Pavel Latushka, Deputy Head of the United Transitional Cabinet’s representative for the transit of power, appointed two deputies, Artsiom Praskalovich and Yury Hubarevich Artsiom Praskalovich will be responsible for legal matters in the prosecution of representatives of the Lukashenko regime under international law. Prior to that, he worked in public service for 14 years — at Partizanski District Court in Minsk, the Ministry of Justice, and the Presidential Administration — resigned in protest on 13 August 2020. He has extensive experience in constitutional and law enforcement legislation. For the past two years, he has worked in the National Anti-Crisis Management and is responsible for legal matters. Yury Hubarevich will deal with the training of the personnel reserve for the new Belarus. In the first half of the 2000s Yury Hubarevich was deputy chairman of the Belaaziorsk city council. He is also the chairman of the Movement "For Freedom". In the National Anti-Crisis Management Team, he is responsible for regional development issues. The appointment of experienced professionals to the Belarus United Transitional Cabinet will make it possible to work systematically and institutionally to bring about change in Belarus.

NAM deputy head Vladzimir Astapenka took part in the Prague European summit, held in November 10-11 in the Czech Republic. The summit organizers offered to hold a special discussion on "Belarus in the shadow of Russia: the future and prospects”. In his speech to many experts and analysts, Vladzimir Astapenka spoke about the creation and priorities of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, as well as comprehensive support to Ukraine in its fight against Russian aggression, which is facilitated by the Lukashenko regime. The increasing threat to the sovereignty of Belarus and the need to consolidate the efforts of all international partners to support democratic forces and create optimal conditions for building a sustainable system of regional security and cooperation were also emphasized. During the summit Vladzimir Astapenka gave interviews to the media ("Czech Radio", "Radio Liberty", business newspaper "E15"), which showed interest in resolving the internal political crisis in Belarus and the complicity of the illegitimate regime in a war of aggression against Ukraine. Vladzimir Astapenka expressed confidence in the inevitability of the victory of democracy in Belarus and the continuing relevance of the slogan "Viva Belarus".

At leisure — or rather, carving out a couple of hours of sleep time — I looked through various statements of Western diplomats and politicians regarding Belarus and the war against Ukraine. As a result, I got a pocket dictionary of deep concern. And I want to share with you the most popular phrases from it: "We are (very / deeply / extremely / gravely / seriously / significantly / firmly) concerned" — there can be varying degrees of concern, as you see. If necessary, "We are worried" or "We are (deeply) troubled" can also be used instead of "concerned". You can also stretch the expression of concern over time using the phrases "We remain extremely concerned" or "We continue to be gravely concerned". Instead of concern, you can express regret, for example "We deplore" or "We (deeply) regret"; or condemnation (including the most decisive), for example "We (strongly) condemn" or "We condemn in the strongest possible terms"; or a number of the most popular emotions in the Western diplomatic palette: "We are (very / deeply / extremely) saddened"; "We are (very / deeply / extremely) alarmed"; "We are (very / deeply / extremely) appalled"; "We are (very / deeply / extremely) shocked"; "We are (very / deeply / extremely) horrified". There was also a wonderful quote worthy of becoming an epigraph to this dictionary: As you can see, there are so many levels of concern (which is confirmed by the head of European diplomacy, Josep Borrell), that it can really be expressed endlessly. If there is a desire to play in emotional shades, then you can also express regret, sadness, condemnation, shock and so on. And also — at all available levels. And if there is no desire or time to select the wording, then you can always say that you "remain concerned". But seriously speaking, I’m "deeply concerned" (although "extremely saddened" would probably be best here) with how the language of diplomacy continues to discredit itself. How more and more new levels of "concern" continue to be generated — in response to all the threats and challenges that dictators, terrorists and war criminals continue to put before us, who have long given a damn about anyone’s concerns. And how do these threats become a reality as Western concerns shift from one level to another. But it is precisely the length of the path from words to deeds that distinguishes tyrants and aggressors from Western politicians. It is much shorter for the first ones. So isn’t it time to think about how to shorten this path for the second ones? How to stop being "second" on this path, in principle? I think it’s worth starting with honest answers to direct questions: How many levels of concern should Western diplomacy (bureaucracy?) go through before moving on to real action? Is it possible to skip all these levels and immediately move from words to deeds? Isn’t it time to reconsider the very concept of concern and write a new dictionary — a dictionary of political will and practical actions, not diplomatic aphorisms? And the last question: at what "level" is Belarus today in this skillful game of words? Belarus, occupied by Russia and usurped by its puppet Lukashenko. Belarus, which has turned into a military aggressor as defined by the relevant resolution of the UN General Assembly. I propose to discuss this together. And as a former diplomat, I would be especially grateful for the ideas of alternative wording for creating a new dictionary of diplomacy — a dictionary of real deeds, instead of a dictionary of routine statements.

