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"New Belarus on the geopolitical map of the world: good neighborliness and national interests" The conference will take place on February 16, from 13:00—16:00 (Minsk time) in the Zoom-conference format. Register for the broadcast at the link. The conference will consist of 3 panels. Panel 1: "Potential Foreign Policy Priorities of Belarus in the Transition Period". Speakers: Valery Karbalevich, Andrey Vardomatsky, Ryhor Astapenya. Panel 2: "The view of global players: Belarus in the orbit of interests." Speakers: Dmitry Bolkunets, Albinas Yanushka, Alena Kudzko, Evgeny Magda. Panel 3: "Basic principles and procedures for the development of the foreign policy of the New Belarus". Speakers: Vladzimir Astapenka, Valery Kovalevsky, Anatoly Lebedko, Valery Tsepkalo. Online access to the discussion will be open only to registered viewers. See you!

Report of the Belarusian Students' Association This report was prepared by the Belarusian Students' Association in cooperation with the Belarusian Independent Bologna Committee to inform concerned parties on the repressions in the Belarusian academia and is a continuation of the report on violations in the academia during the period of August-December 2020. This document is not intended to be an exhaustive source of evidence of persecution but was created to facilitate understanding of the depth of repressions and the degree of involvement of university administrations in it, as well as for use in raising awareness of violations of the rights of academics in and outside of Belarus in 2021. All materials are collected directly from independent university student associations that are part of the BSA, as well as from openonline sources of information. All statistics are taken from the Honest University database and include the entire period from 2020 to the present. The report also contains recommendations for European actors to work on all the violations mentioned in the document. Full report

What threatened the minister who did not come to Lukashenka’s hockey tournament? Full version of Pavel Latushka interview for the CHESTNOK channel. What was the attitude towards sports within the state management system? How to treat the athletes who signed the pro-government letter? Censorship at the Olympics is the USSR era. Doing sports is the right thing!

With faith in Free Belarus and in the people who create it Vladimir Neklyaev wrote such inspiring words on a copy of his book "Gey ben ginom", which became another gift for the Museum of Free Belarus. At the end of last year, the presentation of the novel was a success in Poland and Lithuania. The edition with the original autograph of the author, whose life and work is devoted to serving independent and sovereign Belarus, has become a valuable asset of the museum’s collection of printed publications. Vladimir Neklyaeu also joined those who signed an open letter to UNESCO with a request to draw the attention of the international organization to the repressions and harsh pressure of the Lukashenka regime on Belarusian culture and its figures. The National Anti-Crisis Management expresses gratitude to the respected Vladimir Prokopovich, and also thanks all Belarusians who donate museum items and their digital copies as a gift to the Museum of Free Belarus. Your information submitted via the @NAUsupport chatbot will remain anonymous if you wish. Together we will preserve our history.

NAM Lawyer Artsiom Praskalovich about the consequences of martial law After the dictator’s statement that the Belarusian army would enter into conflict with Ukraine on the side of Russia, no one had any illusions that the war that propagandists are constantly talking about, one way or another the Belarusians will be drawn in. But today I want to talk not about assessing theories and probabilities, but what will happen to us if martial law is introduced from a legal and organizational point of view. After all, the dictator constantly talks about war, but does not care at all about what will follow the procedure for introducing martial law. In general, nothing new. Snow falls just as unexpectedly for utility workers every winter, and the government does not prepare the country for the COVID epidemic even two years after it began. That's why we tell you what Belarusians need to know about martial law. The grounds for introducing martial law on the territory of the Republic of Belarus are a military threat or attack. And this is not only direct armed aggression. The increased activity of foreign military personnel along the perimeter of the borders of Belarus is enough for a decision to be made about the existence of a reason to introduce martial law. A decree is issued on the introduction of martial law. It specifies the grounds and time of commencement of martial law. By and large, one not very wonderful morning you can wake up in a country in which a number of restrictions on civil and economic rights have already been introduced. And it is in these restrictions that the benefit for the regime lies from introducing martial law on the basis of some minor local conflict or even simply because of fears and suspicions that it may arise . And today there are plenty of such reasons. During the period of martial law they can: impose a curfew and censorship; limit or prohibit movement both across the border of Belarus and within its territory and even a separate locality; block or completely disable any type of communication; limit or stop banking operations; change working hours; relocate the population and confiscate property; suspend benefit payments; revoke licenses and permits; expropriate entire production premises and businesses. You will be required to comply with all requirements of military authorities. In total, the Martial Law contains more than 40 points of what you can limit, and this list is not closed. Martial law is canceled if the grounds for its introduction no longer exist. Thus, all life in the country for an indefinite period can be absolutely legally transferred to military rails. You will have virtually no guaranteed rights left, except the right to life itself. Which, in the context of a possible armed conflict and mobilization of the population, also seems very doubtful. We don’t want to scare you with the specter of war. We remind you that Lukashenko is using all possible tools to make your life as difficult as possible in order to prolong his stay in power. How to deal with this? In all legal and safe ways for you. For example, make your ballot invalid during the upcoming so-called “referendum”. Having thus said that you are against the regime, against the groundless introduction of martial law and against any other lawlessness in Belarus. But first of all, say - you are against war! How can we resist the prospect of martial law?

