage outside the door with a gun to their head, and what they did to minimize those consequences, like whether they reduced their sentence or improved their conditions. So everything has to be individualized. If a person makes that decision sooner or later to leave the system, they can say that they minimized the damage that they caused by their actions. — Do you have evidence or testimony that Belarusian judges travel to the European Union? — Only from the media we see that the judge who sentenced Sviatlana Tihanouskaya and Pavel Latushka was allegedly in Lithuania. As soon as we received this information, we promptly involved our colleagues, the relevant services in Lithuania and Poland, so to speak, to "talk" with this man, on what grounds he is there, whether he can be here. At the moment, these actions have had no result, but at least in this way we have drawn additional attention of the relevant authorities to the situation, that this could happen again, that this must be closely monitored. Judges can enter EU territory with altered documents, they can have documents for another person. That is, when people see, when people recognize someone, they should not be disappointed and just state the fact that they saw such a person. It is better to contact the law enforcement agencies of the country where such a person has been seen and contact the representatives of the democratic forces. Lukashenko personally controls the judges Dainius Žalimas, professor at Vilnius University and former chairman of the Constitutional Court of Lithuania, spoke at the conference «The Role of the Belarusian Judiciary in Political Repression» The policy of Lukashenka's regime is directed against all those who disagree with this policy, against the civil society of Belarus, which stands for fair elections and restoration of the constitutional order. Any dissent with the regime leads to repression. The usurping dictator controls the entire judicial system. Lukashenko appointed and continues to appoint virtually all judges. According to UN estimates, approximately 11 thousand politically motivated criminal cases were initiated in Belarus in 2020-2022. The widespread repression is obvious. Lukashenko's judges — has everyone forgotten about them? The NAM Social Media Manager Evgeniy Teresani spoke at the conference «The Role of the Belarusian Judiciary in the Implementation of Political Repression» In the situation of terrible repressions, in which all Belarusians find themselves, the focus is on the most visible representatives of the repressive system: the so-called police officers and prison officials. Insufficient attention is paid to the role of judges of Lukashenko's regime. It is the judges who condemn people to what will happen to them in the next years. Their decisions lead to the fact that people are kept in prisons in inhumane conditions, they are tortured and even killed - we remember the murder of Vitold Ashurka in May 2021 in penal colony #17 in Shklou. The NAM team has been implementing a project for the past few months that seeks to draw attention to the judges of the Lukashenko regime who pass politically motivated, illegal sentences on Belarusians. Those judges who take part in repressions against the Belarusian people are especially responsible for the crimes they have committed, as they are professional lawyers who cannot but understand what exactly they are doing, what rights of the Belarusans they are violating and what crimes they are committing. The following materials were used in this article: radiounet.fm and racyja.com.