Whether or not Belarus will enter the war against Ukraine as part of a ground operation — is a question on the lips of foreign journalists, political scientists, politicians and diplomats. Why do we think that this issue may become secondary in the near future? Because the military threat of the Lukashenko regime is now turning into a nuclear threat. According to incoming information, the Lukashenko regime, together with Russia, has carried out preparatory measures to receive tactical nuclear weapons and deploy them on the territory of Belarus. If this plan is implemented and the regime receives Russian nuclear weapons — regardless of who will have control over the "button" - the issue of Belarus' participation in the ground operation will no longer be the key to the development of the West’s strategy towards the regime. Which, by the way, did not exist, and still does not exist — despite the active participation of the Lukashenko regime in the war against Ukraine from the very first day. Despite another increase of the Russian military presence in Belarus, the creation of new combat training centers and the actual phased implementation of the plan to create joint armed forces of Russia and Belarus. Who will command them, by the way, is also unclear — but it is not difficult to guess. If nuclear weapons appear on the territory of Belarus, the entire region will enter a new reality — a reality where, right on the borders with the European Union, a second North Korea has grown up before everyone’s eyes with a totalitarian and completely pro-Russian, puppet regime. North Korea with a mentally unstable dictator at the head, possessing nuclear weapons and threatening all its neighbors with their use. Even if control over the button will be in the hands of Russia. So what are the three questions Western countries should ask themselves in these circumstances? What three questions are important to answer in order to develop a strategy for Lukashenko — when any delay already threatens the entire region? The first question: what measures should be taken in the very short term to prevent the appearance of nuclear weapons in Belarus and how radical should they be? The second question: if the West is not ready to consider any radical measures in the near future, are our Western neighbors ready for the transition to a new reality of life on a powder nuclear keg? The third question: if Russian nuclear weapons are used from the territory of Belarus, then which country will be hit back? There is already one North Korea in the world. Before our eyes, the second one is about to appear, but now in the center of Europe. And we know very well that there is no bottom in this North Korea 2.0. The only question is whether there is a bottom to the "deep concern" of the West about this. And whether there is a political will to push off from this bottom and start acting decisively. As a politician and representative of the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus, on a daily basis I work with our partners, convincing them of the importance of pre-emptive — not catching-up actions. Today, right now, Lukashenko must receive a clear signal, a preventive ultimatum with a list of all the consequences of the appearance of nuclear weapons in Belarus for him personally. The strategy cannot always look back at what has already happened. Otherwise, it is not a strategy, but a reaction. But so far, this is exactly what is happening with the strategy of the West towards the Lukashenko regime. When nuclear weapons appear in Belarus, when Belarus turns into a second North Korea under Russian control, it will be too late to react.

NAM lawyer Artem Proskalovich in an interview to Malanka Media "What is happening in the UN Council these days is just another "recognition of the merits" of Lukashenko's regime, but at a global level. As a result of the discussion, we expect a resolution condemning the actions of Minsk, which we will study carefully and expect to use as a new important argument in negotiations with partners. The Lukashenko regime as a whole and its individual agencies in particular should be recognized as terrorist. Law enforcement agencies of Western countries, with which we are negotiating criminal proceedings against representatives of the regime, keep waiting for some "additional information" confirming the criminal nature of their actions. The Ryanair case is just one example. By comparison, the available evidence base and the presence of their own citizens on board was enough for the U.S. judicial authorities to bring criminal cases, threatening boarding with terms of up to 10 years. We expect more determination and initiative from all other partners. Failure to respond to Europe's largest crackdown in decades leads to a sense of impunity for the Lukashists, which has already made possible an act of air piracy in violation of all aviation security laws, the use of illegal migrants as hybrid weapons, and, ultimately, complicity in a war of aggression against Ukraine. We hope that this Security Council resolution will give European investigators and politicians the answer to the question, "What is Lukashenko dangerous to the democratic community?”