We present the text version of the online discussion “Foreign Policy of New Belarus. From a transition period to sustainable democracy" about the geopolitical choice for Belarus Former employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Belarus took part in the fourth online discussion: Vladzimir Astapenka, Pavel Latushka, Valery Tsepkalo, Valery Kavaleuski, Pavel Slyunkin, as well as a special guest from our Lithuanian partners of 'Educatio' - ex-Secretary of State of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Lithuania Albinas Januska Main topics of the fourth discussion: The optimal structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and its role among the actors shaping foreign policy Foreign policy of Belarus in the transition period Relations with the EU Relations with Russia Vladzimir Astapenka: In 1944, the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs was created in the BSSR, then transformed into the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This was done during the creation of the UN - there was an idea that all 15 republics would be part of it, but in the end the BSSR and the Ukrainian SSR were invited to be the founders of the UN. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs appeared in the structure of the republican governing bodies - in Soviet times, 90 percent of the work of its apparatus was devoted to the work of international organizations - mainly the UN and its specialized agencies. Belarusian diplomats dealt with multilateral issues and were practically not involved in bilateral relations. And when Belarus became independent in 1991, the problem of specialists who would deal with bilateral relations objectively arose. It is clear that the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs gravitated towards international organizations, gave them priority, people sought to do what they knew and understood. This necessary balance there is no established connection between multilateral diplomacy and bilateral relations. Against this background, there was and continues to be a hunger in the departments of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with country specialists who know the specifics of the regions. The new Ministry must solve this problem. Previous attempts did not bring this situation to an ideal state. There is no foreign policy anymore. All efforts of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to build a multi-vector system failed. This is due to the position of one person whom we call the illegitimate president Pavel Latushka: The main problem of why we have come to this state of Belarus’s foreign policy is the creation of a presidential republic in the ugliest form, when everything is subordinated to the will and whims of one person. When there is no parliamentary control, such problems arise. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has always been known as an opposition ministry; the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is potentially a source of personnel for the opposition, although in fact this was not the case. We understand that the entire state apparatus lived on the principle of conciliation. Somewhere inside we harbored hope that the regime was being re-educated. But it was self-deception. We must admit this. Valery Tsepkalo: The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, like any government body, is an instrument for implementing state policy. The structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs will always be built taking into account the priorities of the country’s internal political course. If today there is no opportunity to conduct a dialogue with the West, then departments will be opened in various city and regional centers of the Russian Federation, that is, where they talk to you. In general, the role of the diplomatic service in the age of information technology is becoming completely different. If we remember, for example, the 19th century, then ambassadors in the capitals were the people who made really serious decisions, because it was not possible to quickly consult with the emperor or king. Even in the USSR, the role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was very large: it was the embassies that accumulated information and were channels for searching for potential trade and economic partners and communicating their position. Nowadays, a huge number of alternative sources of information have emerged, so no diplomat, no matter what he says, will be able to have a monopoly on convincing partners of the real policy priorities of his country. The role of the diplomatic service in economic matters and providing information about the host country will obviously decline. What is the role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs among other actors? Pavel Latushka: It is necessary to emphasize that the image of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the external arena is completely torn apart due to the policies of the leader. It justifies human rights violations, etc. Makei was practically left alone at the station. The image of the current leadership of Belarus cannot be restored. Under a presidential republic, the role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is minimized (humiliated / belittled), since it is highly dependent on the Presidential Administration. In a parliamentary republic, the role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is very high. In the current coordinate system, the Minister is not capable of becoming a leading figure in foreign policy. Valery Kavaleuski: The role of parliament will be very important, and the foreign minister should be a frequent guest in parliament so that foreign policy is more understandable and transparent. One of the systemic problems in the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is the lack of a position of political director of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This is the person who sets the tone for foreign policy. There has never been such a position in the Belarusian Foreign Ministry. But at the same time, in personnel matters of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, there have been successful personnel decisions throughout its history; the personnel composition is quite good, but it needs to be strengthened to interact with the external and internal environment. This is support for specialists in their promotion in international organizations, and this is very important for strengthening human resources. Valery Tsepkalo: The leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be in the government - these are positions that are received by politicians from among the winning parties, they report accordingly to their voters. The Minister of Foreign Affairs in the coordinate system of a parliamentary republic is one of the five most influential persons in the state. Foreign policy of Belarus in the transition period Pavel Slyunkin: It is important to understand that we do not quite know what society wants, since in democratic systems the wishes of society are taken into account through democratic processes - elections, before elections there are usually discussions, parliamentary discussions about what people really want, but it doesn’t exist inside Belarus right now. This is important to accept. What we see now as the results of social surveys may differ significantly from the conclusions drawn after establishing a real dialogue in society, when all citizens will be able to speak openly. I would note that previously there was a discussion about the geopolitical choice of Belarus. Since 2006, opposition candidates have formulated their agenda for the European choice, in 2010 it was approximately the same, but with more accurate formulations; candidates appeared who spoke about a neutral choice for Belarus in the style of Eastern European Switzerland. In 2020, all candidates did not voice clear pro-European priorities. This suggests that social dynamics follow the decisions of the authorities that they make on the external track, the deepening of the Russian vector. Unfortunately, if the current state of affairs drags on, we will have to discuss not the geopolitical choice - Belarus with Europe or Belarus with Russia, but the need to preserve Belarus as a sovereign state. The trends are such that the state does not pay attention to the wishes of the people. They do not ask whether we want to see nuclear weapons on the territory of Belarus, whether we want to enter into alliance agreements with Moscow, whether we want to join the EU. However, this affects the format of our discussions. As long as there is no opportunity to convey one’s point of view to society, the content of the discussion will degrade. Valery Tsepkalo: In a totalitarian society there is not and cannot be normal sociology, and all polls are nothing more than a political order. People will not express their real thoughts to someone unknown. Foreign policy priorities will appear when there is a normal competitive field, when various political forces advocate for certain vectors of development. Then we will understand the mood of the Belarusians. Vladzimir Astapenka: The Belarusian people will have to determine foreign policy priorities, but in this context it is important to discuss the third option - the neutrality of Belarus. This thesis was hard-won and enshrined in the Declaration of Independence of Belarus, then it was transferred to the text of the 1994 Constitution. Today we can completely lose this thesis, since it simply disappeared from the latest draft of the regime, as if it had never existed. No public discussion, no weighing of pros and cons. The potential for neutrality based on the example of Austria, Sweden, Finland and Switzerland may be of interest to Belarus at least at a certain stage of historical development, and I would not take this option off the scale. Pavel Latushka: We must clearly position ourselves: independence is a value that is not discussed. All public opinion polls have a huge degree of error, but at the same time they show certain trends. We must do everything to counter the threat to independence. Only external factors can affect our sovereignty. I could describe three possible scenarios for the actions of the eastern neighbor for the so-called. transit period. First scenario. Putin removes Lukashenko, the Belarusian people applaud the Kremlin and elect a new conditional democratic president. In gratitude, it is hardly possible to imagine an anti-Russian approach from citizens. Society will be more likely to be grateful. This is a hypothetical scenario, but today this is the last carriage for Russia. To realize this scenario, the Kremlin needs to jump into it. Second scenario. Russia continues to impose a dictator on us and forcefully imposes domination and the Union State. This is unacceptable for Belarusian society and undermines its trust. This is a strategic mistake by the Kremlin. The design is short-lived and has a short-term perspective. The third scenario, the most positive - if Russia became a country of attraction, investing money in their country, developing it, then Belarusians themselves would want to be closer to Russia. All neighbors would strive for normal relations with the Russian Federation. In the short term, we see that a cover operation is taking place before our eyes - when, under the theme of Ukraine, a quiet incorporation of Belarus can occur. If the Belarusian people become a subject, then they must decide what our geopolitical choice will be. But in general, our choice is to have normal relations with both the East and the West. This would be in the interests of Belarus. If Russia continues this policy, then pro-Western tendencies will intensify. Albinas Yanushko: If the presence of foreign military forces remains in Belarus, then even without Lukashenko there will be no democratic choice in the country. A frozen situation may be created where the people will have no choice. If Belarus is “forgotten,” this could lead to serious geopolitical consequences in our region. In the New Belarus in the parliament, some forces will be pro-Russian, some will be neutral, and some will be pro-European. But now in Belarus there are no clear-cut political forces that will clearly state that we want to join the EU. At the same time, pro-Europeanism does not mean anti-Russianism. The example of Lithuania showed this before the occupation of part of Ukraine. Regarding the term “neutrality”, you probably shouldn’t use it. You need to decide - East or West. The EU is not a geopolitical project - it is more of a market, it is a softer power. The EU will not impose a geopolitical choice, so without a clear pro-European movement it is difficult to expect much attention on its part. Valery Kavaleuski: Belarus needs to develop relations not only with the West and East, but also with the North and South. Develop bilateral relations in order to avoid imbalance in external relations with Russia. But the choice must be made based on the opinion of the people, the choice is responsible and informed. We are guided by the mandate that Svetlana Tikhanovskaya received in the elections. Relations with the EU and the Eastern Partnership are a broad platform that can be developed. At the initial stage, this will be an effective tool. Dependence on Russia and how to build relations with Russia: Pavel Latushka: Is the Kremlin ready for any dialogue regarding the future of Belarus? I have pessimistic assessments: the Kremlin made a strategic decision for itself that Belarus should not exist as an independent state. If the Kremlin does not think so, then let it show it through appropriate actions. Then he should support Belarusian society, not the usurper. In general, my formula for diplomacy is that you must always seek compromises, but in the interests of your country and your people. And today we face the threat of losing independence. This needs to be understood. Albinas Yanushko: When we talked about choosing a third way, we saw examples of Lithuania and the former Soviet republics. 30 years of convulsions without a choice - and what is the result? Everything is in trouble. And if Belarus has not made up its mind and does not see prospects in a pro-European direction, then it will not be able to escape from the situation that has developed in the Union State. But not dreaming means not achieving anything. Results: Pavel Latushka: In order to be a subject of foreign policy as a state, it is necessary to return subjectivity to the Belarusian people. Vladzimir Astapenka: All thoughts regarding the foreign policy of Belarus should be built on the basic principle of respect for the sovereignty and independence of our country. Valery Kavaleuski: Our external palette will be based on the concerns of the sovereignty and interests of Belarus. We need good minds so that the people can tell their true views. Belarusians are for shmatvektarnasts, we are committed to such magchymasts, we don’t give a damn about ourselves. The foreign country of New Belarus has issued patents, we have a range of specialized materials, for which you can create magic materials for the benefit of Belarus. ATTENTION The final conference of the platform will take place on February 16 #Expert Wednesday “New Belarus on the geopolitical map of the world” : good neighborliness and national interests. Participants in the discussion will be both experts who took part in past discussions and new participants, as well as politicians, analysts and foreign guests. Online access to the discussion will be open only to registered viewers. We will post a link to the registration form in the next publication.