United Transitional Cabinet Representative For Foreign Affairs Valery Kavaleuski and Representative For National Revival Alina Koushyk held a working meeting in Kyiv with MPs Oleksiy Goncharenko, Vadym Halaichuk and Bohdan Yaremenko, who head the Interfaction Association For Democratic Belarus within the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. At the meeting they: discussed their positions on the involvement of the Lukashenka regime in the war against Ukraine; defined coordinated actions in the political field; outlined directions for cooperation in national revival; agreed to expand contacts between the civil societies of democratic Belarus and Ukraine; decided to develop bilateral relations and maintain working communication to achieve common goals, i.e. to defend the independence and sovereignty of Belarus and Ukraine.

We, Belarusians, have been hearing the West repeating these words for more than two years, but still do not understand what they mean. We do not understand how long is this "necessary"? How long will it take? Because it really takes too long for the West to comprehend that the Lukashenko regime understands only the language of real force. And as long as it takes — it takes too many ruined & taken lives of Belarusians & Ukranians, too many horrible crimes and too many irreparable tragedies. It doesn’t take long to say that the Lukashenko regime is illegitimate, illegal or criminal. Or all at once. It doesn’t take long to express a "concern", "deep concern" or "extremely deep concern". Or all at once. And it doesn’t take long to say that the West stands with Belarusian people. But it really takes too long for the West to stand up and act swiftly and decisively. It really takes way too long to comprehend it WAS and still IS necessary to use a real force against Lukashenko — to force him to stop the repressions in Belarus, to stop his violence, to stop his participation in the war against Ukraine. That it was and is necessary to introduce not phased and delayed sanctions, but shock and paralyzing Lukashenko’s entire system. That it was and is necessary to publicly initiate criminal cases against Lukashenko and his accomplices. That it was and is necessary to stop all diplomatic relations with him, to expel his representatives from all international organizations. That it was and is necessary to recognize the Lukashenko regime as a terrorist one. That it was and is necessary to recognize Belarus as a temporarily occupied country and recognize Lukashenko’s terrorist regime as a puppet and Russian-controlled. So is it really necessary to take so long to do all of these things? Or maybe all it takes is a strong political will to do them? I’d say that having such a strong political will is extremely necessary. And that it’s the only thing that is extremely necessary to express regarding the Lukashenko regime instead of all kinds of concerns. Because standing with Belarusians — as well as standing with Ukranians — while the Lukashenko regime stands behind their backs, equals standing with hostages, while terrorists keep them at gunpoint. Without knowing how long it will take until they’ll start shooting again. You’ve stood with us long enough. But it’s time to act now.