The NAM press secretary and foreign policy adviser Artem Brukhan: "The position of Switzerland does not stand up to criticism" — The lawsuit filed by lawyer Tomasz Wilinski against Lukashenka at the International Court of Justice in The Hague on the fact of torture and murder of peaceful protesters is a precedent. — The package of documents, which already now amounts to more than 40,000 pages, will be replenished, and the prosecutor can initiate a criminal case at any time, which creates pressure on the regime and increases its toxicity. — Despite the fact that Belarus has not signed the Rome Statute, all the materials of the case will sooner or later be used to bring the perpetrators to justice. — In democratic countries, nothing is decided at the snap of a finger, and legal procedures take time. In addition, this is a matter of political pressure and the interest of Western partners. — The NAM received an official response from the State Secretary of the Swiss Foreign Ministry regarding the planned presentation of credentials: the position of Switzerland does not stand up to criticism.

— The territory of Belarus could be used for aggression against Ukraine. — The evacuation of diplomats from Kiev is a bad sign, although it could be a simple overreaction. — Russian diplomats make knowingly impossible demands to provoke their opponents. — The outcome of negotiations between Russia and the West. None of the parties is interested in an endless escalation of the conflict, its consequences have already been felt by Russia and by the Belarusians too. — Are Russian troops in Belarus an occupation? Belarus has been turning into a dysfunctional state over the past year and a half. Inability to control the borders, non-compliance with international law, lack of legitimacy — objectively, the regime is losing the levers of governing the country. — The West consolidated itself as a result of the conflict with Russia, but the conflict itself rather hinders the collective search for a solution to the Belarusian crisis. — Lukashenka keeps talking about the war in order to shift attention away from the situation inside the country. The so-called "referendum" was not scheduled for the end of February by chance: most of the world’s media agenda is now occupied by military exercises, but not by the problems and consequences of the "referendum". — In 2022, the regime will do everything possible not to open polling stations abroad and, if they do open, to reduce the turnout to a minimum. — Vladzimir Astapenka pointed out even before the statement of the Belarusian Foreign Ministry.