You can never be concerned enough to stop the war against Ukraine. To stop mass repressions in Belarus. To stop a dictator We have such an expression in Belarus: "there is no bottom". Belarusians use it when something happens in our country that was unthinkable yesterday. When the next actions of Lukashenko break through the next bottom and once again prove that there is simply no limit to the cruelty, insanity and cynicism of his regime. Now hear me: there is no bottom in Belarus. There is nothing that Lukashenko would not be ready and capable to do to remain in power. And no matter how deep your concern is, it will never find and reach this bottom. If it takes killing, torturing, raping and crippling Belarusians in order to remain in power, he will continue to do so. If it seems necessary to bring more than 60,000 people through arrests and prisons — he will not stop there. If, in order to maintain himself in power with the support of the Kremlin, Lukashenko had to let Russian troops into Belarus, in fact, transfer control of territory and infrastructure to them so that they invade Ukraine on February 24 — he did it. If for this Belarus has to be a launch pad for Russian missiles, a runway for Russian fire jets and kamikaze drones for more than 8 months already — he will not mind. If it is necessary to introduce a joint Russian-Belarusian group of troops, to allow Russian occupation or even annexation of Belarus — he will do it. In fact, he is doing it right now. And if it is necessary to place Russian nuclear weapons in Belarus — he will only be happy about that. In fact, he has been dreaming about it since the very first day of his reign. Today, the dual-purpose "Iskander-M" missile systems are already located on the territory of Belarus, and the modernization of SU-25M jets capable of carrying nuclear charges is underway. And this means that Lukashenko is becoming a threat not only for Ukraine, but for the whole region. In fact, he already poses a military threat, but that threat could become nuclear. So does it sound concerning to you today? Tomorrow it will be just a new reality. Because there’s no bottom in Belarus, remember? The question is — what are you going to do about it? I know, there is a belief that the problem with Lukashenko will be solved by itself after the problem with Putin is resolved. And that Putin looks like a much bigger problem to be concerned about. Ok, but still the question remains — what are you going to do about it? It is impossible not to see the obvious. The failure to resolve the problem with Lukashenko in 2020 led to the fact that in 2022 Putin was able to use him to occupy Belarus and invade Ukraine. Without Lukashenko there might be no war at all. So is Lukashenko really a minor issue that can be put aside for now? Or is he a part of the global problem, which arose precisely because this part caused more expressions of concern than actual actions? Am I being too critical? Let’s see. Sanctions were adopted in stages, with delays, with exceptions, with loopholes. Diplomatic relations with Lukashenko were not completely broken. No criminal cases were initiated against him and his accomplices, although the mechanism of universal jurisdiction allowed this. Should I continue? The moment when it was necessary to act quickly and decisively, when the protests had not yet been crushed, when powerful external pressure on the regime could help pressure on it from within — this moment was missed. So after a year of the deepest concerns about mass repressions in Belarus, Lukashenko felt confident enough to hijack a civilian plane. And right after that — to arrange a large-scale migration crisis on the border with the European Union. After two years — he became a military aggressor along with Putin. And now history is repeating itself. The problem with Lukashenko is not solved again and fades into the background. Yes, the sanctions against him have finally become tougher. Sanctions, in principle, became really tough only with the start of the war. But the Lukashenko regime in them is more like "a second carriage". And they are still not identical to the sanctions against Russia. As for the issue of creating an international tribunal for the Lukashenko regime’s crimes against humanity — it is in limbo for now. At the same moment the terror in Belarus continues (and it never stopped), Russian military echelons arrive, threatening Ukraine with a new invasion from Belarusian bridgehead, and the threat of deploying nuclear weapons in our country is also not an illusory one. And I want to ask: maybe — just maybe — this time the right moment should not be missed? Maybe it’s time to impose the same sanctions against the Lukashenko regime as against Russia — or even harsher? Maybe the moment has come to put the dictator before a personal ultimatum, instead of deep concern? Maybe now is the very moment when part of the global problem — the Lukashenko regime — can become its solution? Maybe it’s time to increase the pressure on Lukashenko — Russia’s main ally — so that he could not withstand it and was forced to quit the game? Maybe by depriving Putin of his ally and Belarusian foothold, we can help Ukraine win much faster? But in order to do this, a real political will is needed, not an expression of concern. I also know there is a belief that the problem with Lukashenko should be solved by Belarusians themselves, and not by anyone else. And that Belarusians can and will rebel, if Lukashenko gives his army the order to enter the war against Ukraine. But what are the chances of such an uprising among the civilian population to succeed, if external assistance won’t be provided in time again? Not because the Belarusians have no will. Not because the Belarusians suddenly changed and the majority now began to support Lukashenko and are in favor of a war against Ukraine. No, they are not. But because we run the risk of repeating the situation of 2020, when the protesting Belarusians had to be helped not with words of deep concern, but with powerful external pressure on Lukashenko — and when this moment was missed. But since then, two years of repressions have passed — unprecedented in their scale and cruelty, when thousands of political prisoners ended up in prisons, all civil organizations and independent media were destroyed. And this cannot be ignored. Also, we should not have illusions about the Belarusian army. Most likely, it will follow Lukashenko’s order and cross the Belarusian-Ukrainian border. Yes, most likely there will be sabotage attempts. And most likely, having crossed the border, some of the Belarusian soldiers will try to surrender and not fight. But betting only on this is a big mistake. Because we are dealing with a totalitarian system. And the regime in Belarus has undoubtedly turned from an authoritarian into a totalitarian one. This is a totalitarian dictatorship in the service of the Russian Federation, which has existed for twenty-eight years. Perhaps we, Belarusians, did not fully understand this 2 years ago — but even then it was quite unlikely to win this battle with peaceful protests and all alone. And now, two years later, I would say that external pressure on the regime is crucial for this battle to have a chance. And no, I do not want to shift the responsibility from the Belarusian people to external forces. I do not want to remove responsibility from myself, from the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus. But I want to remind you that the problem with Lukashenko has long outgrown the borders of Belarus. And now it is our common responsibility to solve this problem. We need sanctions that can completely paralyze Lukashenko’s system. We need sanctions against all of his bureaucratic and power apparatus — sanctions based on the principle of belonging to the state apparatus and law enforcement structures. We need publicly opened criminal cases against Lukashenko personally, against his accomplices, against his security forces. An external force is needed. And it exists. And it has all these tools of pressure. But it seems that our Western partners do not yet have enough political will to use their power against the Lukashenko regime for real. As there was no strategy before, there is no strategy now either. Perhaps my expectations seem too high. But at the same time, the desire of our partners to use their capabilities to the maximum seems too low. Before the eyes of the whole world, one European country is about to turn into a new North Korea. And the other is experiencing a real genocide and war, which Europe has not seen since the World War II. And if it doesn’t motivate the civilized world to gather its will into a fist, then what is capable of motivating the world at all? If the whole civilized world is not able to find the will and force in itself to put in place just one presumptuous dictator, then how is this world going to cope with the aggressive empire standing behind him? Lukashenka is precisely that weak point of the global problem, by removing which we can accelerate the collapse of Russia’s imperial ambitions. And this is exactly the example when, instead of prevention, a surgical intervention is needed. So I repeat: the world has all the necessary tools. It remains only to use them. To help Belarus. To help Ukraine. So that the world no longer has to express "concerns", "deep concerns" or "extremely deep concerns" about Lukashenko.

Pavel Latushka on the air of the FREEDOM channel Stage 1. Creation of information and propaganda pressure on the Ukrainian authorities in order to force Ukraine to start negotiations. Stage 2. Concentration of a significant grouping of Russian armed forces with the participation of Belarusian military personnel in order to draw the maximum number of Ukrainian armed forces to the border with Belarus. Stage 3. Creation of a local conflict on the Belarusian-Ukrainian border in order to tie up the MFU on the border with Belarus. Stage 4. Repeated attack on the territory of Ukraine. There are two possible directions of aggression - to Kiev or to Volyn in order to cut off the delivery routes of weapons from the West. Today it is more likely that the first stage is under way, smoothly passing into the second one. An essential element that poses risks and threats not only to Ukraine and Europe is the deployment of nuclear weapons on the territory of Belarus in order to create a "nuclear umbrella" over the grouping of the armed forces of Russia and the Lukashenko regime.

The Belarusian regime is built on lies and complete neglect of the laws, diplomatic ethics, obligations — everything that is the foundation of the peaceful and civilized coexistence of European countries within their borders and with respect for their rights. This was stated by deputy head of the NAM Vladzimir Astapenka at the conference on Lukashenko's complicity in the war against Ukraine. The forum in the European Parliament gathered experts in international relations and security, politicians and journalists. Probably the provision of the Agreement on friendship, good neighborliness and cooperation of 1995 — "to refrain from participating or supporting any actions directed against the other High Contracting Party and not to allow its territory to be used to the detriment of the other High Contracting Party" — is something about rockets flying on the Ukrainian heads and Russian tanks at the Belarusian-Ukrainian frontier crossings. Any support for Moscow — in word, deed, or bread — must be interpreted as a crime of the Lukashenko administration, which has left the inhabitants of the suburbs of Kiev alone with the malnourished punishers from "deep Russia". The looted houses, the mountains of burnt-out cars, and the miles of grave ditches left behind are just one episode of an international tribunal against the dictatorship of Lukashism. A tribunal that has not yet been convened. Yet the clumsy efforts of the "official Minsk" to outsmart the whole world by denying repression and its misanthropic essence, trying to justify air piracy or absolving itself of responsibility for the corpses of migrants at the borders will fail. We encourage the international community to support the initiative of Ukrainian parliamentarians to recognize Belarus as temporarily occupied territory and deprive the Lukashenko regime of international legal personality. We emphasize: the task of the United Transitional Cabinet is genuine representation of Belarusians, protection of the sovereignty of our country and national interests of our people.