Mikhail Kirilyuk on the details of the NAM’s own study of the ICAO report broadcast on Belsat "Officials guilty of an act of international terrorism and aviation piracy risk being arrested when leaving Belarus" The civilized world thinks critically, demands evidence and arguments, and is already asking many questions about the history that the dictatorship is trying to "sell". Our team also has big questions about the "Protasevich / Ryanair case". We share our thoughts and conclusions in the wake of the report of the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) dated January 17, analyzing real facts. The position of the NAM remains unchanged: a crime that was committed with an obvious political purpose, in a socially dangerous way, as a result of a conspiracy of officials and representatives of the regime, can and should be qualified as an act of international terrorism and/or air piracy. Our team will do everything possible to ensure that all those involved in crimes against Belarusian society will be punished.

Three questions from Pavel Latushka to the head of the Swiss Foreign Ministry in connection with the appointment of a new ambassador to Belarus and the situation with political prisoner Natalia Hershe On December 30, Swiss political prisoner Natalya Hershe went on a hunger strike in Mogilev prison. On January 31, we learned that Switzerland is sending a new ambassador to Belarus, Christine Honegger-Zolotukhin, who will present her credentials to Lukashenka. In this regard, we have three important questions for Swiss Foreign Minister Ignazio Cassis: 1) Was any progress made in protecting Natalia Hershe by the previous ambassador, Claude Altermatt? And what steps does the Swiss Foreign Ministry plan to take in this direction with the appointment of a new ambassador? 2) Do you realize that your citizen is being held hostage by Lukashenka, who is torturing her for the sole purpose of blackmailing her to gain her own recognition in the international arena, having received her credentials from the ambassador of a European country? Do you understand that these certificates will be presented not to the head of state, but to a terrorist? 3) Do you know the position of Natalia Hershe herself — does your citizen support the presentation of credentials to the terrorist Lukashenka, towards whom she expressed her attitude clearly and clearly? A little over a month ago, Switzerland supported EU sanctions against the Lukashenka regime. Now the state is ready to recognize this regime, actually turning a blind eye to its lawlessness and succumbing to its blackmail. Tell me, Mr. Cassis, by closing one eye now, how long will you keep the other open? And how will you look into the eyes of Natalia Hershe and all Belarusians after that?

Lawyer Tomasz Wilinski, with the support of the NAM, filed a complaint against Lukashenka and his accomplices to the International Criminal Court in The Hague At the end of December, Warsaw lawyer Tomasz Wilinski filed a statement with the National Prosecutor’s Office of Poland on suspicion of genocide and crimes against humanity committed by citizen Alexander Lukashenko and his accomplices. As planned, a Polish lawyer, with the support of human rights organizations and the National Anti-Crisis Management, is filing a similar application with the International Criminal Court in The Hague. The application contains 160 pages of legal reasoning and 40,000 pages of documents in an appendix. The application was submitted on behalf of a large number of citizens of Belarus, including Pavel Latushka. In a statement, Vilinski’s law firm calls on the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in The Hague to open an investigation. The suspects in the statement are citizen Alexander Lukashenka, Ivan Tertel, Nikolai Karpenkov and other representatives of various Belarusian law enforcement agencies controlled by the dictator. Head of the NAM Pavel Latushka noted: “This is an important statement, which, together with other tools, should push the leadership of various countries to more active legal actions: to submit applications to the International Court of Justice on behalf of governments, to put suspects on the wanted list under universal jurisdiction, and others. Even before the verdict is passed, the International Criminal Court, after analyzing the submitted materials, has the right to issue an arrest warrant and put the regime’s representatives on the Interpol wanted list.” The National Anti-Crisis Management thanks Tomasz Wilinski for his contribution to the struggle of Belarusians for freedom and democracy in Belarus.

The NAM team continues intensive meetings with foreign diplomats to present their position in connection with the actions of the Lukashenka regime to destabilize the situation in the region and the non-recognition of the so-called "referendum" on the Constitution of Belarus. The NAM head Pavel Latushka and the NAM foreign policy adviser Artem Brukhan met with Czech Ambassador Jakub Duerr. The representative of the Czech Republic was given the proposals of the democratic forces of Belarus on actions against the Lukashenka regime with a request to inform the new government of the Czech Republic. The ambassador, in turn, said that the new government of the Czech Republic would not shift its focus on the issue of supporting the Belarusian people. Special attention during the meeting was paid to the sanctions package against the Lukashenka regime in order to exclude exemptions from the EU sanctions and coordinate them with the sanctions of the United States and Great Britain, as well as other countries.