Pavel Latushka gave an interview on the air of BBC radio and answered important questions for the British audience about the war in Ukraine and the role of Lukashenko's regime in it. — Lukashenko has decided to mobilize 20,000 Belarusians for the war. The mobilization will take place covertly, so as not to cause a surge of indignation among the Belarusians (even supporters of the dictator are still against participation in the war). Presumably, mobilization will affect mostly poor regions and those bordering Ukraine. Lukashenko is not thrilled with this necessity, but has to demonstrate loyalty to the Kremlin. — The dictator does not feel an ounce of responsibility for his actions. An international tribunal for his crimes against the Ukrainian and Belarusian peoples is necessary. There is no doubt about it. — It is important that the United Transitional Cabinet of Belarus be recognized, just as the Polish government in exile during the Second World War. Belarus must be recognized as a country occupied by Russia. — The actions of Belarus and Russia in the scenario of the coming escalation are likely to include three main stages: Stage 1: Demonstrating a threat to Ukraine. Consolidation of a grouping of the Belarusian Armed Forces with the Russian contingent in the country (about 9,000 people). Officially, for joint exercises. Stage 2: Provocations on the border with Ukraine and, possibly, with Poland and Lithuania. Information campaign of state propaganda with the general line "NATO is preparing for war. Ukraine, Poland and Lithuania are about to attack and occupy Belarus". Stage 3: Final annexation of Belarus by Russia. In Putin's world picture of countries "that really shouldn't have been”, Ukraine was supposed to be "lunch”, but Russia "breaks" its "teeth" about it. "We'll deal with Ukraine later, why not start with the 'dessert' - Belarus - for now?", Putin may be thinking. Lukashenko is the sponsor of this dinner and will end up being the "appetizer" himself. The independence of Belarus is melting before his eyes. The blood of 15 volunteers, defending Ukraine at the cost of their lives, but dreaming of a free Belarus. Shot in the knees of "partisans", who tried to stop trains carrying Russian military personnel. Tens of thousands of ruined lives on both sides of Polesye. All this will surely find its "hero" when, following Putin, justice and people's anger will bring the ex-director of the state farm to justice.

Lawyer of NAM Artsiom Praskalovich told about the active work of the organization for the last 5 months in the field of universal jurisdiction. The report was delivered at the specialized conference "Mechanisms of universal jurisdiction in European countries", organized by the National's Anticrisis Management in Warsaw. For incomplete six months the experts of the NAM: — Studied the legal systems of 12 countries in terms of precedents and practice of application of universal jurisdiction mechanisms, including Poland, Lithuania, Estonia, USA, Great Britain and Norway. NAM experts organized 5 round tables and held a large number of official and private meetings with politicians, lawyers and human rights activists in Europe. — In the mentioned countries the NAM experts selected about 200 applications, the most suitable for processing — specific stories, where one can already identify the accused person or the reasons to bring claims against the heads of correctional institutions. As a result of the secondary selection and fifty interviews with victims, lawyers and psychologists, the NAM specialists selected the 5 most promising cases for the initiation of criminal proceedings under the UJ: - Lithuania. The country is loyal to the idea of punishing Lukashenko and his entourage for the crimes committed — they are ready to accept applications from victims, regardless of their location (which is important). At the same time, the general prosecutor's office seems to be poorly acquainted with the position of their government on Belarus, and some human rights defenders and lawyers refuse to work on such cases (personal connections/interests in the country, fears for the safety of relatives, etc.) - Poland. Two major law firms "lead" a number of cases. Among the pluses: there are Polish citizens among the victims in 2020 (the interests of the country are affected). On the downside: there are refusals for non-legal reasons. - "Insurmountable" bureaucratic reasons become the reason for refusals in the Czech Republic as well, despite the activity of the local Belarusian diaspora and the considerable number of applications. Pavel Latushka at a meeting with the Minister of Justice of the country sharply raised the issue of the formal approach to the cases of the victims of Lukashenko's dictatorship. We will make progress in this direction. - Switzerland. A citizen of the country is among the victims in Minsk in 2020. The General Prosecutor's Office is loyal to work with such cases; there is a large human rights organization on the side of the victim. Unfortunately, the application for filing a case under the UJ can not be filed until the end of the year, there may also be problems with the required documents from the "law enforcement system" of Belarus. Still, the Swiss case is among the most promising. If you have suffered violence at the hands of the Lukashenko regime and live in Norway or any other country, contact us via the NAU chat-bot: @nau_by_bot. * The NAM team would like to thank our diaspora Belarusians and partners for their help in organizing meetings and further work.